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                <text>Petrarch.</text>
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                <text>Audio recording of a lecture delivered on September 12, 1997, by Sven Birkerts as part of the Formal Lecture Series. </text>
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                <text>Audio recording of a lecture given by Jill Leovy on November 18, 2022 as part of the Dean's Lecture &amp; Concert Series.  The Dean's Office has provided this description of the event: "The Iliad supplies a detailed and recognizable description of what the Italian mafia scholar Maurizio Catino has dubbed “horizontal” governance -- that is, lateral rule by peers rather than top-down rule by a centralized authority. The same style of order is found the world over -- in feud societies, bandit cultures, and the various small-scale and “stateless” societies studied by anthropologists. It’s also the surprisingly uniform ordering principle of street gangs, criminal groups and paramilitaries in contemporary urban societies. What can we learn about horizontal orders by reading Homer? To what extent can his descriptions shed light on this seminal form of social organization, also known as the protection racket? By the same token, how can an understanding of urban street violence illuminate The Iliad?"</text>
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                    <text>HOW OPERA BEGAN (AND WHY IT BEGAN IN FLORENCE)
Note: Numbers in red refer to the accompanying powerpoint slides; the symbol [+] indicates an
addition to the preceding slide.
[ 1] My goal today is to acquaint you with the circumstances leading to the advent of opera and to
discuss the culture and events that surrounded its origins in Florence around the year 1600. But, in
addition to summarizing HOW opera began (a subject which has already been very well documented
in print), I should also like to explore a question that is less often asked - [2] that is, WHY opera
began. And more specifically, [+] Why did it begin in Florence? and [+] Why did it begin when it
did, at the end of the Renaissance?
[3] The Florentine composer Marco da Gagliano (maestro di cappella to the Medici court
from 1609 until his death in 1643) provides a useful and accurate outline of "how." [+] In the preface
to his opera La Dafne, performed and printed in 1608, he relates the circumstances ofthe genre' s
experimental beginnings.' La Dafoe was Gagliano' s own first effort in the new genre, examples of
which he called, simply, spettacoli. (The word opera, which means "work" in Italian, only came into
use later.) [4] His Dafne was a reworking and expansion of an earlier Dafoe, from the previous
decade-the first completely sung musical play. Gagliano relates how that first Dafne came about.
He says that, after a great deal of discussion took place concerning the way the ancients had
performed their tragedies and about what role music had played in them, the court poet Ottavio
Rinuccini began to write the story ([avo/a) of Dafoe, [+] and the learned amateur Jacopo Corsi
composed some airs on part of it. In order to see what effect a completely sung work would have on
the stage, [+] Rinuccini and Corsi approached the skilled composer and singer Jacopo Peri, who
finished writing the music and probably premiered the role of Apollo at the first performance.
Gagliano tells us that it took place at "an evening entertainment" during the Carnival season of

1

�1597/8. In the invited audience on that occasion were Don Giovanni de' Medici and (he says) "some
of the principal gentlemen" of Florence?
[5] Let me quickly fill in the events between 1598 and 1608. Encouraged by the success of
the experiments that resulted in La Dafne, [6] in 1600 Rinuccini and Peri collaborate on a second
production, which is first performed during the festivities honoring the maniage of Maria de' Medici
to Henry IV ofFrance? [+] Rinuccini ' s libretto for this work, L 'Euridice, is printed first, probably as
a souvenir of the occasion, and it tells the story of Orpheus and Eurydice. [+] In his preface (dated 4
October), Rinuccini explains that the work was partly motivated by the belief of some scholars that
the ancient Greeks and Romans sang their tragedies on stage in their entirety. We understand from
this (and other things he and Peri say) that they are interested more in the manner of performance of
the new genre- its rhetorical delivery- than in reproducing the content of the ancient plays. We also
recognize that their ambition is no less than the revival on stage of the ancient manner of
declamation. Now another singer-composer also has a hand in composing L 'Euridice for the
wedding celebrations-namely Giulio Caccini, the protege of Count Giovanni dei Bardi; and he has
already been promoting a new rhetorical singing style since the meetings of Bardi's Camerata in the
1580s, decades earlier. The rivalry between Caccini and Peri becomes so intense that, [+] at the first
performance of L 'Euridice (October 6), Caccini does not allow his pupils to perform any music
composed by Peri. The result is that Peri, in the role of Orfeo, sings music that he wrote while his
bride, Euridice, sings Caccini's music! (Not a very good start to a marriage patinership! No wonder
Orfeo couldn't keep his bride!) [7] Meanwhile, around this same time, Emilio de' Cavalieri,
supervisor of the Florentine festivities, [+] publishes his score of the Rappresentazione di Anima e di
Corpo) [+] performed earlier that year in Rome; and by the way, take special note of the generic
title- Rappresentazione- which I' ll come back to) . But despite Cavalieri' s claims of primacy, this

2

�work is usually discounted in nanatives of opera' s origins because, even though it is sung throughout,
its style is far from Peri's declamatory recitar cantando (the Italian expression for what we now call
recitative- a style of singing midway between speech and song) and it has a spiritual subject (a
4

dialogue between the Soul and the Body). Such subjets later became the purview of oratorio. [8] A
few days after L 'Euridice, [+] Caccini' s opera Il rapimento di Cefalo is premiered (set to a libretto by
another prominent com1 poet, Gabriella Chiabrera). This work is, by all accounts, the blockbuster
event of the weeklong festivities, but its grandness is not well suited to Caccini's intimate style of
solo singing, so it is not favored with publication and is now lost except for the libretto. [9] Not to be
outdone, however, [+] Caccini quickly finishes his setting of L 'Euridice and rushes it into print a
month before [+] Peri's score gets published early in 1601. 5 [10] But Caccini' s completed version
doesn't premiere [+] until late in the following year (1602), after his collection of solo songs, [+] Le

Nuove musiche, puts him on the map as a composer.
Then, Rinuccini goes to France in the entourage of Maria de' Medici, Cavalieri stays in
Rome, and Peri and Caccini remain in Florence, which soon takes a back seat in operatic
developments. But their personal rivalries, fueled by the printers who quickly published their works,
and the public competition among p1inces to garner attention with their patronage, are some of the
factors that fostered the endurance of the first completely sung musical tales and their spread to other
urban centers- Mantua, Rome, Venice, and elsewhere, both inside and outside the Italian peninsula.
[11] Within the decade, the masterful madrigal composer Claudio Monteverdi (156?-1643) [+] makes
his debut in the field with Lafavola d'Orfeo (1607), in Mantua, the first opera to achieve a place in
the modern repertory. [1 2] The following year, Rinuccini, by this time back from France, collaborates
with Monteverdi to create [+] L 'Arianna-now lost except for the Lament, which was destined to
become the most famous piece of music of the seventeenth century. L 'Arianna completely eclipses

3

�L 'Orfeo; judging by all the descriptions of its performance, it is the work that brings the development

of opera to its first great peak after only one brief decade, and makes all previous efforts look pale by
comparison. [An aside: I don't know how many of you saw NY Times critic Anthony Tommasini's
list of his top ten classical composers published in the Times earlier this year, but Monteverdi didn't
make it onto the list; no composer before Bach did. In an effmi to placate some outraged readers,
though, Tommasini conceded Monteverdi' s greatness, saying "Though Monteverdi did not invent
opera, he took one look at what was going on in Florence in 1600 and figured out how this opera
thing should really be done."] [13] Let's now hear the opening section of Monteverdi ' s Lament of
Arianna, the only surviving piece from the opera. Listen especially to the way Monteverdi allows the
phrases of text to dictate the contours and rhythms of the melody-expanding the range of the second
phrase for emphasis; and in the next phrase, how he makes the melody rise Gust as in speech) to
express Arianna 's rhetorical question (Who can console me); and on the return ofthe opening words,
how Monteverdi rubs our noses in what was for its time a very strong dissonance between voice and
bass to express the rawness of Arianna' s emotion. [Play] The Lament continues for another 7 or 8
minutes, during which Arianna conveys a gamut of emotions ranging from anger and scorn at
Theseus ' s betrayal to tenderness and resignation.
[ 14] So now, having seen that Florence was the birthplace of opera, let' s ask why. [1 5] Why
Florence? [+] First of all, Florence had a long tradition of musical theater in the sixteenth century,
principally in the productions known as intermedi that were staged between the acts of spoken plays.
Intermedi were only one of many types of theatrical entertainment produced by courts all over
Europe. [+] But the Medici outdid all the rest in 1589 by staging the most magnificent and
extravagant spectacle ever seen in order to celebrate the marriage of Grand Duke Ferdinanda of
Tuscany to the French Princess Christine of Lonaine, a union that had been in negotiation for nearly

4

�a year. The intermedi that were produced for this event climaxed a monthlong sequence of public
and courtly pageantry that combined all the intellectual, artistic, and administrative forces of Tuscany
at the height of its wealth, power, and cultural prestige. One court chronicler wrote, "Their splendor
cannot be described, and anyone who did not see [the production] could not believe it."
[ 16] Next, unlike other cities, Medicean Florence also had a particularly rich history of
[+] "civic humanism" 6-which means that its more educated citizens were involved in a network of
formal and informal academies that were engaged in studying the Greek and Latin texts of the
ancients. [1 7] Bardi' s so-called Florentine Camerata, where Caccini was groomed, was only one of
many such groups. Bardi was also a member of the Alterati, to which Rinuccini and Corsi belonged,
and Corsi probably also had his own circle, the group that ultimately produced the first Dafne . We
can think of them as satellite courts, surrounding and drawing inspiration from the brlliant Medici
rulers. And their members all interacted in the planning and production of the 15 89 intermedi, which
was largely Bardi' s brainchild but which required everyone else to contribute their efforts as well.
[18] Finally, as Gary Tomlinson and others have suggested, [+] Florence was the center of a
particular Renai ssance worldview that saw music as having a "magical" role in the cosmos and in
mankind 's interaction with it. 7 This particular worldview was rooted in Platonic thought, which held
that the individual was connected to the entire universe through harmony. [+] Therefore, it followed
that the best way to express this connection was by giving voice to song. So, in the court culture of
Florence during the late fifteenth century and throughout the sixteenth, singing-and especially solo
singing- took on very special significance.
Before moving on, I want to look more closely at each of these three elements- intermedi,
humanism, and musical magic- in order to see how they came together at the end ofthe sixteenth
century and resulted in Florence becoming the birthplace of opera.

5

�[19] The Florentine intermedi were lavishly produced pageants involving sumptuous
costumes, special effects, instrumental music, dance, and song. They were produced as entr' actes to
comedies or pastoral plays at court and served to separate the divisions of the spoken drama, since
there was no curtain to be dropped. The 1589 intermedi were planned and rehearsed months in
advance, and their cost and impact dwarfed that of the main drama [Bargagli 's play La Pellegrina] ,
so that absolutely no doubt remained in the minds of the invited guests about their host's wealth,
. an d power. 8
generosity,

[20] A huge team of artists, artisans, poets, musicians, architects, and technicians was
assembled under the intellectual guidance of the prominent Florentine aristocrat and military leader
[+] Giovanni de ' Bardi (1 53 4-1612), who formulated the underlying conception of the inte1medi,
9

served as stage director, and coordinated all the thematic and antiquarian aspects of the project. As
the moving spirit behind the program, Bardi worked closely with the court poets, [+] principally
Ottavio Rinuccini ( 1562- 162 1), who wrote most of the text of the intermedi and later wrote the verse
for the first opera libretto, La Dafne. 10 [+] Emilio de ' Cavalieri (c.1550-1602), the recently appointed
superintendent of music at the ducal court who had been in F erdinando ' s retinue while he was still a
cardinal residing in Rome, became the show's musical director. [+] The court architect-engineer
Bernardo Buontalenti (c.1531-1608), who had constmcted for the Medici the first permanent indoor
theater with a modem proscenium arch only a few years earlier, remodeled it for the occasion, and
designed the sets and costumes. 11 [ +] The music was largely composed by court organist Cristofano
Malvezzi and madrigalist Luca Marenzio, with individual contributions by the young composersinger Jacopo Peri (1561 -1633), by Bardi' s protege Giulio Caccini (15 5 1- 1618), and by Bardi
himself, among others.

6

�[21] Bardi conceived the set of six intermedi as "a sort of mythological history ofmusic,"

12

very suitable for a wedding celebration because it depicts the descent of Harmony as a gift from the
gods and predicts a new Golden Age to be inaugurated by the newlyweds. Moreover, the individual
tableaux are loosely unified by the literary theme of the power of music, a topic of longstanding
interest to the Florentines, as we shall see. The opening intetmedio contemplated the harmony of the
spheres. The next, by representing a song contest between the Muses and their rivals the Pierides,
dwelt on the virtues and virtuosity of song. [22] The third enacted the combat between Apollo and
the Pythic serpent, prefiguring the opening scene from Rinuccini ' s and Peri ' s first opera, La Dajne.
So it actually introduced the first operatic hero, [23] Apollo-god of music and of the sun, and,
according to some accounts, father of the legendary musician Orpheus, who became in tum the
protagonist of several early opera libretti. (That' s Apo llo swooping down to attack the dragon.)
[24] The fifth intetmedio gave a prominent role to Jacopo Peri, who composed and performed his
first piece for solo voice to portray another poet-musician of antiquity, Arion; according to myth,
Arion was saved from drowning by a dolphin attracted by the dazzling power of his song. [25] In the
concluding intetmedio, harmony and rhythm are given to mere motials, represented by the nymphs
and shepherds of Arcadia, who are instructed by the gods in the mi of dancing during an elaborately
choreographed ballo.
[26] The 1589 intermedi had many of the same players and almost all the ingredients of
opera-gorgeous costumes and scenery, [27] stage effects (for example, the life-size fire-spitting
dragon slain by Apollo), 13enthralling solo singing, colorful instrumental music, large concerted
numbers, dance-everything except a unified action and the rhetorical style of dramatic singing yet to
be created. It remained for a few pioneering individuals to shape these elements into opera, a new

7

�and quite "noble style ofperfmmance" 14 that, by emulating ancient theater, would revive the power
of modem music to move the emotions.
[28] Now let' s turn our attention to the second of the three elements that contributed to
making Florence the birthplace of opera: [+] HUMANISM. In its narrowest sense, humanism was
an interest in the culture and texts of antiquity on the part ofthe city' s more educated or elite
citizens- those who joined the network of academies I mentioned earlier. As we' ve seen, the first
opera librettist, Rinuccini, maintained that his joint experiments with Corsi and Peri were motivated
by the belief of some scholars that the ancient Greeks and Romans sang their tragedies on the stage in
their entirety. 15 In fact, Renaissance scholars disagreed among themselves about the role of music in
ancient tragedy, but what matters in our narration is that Rinuccini and his associates gave credence
to the idea.
[29] A modem scholar of musical humanism (Gary Tomlinson) has called attention to three
different but related types of humanism. There was philological humanism, which fostered the
transmission, translation and interpretation of ancient texts. [+] The person who comes to mind in
this regard is Girolamo Mei, the very erudite philologist who transmitted his ideas about language
and ancient music to Bardi and became a sort of mentor to the Florentine Camerata. [+] Then there
was rhetorical humanism, modeled on the principles of persuasive oratory, which Renaissance men of
letters adapted to their own debates and writings. [+] An example of this type of humanist might be
Vincenzo Galilei, who wrote his treatise for the Camerata (Dialogo della musica antica e della

moderna, 1581) in the conventional Renaissance fmm of a dialogue-a conversation between two
friends (one of whom is named after Count Bardi) debating the merits of ancient and modem music .
(More about this in a moment.) [+] And finally, there was what Tomlinson calls " ordinary-language
humanism," - a view that underlay "the whole late-Renaissance exaltation of music 's affective

8

�powers"; 16 and, in one way or another, this view accounts for the great importance that all of
Renaissance musical culture placed on expressing the meaning of the text. Ordinary-language
humanism credited language itself- the very sound and shape of the words rather than the eloquence
with which they were arranged-with the ability to communicate meaning and emotion. Now, it
must have been possible to subscribe to all three types of humanism, and no doubt someone like Mei
did. [+] But it seems to me likely that the court poet Rinuccini, and his collaborators Corsi and Peri,
who did not know Greek or Latin and were not trained as scholars, nevertheless adopted this
ordinary-language humanism as their type of Greek revivalism, and one that motivated them to create
the first opera.
Where did these ideas come from? [30] Rinuccini belonged to the Alterati Academy- its
very name (Academy of the Altered Ones) acknowledged the ability of ideas to effect change in
human beings. The Alterati membership included the widely read and accomplished Count Bardi,
already a member of long standing by the time Rinuccini was initiated in 1586, three years before
they collaborated on the elaborate wedding intermedi. Another member was the remarkable scholar
Girolamo Mei (1519-94), who was Florentine by birth, but worked in Rome and made known the
results ofhis research into Greek music in his letters to Bardi and the other academy members. A
brilliant philologist, Mei promoted theories about language that were in fact as central to the genesis
of the new dramatic style of singing as his convictions about Greek music were essential to the
origins of opera; for Mei believed not only that poems and plays were always sung in ancient times,
whether by soloists or chorus, but also that they were sung monophonically- using one melody at a
time, without competing lines-so that the words as sounding structures could act on the listeners'
souls. And finally, the Alterati also counted among its members another Florentine nobleman,
Jacopo Corsi (1561-1602), 17 the enthusiastic amateur who partially composed, and fully sponsored,

9

�the production of the first completely sung play, La Dafne, in 1597/8. 18 [+] So it is with good reason
that the Alterati of Florence have been called by one modem scholar (Claude Palisca) "pioneers in
the theory of dramatic music." 19
[3 1] Now, Count Bardi also had his own circle of friends with similar humanist and musical
interests, a more informal academy that met in his palace and came to be known as the (Florentine)
Camerata. 20 As the coruiier chiefly responsible for organizing entertainments for the Grand Duke,
Bardi naturally became interested in theatrical or dramatic music and eagerly cultivated his
relationship with Mei.21 [32] These two, then, were key players in both the Alterati Academy and the
Camerata, and it is obvious that both groups shared a concern with musical humanism. Bardi 's inner
circle also included the singer-lutenist-composer Giulio Caccini (whom he involved in the 1589
intermedi) as well as Vincenzo Galilei (ca. 1530-9 1), another talented singer-lutenist-composer in his
employ. Galilei, father of the revolutionary thinker and astronomer Galilee, had studied with the
most famous counterpoint teacher of the age, Gioseffe Zarlino, and had already published a text on
how to arrange polyphonic music for so lo voice and lute til Fronimo, 1568), a medium that became
increasingly popular during the last quarter of the century.

22

Under the influence ofBardi and Mei,

[33] Galilei wrote his Dialago della musica antia e della moderna, 1581 ,23 which soon became the
Camerata' s radical manifesto, for it ruiiculated the principles of ordinary-language humanism in the
most radical way imaginable for a sixteenth-century musician: do away with vocal counterpoint
altogether and revert to a type of nonpolyphonic composition combining words, melody, and simp le
accompaniment (which we now call monody).
Galilei reasoned that only monody was capable of imitating nature- that is, the "natural
language" of speech, through which a person's character and states of soul are reflected. Mei, his
mentor, taught that ancient music had always presented a single affection embodied in a single

10

�melody.24 He believed that melody alone could convey the message of the text through the natural
expressiveness of the voice-via the register, rhythms, and contours of its utterance-and it could do
this far better than the contrived delivery of a polyphonic texture? 5 Like Mei , Galilei was convinced
that counterpoint was ineffective because it presented contradictory infmmation to the ear. When
several voices simultaneously sang different melodies and words-pitting high pitches against low,
slow rhythms against fast, rising intervals against descending ones- the resulting web of sotmds was
incapable of projecting the semantic meaning or emotional message of the text. Only by returning to
an art truly founded on the imitation of human nature rather than on contrapuntal artifice would it be
possible for modem composers to realize the acclaimed effects of ancient music.
Plato had taught that song (melos) was comprised of words, rhythm, and pitch, in that order.
From that concept followed two important humanist ideas. First, music and poetry were two sides of
a single language; second, song arose from an innate harmony within the words that was muted in
normal speech but manifest in heightened speech. [34] For this reason, Galilei advocated the art of
rhetoric as a model for modem musicians, urging them to imitate the manner in which successful
actors delivered their lines on stage:
Kindly observe in what manner the actors speak, in what range, high or low, how loudly or
softly, how rapidly or slowly they enunciate their words ... how one speaks when infuriated
or excited; how a married woman speaks, how a girl, how a lover ... how one speaks when
lamenting, when crying out, when afraid, and when exulting with joy?6

For Galilei, it is clear that "how one speaks" (or declaims) the words reveals their underlying
emotion. For the composers of monody and theatrical song, by extension, it then became a question
of" how one sings" the words to disclose their innate significance? 7
(35] In order to see the important role that singing had in Florentine culture, I want to return
to the third element in my discussion of why Florence was the bitthplace of opera: [36] Musical

11

�Magic. More than a century before the first experiments in opera, [+] Angelo Poliziano had
dramatized the myth of Orpheus for the Florentine cultural elite. His Orfeo (1480), the earliest
secular play in Italian, received numerous editions during the sixteenth century and became, in effect,
a Medici literary classic, popularizing through the Orpheus legend the marvels of ancient music and
musicians. 28 [+] The musicianpar excellence of antiquity, Orpheus had been able to tame the beasts
of nature and charm the infernal gods into allowing him to lead Eurydice out of the Underworld-all
by means of the power of his spellbinding incantation. [37] Poliziano himself was a member ofthe
Neoplatonic circle (+] sunounding Lorenzo de' Medici (known as the "Magnificent" because ofhis
brilliance and erudition). The main intellectual figure in his informal academy was [+] another
erudite Florentine, Marsilio Ficino (1433-1499), a humanist well versed in Platonic thought. As early
as 1489, Ficino postulated a "music-spirit" theory which explained the peculiar power of music by
the fact that sound, unlike other sensual stimuli, is canied by air and is therefore similar to spiritus,
the substance that mediated between body and sou1. 29 Ficino also believed that the human voice,
through music, provided the link between the earthly world and the cosmos.
Because Platonic thought held that the individual was connected to the entire universe through
harmony, it followed that the artful singer could express psychological and moral reality through his
voice and could use his rhetorical powers to make that reality present to others. 30 By employing
certain patterns of conespondence between micro- and macrocosm, between the motions of the
human soul and the hidden harmony of the cosmos, the singer could manipulate the listener's
responses- a notion very much in keeping with the Aristotelian concept of imitation or mimesis.
The composer-singer, then, in the guise of the legendary Orpheus, became the expressive agent of
that artistic power. And Florentine Neoplatonism, in the artistic manifestation ofPoliziano' s Orfeo-

12

�a spoken drama with interpolated song3 1-helped to stimulate a century-long fascination with the
expressive powers of music.
So, in the court culture of Florence during the late fifteenth century and throughout the
sixteenth, singing-and especially solo singing- took on very special significance and it is easy to
understand how Mei, Bardi, Caccini, Peri, and Rinuccini, being products of a culture steeped in
Neoplatonic musical thought, were heirs to these Renaissance ideas about the magical effects of song.
Mei shared some of Ficino ' s "music-spirit" theories, particularly those which held hearing to be
superior to the other senses in its ability to act on the soul ' s passions. 32 As we have seen, Bardi' s
program for the 1589 intermedi revolved around the power of song while his protege, Caccini,
revitalized the Renaissance ideal of incantatory solo singing for the Camerata in his madrigals for
solo voice he later collected and published as Le nuove musiche (1602). 33 ln creating the first opera
libretto, Rinuccini, under the weight of Florentine and Medicean tradition, [+] looked back to
Poliziano 's fable of Orfeo. Not only was Orpheus a fitting protagonist for a completely sung music
drama aiming to demonstrate the power of song, but also, as Tomlinson points out, the fable ' s
outcome and that of the other earliest tales of opera [quote] "vindicated the occult harmony of the
cosmos . . . : [38] in the answer to Daphne' s just prayers by her magical transformation [into a laurel
tree] , [39] in the alleviation of Ariadne' s woes by the miraculous descent of Bacchus, [40] and in the
transformative power of song in . .. [the] Orpheus librettos." 34 Like Ovid' s tales of metamorphoses
from which they were drawn, these early opera were fabrications or fables (favole) and, by focusing
on timeless myths involving love and loss, they sought to dramatize, externalize, or represent human
sentiment. And what better way was there of realizing the transformative power of song and Orfeo' s
vocal magic than through musical speech? This was at the heart of the notion of the representational
style (stile rappresentativo). Peri' s invention of the dramatic and rhetorical style of singing known as

13

�recitative, then, was rooted in the conviction that musical speech was capable of transmitting an
inner, emotional reality and could therefore represent human affections on stage.
The communication of affections on stage in opera by singing and acting bodies can only be
experienced in the presence of both actors and listeners; and it can only be explained in the context of
the location and the actual moment of the performance- the rappresentazione. The defining nature
ofthe location or space makes the listener a component part of the musical process. In this way,
early opera depended on both the sense of sight and hearing as no other musical art form (except the
intetmedi and court ballets) had done before. In fact, only a few years before the 1589 Florentine
intermedi, [41] the court architect-engineer Bemardo Buontalenti had constructed for the Medici the
first petmanent indoor theater with a modem proscenium arch. This is significant because the
proscenium arch not only frames a view into the illusionary depths ofthe representation, but also
allows the performance taking place to be directly addressed to the viewer. And this is precisely what
painting had been striving to do since the advent of perspective in the Renaissance. All of which
finally brings me to the last of my concerns: [42] why opera began when it did- f+] around the year
1600, at the end of the Renaissance. The short answer (but one that r will elaborate upon in the
remaining time) is this: it was the consummation of an idea that reigned supreme during the
Renaissance- namely, that the sister arts of painting, music, and poetry all had the ability, through
imitation, to portray some sort of psychological and moral reality; what's more, they all had the
power-even the obligation-through rhetorical means to make that reality present to others. This
view had long been held about the verbal arts, but the rivalry between poetry and painting during the
sixteenth century, deriving from Horace's famo us simile ut pictura poesis (as painting is, so is
poetry), led painting to acquire the status of a liberal art, one that deserved equally serious
consideration as that given to poetry. [43] Roger de Piles (1635-1709), one of the most influential art

14

�theorists of the next century, was unequivocal in this matter: "One must think of painting as a kind of
stage on which each figure plays its role." He also tells us that the "principal end" of the painter is
"to imitate the mores and actions of men. "

35

And we have seen that humanism demanded no less

from composers and musicians.
A moment ago, I remarked that the communication of affections on stage, in opera, by singing
and acting bodies, can only be experienced in the presence ofboth actors and listeners or viewers,
and now I want to concentrate on the viewers. For, if the aim of the sister arts was to communicate
the affections or passions-to imitate or represent affections in order to stimulate passions in the
viewer-then the audience was clearly an important part of the process. It seems to me that painting
offers a very instructive example of how all the arts, but especially opera at the beginning of the I i

11

century, defined themselves by the effect they had on the spectators.
[ 44] In a book about The Origins of the City of Florence and Its Famous Citizens (De origine

civitatis Florentiae et eiusdem famosis civibus, 1381 -2), the Florentine humanist and chronicler
Filippo Villani describes the many-faceted accomplishments of Florentine culture. His main theme
was that this culture had declined in his own age (late 14th century), and that Florentines needed to be
reminded of the greatness of such earlier citizens as Dante and Giotto and others of their generation.
But Villani also included an entire chapter on painters and what I find noteworthy is that his remarks
about Giotto make clear his belief that painting should aspire to the condition of theater:

[+] Images formed by [Giotto 's] brush agree so well with the lineaments of nature as to seem
to the beholder to live and breathe; and his pictures appear to perform actions and movements so
exactly as to seem from a little way off actually speaking, weeping, rejoicing, and doing other things,
not without pleasure from him who beholds and praises the talent and skill of the a11ist.

[45] Villani could have been talking about this painting from the series by Giotto in the Arena chapel.

15

�Two generations later, in Florence, Leon Battista Alberti wrote a famous treatise on painting
(Dellapittura, 1435-6), which reveals that his conception ofthe art grows directly out ofrhetorical

humanism. [46]He bases his theory of pictorial composition-the way in which a painting can be
organized so that each plane surface and each object plays its pmi in the effect of the whole--on the
model of rhetorical compositio, or the way that a sentence is built up from a hierarchy of elements.

Words are fitted together to make phrases, phrases to make clauses, and clauses to make sentences. In
pictorial composition [use pointer], the pmis of the nanative are bodies, the parts of the body are
members, and the members are made up of plane surfaces. Compositio, according to Alberti, is that
method of painting which composes or puts all these interdependent elements together in the work of
mi. And again, his way of speaking of the work suggests a theatrical performance: [47] "In my
view," he says, " there is no painted nanative so filled with so great a variety of events that nine or ten
persons will not be capable of acting them out quite fittingly." 36 Alberti hirnselfrefers his readers
back to Giotto 's work, but the mid-fifteenth-century painter perhaps most influenced by Alberti [48]
was Andrea Mantegna, who produced the finest visual models of Alberti ' s ideas about composition.
One of them is this engraving of the Entombment. The maximum ten figures are evident. Their
planes or gatherings of drapery are formed into members- their various limbs or body parts; the
members are hmmonized to create bodies or whole figures ; and the ten different bodies are
intenelated to form the nanative.
Now, it was also the Florentine school of painting that worked out the principles of linear
perspective, and their fust theorist was again Alberti. [49] Here ' s a medieval Last Supper, a
manuscript illustration from about the year 1200. Its two-dimensional style of spatial representation
makes the picture face the viewer like a flat wall, generally excluding us from what appears as a selfcontained, closed world. [50] With central perspective, however, the relation to the viewer changes.

16

�In Leonardo 's Last Supper, painted in the last decade of the fifteenth century, the figure of Christ is
placed in the center of the composition, which is at the same time its vanishing point. The frontally
oriented table and back wall support the majesty and stability of the principal figure, whereas "the
side walls and ceiling swing outward, as though in a gesture ofrevelation." 37 [51] A modem diagram
of the painting's perspective makes it clear that the principal structural lines are a system of beams
coming from a focus within the picture space and breaking through the frontal plane as they move
forward, opening the picture like a flower toward the viewer. This explicit acknowledgment of the
viewer is the visual expression of the fact that the world represented in the picture is being sighted.
In other words, the image presents a world seen from the viewpoint of an individual observer, and
therefore changes the pictorial conception of space in a way that invites a new level of awareness on
the part of the spectator.
[52] The Renaissance architect Palladia detennined that the vanishing point should be placed
in the center in order to give any picture maesta and grandezza, and indeed the symmetry of
Leonardo' s painting lends a certain gravitas to its style and subject. But as the stylistic outlook
changes in the later sixteenth century, so does painting's relation to the viewer.
Perhaps the painter most emblematic of the style changes that took place in the early
seventeenth century was Michelangelo Merisi da Caravaggio (1571 -1610). [56] Among his very
early works, Boy Bitten by a Lizard dates from approximately the same years as Peri' s and Caccini's
first operas, La Dafne and L 'Euridice. Scholars explain the picture mainly as a study of extreme
expression, and essentially realistic in its intent. Indeed, the painting should more appropriately be
called Boy Being Bitten by a Lizard because [57] it depicts the very instant when the lizard emerges
from the fruit on the table to bite his finger and, at the same time, demonstrates the artist's skill in
representing (and I use that word very purposefully) the fleeting moment of the boy's reaction, as his

17

�expression registers the surprise and sharp pain ofthe lizard ' s attack. [58] The painting is therefore a
study of both physical action and psychological reaction- as are many Baroque representations that
portray instantaneous and violent action as well as the expression of the emotions resulting from that
action. We need only think of Eurydice' s death by snakebite and Orfeo' s subsequent stunned
reaction to fmd fitting parallels. Just as Caravaggio captured the immediacy of the boy' s reaction,
Peri, Caccini, and (of course) Monteverdi in their footsteps, managed to convey Orfeo's intense
emotion in the expressive recitative which he sings ("Non piango, e non sospiro ") in reaction to
Eurydice's death. Modern commentators have stressed the forcefulness with which Caravaggio's
paintings at all stages of his career thematize or otherwise draw attention to their relation to the
viewer. I suggest that the early operas similarly thematize or draw attention to their relation to the
listener-by representing both action and reaction, making them present to the listener via the new
musico-theatrical device of recitative. It is as though atiists and musicians are exploring the whole
issue of spectatordom in both painting and music at precisely the same historical moment, around the
year 1600.
[59] Another work from this period that calls attention to the depiction of action and reaction
as well as to the issue of spectatordom is Judith Beheading Holo.f§r_nes (ca. 1620) by Artemisia
Gentileschi (1593-1653). In the destabilizing flow and counterflow ofthe painting, Judith's
maidservant (in the center) struggles with the victim' s thrusting arms as Judith herself concentrates
on her deadly action; she performs the deed at arm's length as though she were at the same time
reacting by distancing herself in disgust from her victim 's gushing blood. [60] Notice how similar
are Judith' s features to Artemisia' s, which we see in the painter' s self-portrait. That allows us to
think of Judith-the-executioner as a stand-in for Artemisia the painter-not only because they look
alike but also because they are both initiating their actions (Judith is slaying Holofernes, Artemisia is

18

�painting her own portrait). [6 1] We also see how Holofemes is looking out at us, as though pleading
with us to intervene as we try to avoid being splattered with his blood. In this way, we viewers are
being drawn into the action as well. What I'm suggesting, therefore, is that the work itself masterfully
evokes both the making and the viewing of the picture, both for the benefit of the spectator. And in
this way, by so forcefully merging their subjects with the viewer's environment, early modem artists
sought to act upon and move the emotions of the spectator.
The key phrase here is "merging the subj ect with the environment," creating the illusion that
the spectator is part of the action or even part of the scenery. [62] The court architect Buontalenti had
already achieved this when he completed in the 1580s and 90s the spectacular grotto for the Medici
princes in the Boboli gardens behind their apaJtments in the Pitti Palace. f63 ] Here, a decade before
opera began, is a bucolic fantasy land, a retreat full of partly sculpted and partly frescoed images
replicating the pastoral grottoes of Tasso 's Aminta or the Pastor jido (the Fait~fitl Shepherd by
Guarini). [64] The spectator enters through the fa9ade, under the Medici coat of arms, and [65] steps
into a mythical world fabricated for the imagination, in which the viewer becomes a faithful shepherd
or a sylvan nymph, surrounded by the companions of Arcadia. [66] He or she is completely
contained within an illusory world. [67] As far as I know, the grotto was never used as a theater;
rather, it was a playground for the courtiers and their guests, who could take refuge from the f68]
garden ' s midday sun and refresh themselves in the grotto' s cool shade.
[68] In his important book From Art to Theatre, George Kernodle states that "modern theatre
grew out of the desire to see and hear with living actors the romantic stories and allegorical fancies
already portrayed by the painters." 38 [69] If we substitute (+] the words early opera and [+] singing

actors, we can understand how the new favola tutta in musica was also an entirely logical outcome of
the whole development of Renaissance rut and music in Florence. In other words, opera was the sonic

19

�realization in three dimensions of the fonns and conventions of its painting, sculpture, poetry, and
song. The Florentine school had worked out the principles of linear perspective in two dimensions;
[70] Renaissance architects like Baldassare Peruzzi (whom Vasari credits with the development of
perspective scenery) reproduced the effects of painting in three dimensions, bringing the settings and
backgrounds of the pictures to life on stage. The resulting illusionistic set designs, when framed by
the new proscenium arch, reproduced a spectacular and complex unified painting through which the
action could be addressed directly to the viewer. An exact relation, unknown before, was established
between audience, actor, and setting which promoted the spectator's sense of being surrounded by or
merging with the theatrical setting, an effect that Buontalenti later realized in the Boboli grotto. And
when the scenery enclosed actors who were presenting the new recitative forged by Florentine
composers and singers-that sui generis style of solo singing that heightened the delivery of speech
but was more naturalistic than song-they realized Galilei's ideal of the actor who delivered his lines
so as to reveal the emotions that lay behind the words, engaging the listener as never before. So, the
integration of the sister arts in this way invested the new art fmm with a rhetorical power that could
not be matched by any ofthem individually.
[71] Since we don' t have any sets that survive from the earliest court operas, I'd like to close
by looking at a much earlier painting sometimes attributed to the young Titian, and dating from the
early 16111 century, but depicting the same subject as that which interested the early opera poets and
composers. Eurydice appears in the foreground, having been stopped in her tracks by the serpent' s
venomous bite. [72] I suggest that the shepherd in the middle ground is Aristaeus, from whom
Eurydice was fleeing in Ovid's original story. Further to the right is perhaps one of Eurydice' s
companions, who is running off to tell Orpheus about his sudden reversal of

20

�fortune. Of course, [73] the bucolic scene presents an entirely different problem in terms of
perspective than an urban setting. Titian tried to create a sense of depth by duplicating a series of
similar forms on successive planes of the picture, one behind the other. So the central cavernous
structure which seems to be inhabited by ghostly heads is repeated further back, where its fiery
opening certainly suggests Hades and behind that one, another furnace-like structure smokes in the
distance. Did Titian imagine that Orpheus would have to go through a series of Underworld
landscapes to retrieve his bride?
Granted, Titian's painting is not a stage set; but if you were trying to reproduce it or any sort
of pastoral setting in the theater, you can see the problems that might present themselves. [74] The
absence of a single strong focal point of the sot1 that court architects could devise for their street
settings, which brought the viewer into the actors' illusory world-the absence of such a focal point
might lead you to rely more urgently on the sense ofhearing than the sense of sight in order to
sunound the viewer. [75] Therefore, the representation of an entirely sung play in an Arcadian
setting (such as La Dafoe or L 'Euridice) may in part have been motivated by the desire to surround
the spectators with a sonic environment-a rappresentazione tutta in musica- that helped to bridge
the gap between reality and the mythical world they were being invited to experience.
In conclusion, I want to leave you with the idea that opera was, from its beginnings in

Florence around the year 1600, a socially shared experience irt which acting and singing-and
particularly singing in the new, recitative style, about love and loss-was the culmination of a certain
rhetorical type of speaking picture that had long been nurtured by the Renaissance imagination. Its
aim was to revive the humanist ideals of incantatory singing so admired by the Florentine
Neoplatonists and the style of theatrical declamation believed to have been so effective in ancient
drama. It brought the spectator into a new relationship with the stage, heightening the immediacy of

21

�its illusions and acting on the emotions through the sense of hearing as well as seeing. With
Monteverdi, it spread to Venice and then throughout the Italian peninsula as well as elsewhere in
Europe and the Americas.
The collaborators of the first operas believed they were creating a geme in which music and
poetry, in order to serve the drama, were fused into an inseparable whole, a language that was in a
class of its own-midway between speaking and singing. Looking ahead, briefly, to the decades and
centuries that followed, an increasing separation between recitative and aria (or between musical
declamation and outright song)-with recitatives becoming more perfunctory and arias more
elaborate-the balance between these elements repeatedly shifted to favor music and singing at the
expense of text and dramatic integrity, only to be brought back into relative equilibrium by various
"reforms." But in the main, opera as it was envisioned at the dawn of the seventeenth century by a
few Florentine noblemen and musicians has endured, uninterrupted, in Western culture for 400 years
and counting.

Barbara Russano Hanning
March 25, 2011

' Marco da Gagliano, preface to La Dafne (Florence, 1608; facs. Bologna, 1970). The translation used
here is based on that of Carol MacClintock, Readings in the History of Music in Performance
(Bloomington and London: Indiana University Press, 1979); see 188.
2

Gagliano, ibid; see MacClintock, 188-89. The full text with an English translation (by Tim Carter)
may be seen in Composing Opera: From "Dajne" to "Ulisse errante," ed. Tim Carter and Zygmunt
Szweykowski (Cracow: Musica Iagellonica, 1994), 46-67.

22

�3

Claude V. Palisca, "The First Performance of Euridice," in the Twenty-fifth Anniversary Festschrifl
(193 7-62) [of Queens College], ed. Albert Mell (New York: Queens College of the City University of
New York, 1964), 1-23; repr. with a new introductory headnote in Palisca, Studies in the History of
Italian Music and Music Theory, 432-51 . Further on Euridice see, inter alia, T. Carter, " Jacopo
Peri 's Euridice (1600): A Contextual Study," The Music Review 43 (1982) 83-103, repr. in Carter,
Music, Patronage, and Printing; Kelley Hamess, "Le tre Euridici: Characterization and Allegory in
the Euridici of Peri and Caccini," Journal ofSevententh-Century Music 911 (2003) http://sscmjscm.press.uiuc.edu/jscm/v9no 1; Bojan Bujic, " Figura poetica molto vaga": Structure and Meaning
in Rinuccini 's Euridice," Early Music History 10 (1991), 29-62; and Gaspare de Caro, Euridice:
Momenti dell ' Umanesimo civile fiorentino.
4

La rappresentazione di anima, et di corpo novamente pasta in musica dal sig. Emilio del Cavalieri
per recitar cantando (Rome, 1600). This judgment of Cavalieri's work was suggested by the
Florentine man of letters Giovanni Battista Doni (1595-164 7), perhaps the first historian of early
opera. Further on Cavalieri see Claude V. Palisca, "Musical Asides in the Diplomatic
Correspondence of Emilio de' Cavalieri," Musical Quarterly 49 (1963), 339-55, repr. in Palisca,
Studies in the History of Italian Music and Music Theory, 389-407. For a defense of Cavalieri' s
contribution to the creation of opera, see Warren Kirkendale, Emilio de' Cavalieri, 'Gentiluomo
Romano ': His Life and Letters, His Role as Superintendent ofAll the Arts at the Medici Court, and
His Musical Compositions (Florence, 2001 ), 185-212.
5

L 'Euridice composta in musica in stile rappresentativo da Giulio Caccini detto Romano (Florence,
1601 ; facs. Bologna, 1968). In the dedication to Bardi, Caccini lays claim to "having been the first to
give to the press like kind of songs, and the style and manner ofthem, .. . composed by me more than
fifteen years ago at various times, since I have never used in my works any other a11 than the
imitation of the sentiments of the words, ..." (referring to his new score as well as to the monodies
yet to be published in Le nuove musiche). The dedication is printed and translated in Carter,
Composing Opera, 35-41 , and trans. in Strunk, Source Readings, 606. Caccini' s complete score,
however, was not performed in its entirety until 1602. (The 1600 performance had been largely of
Peri' s music.)
6

The concept of civic humanism was elaborated in Hans Baron, The Crisis of the Early Italian
Renaissance, 2 vols. (Princeton, 1955; rev. 1966) and Eugenio Garin's Italian Humanism :
Philosophy and Civic Life in the Renaissance, trans. Peter Munz (New York, 1965); see Gary
Tomlinson, "Renaissance Humanism and Music," European Music, 1520-1640, ed. James Haar
(Woodbridge, UK; Rochester, NY: Boydell Press, 2006), 1-19, esp. 9-10. Also see the more recent
study of Florentine civic humanism as it concerns the birth of opera: Gaspare De Caro, Euridice:
Momenti dell 'Umanesimo civile fiorentino (Bologna: Ut Orpheus edizioni, 2006).
7

Gary Tomlinson, " Pastoral and Musical Magic in the Birth of Opera," Opera and the
Enlightenment, eds. Thomas Bauman and Marita McClymonds (New York: Cambridge University
Press, 1995), 7-20. Also see D. P. Walker, Spiritual and Demonic Magic from Ficino to Campanella
(London: The Warburg Institute, University of London, 1958) and Ruth Katz, Divining the Powers of
Music: Aesthetic Theory and the Origins ofOpera (New York: Pendragon Press, 1986), esp. 87ff.

23

�8

James M. Saslow, The Medici Wedding of 1589: Florentine Festival as "Theatrum Mundi" (New
Haven and London: Yale University Press, 1996), 2. For a summary account of the intermedi, see
Alois M. Nagler, Theatre Festivals of the Medici (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1964, 58-69.
The relevant documentation is also illustrated in a recent exhibition catalogue: Maria Adelaide
Bartoli Bacherini, "Per un regale evento ": Spettacoli nuziali e opera in musica alia corte dei Medici
(Florence, 2000). For an edition, see Les Fetes du marriage de Ferdinand de Medic is et de Christine
de Lorraine (Florence, 1589), I: Musique des intermedes de "La Pellegrino," ed. D.P. Walker
(Paris, 1963 ).
9

Further on Giovanni de' Bardi, see Tim Carter, "Per cagione di bene, et giustamente vivere: Some
Thoughts on the Musical Patronage of Giovanni de' Bardi," Neoplatonismo, musica, letteratura nel
Rinascimento: I Bardi di Vernia e l'Accademia della Crusca; atti del Convegno lnternazionale di
Studi, Firenze-Vernio, 25-26 settembre 1998. Edited by Piero Gargiulo, Alessandro Magini and
Stephane Toussaint (Paris: Societe Marsile Ficin, 2000) 137-46; Claude V. Palisca: "The Musical
Humanism of Giovanni Bardi," Poesia e musica nell'estetica del xvi e xvii secolo, ed. H. Meyvalian
(Florence, 1979), 45-72; and Wanen Kirkendale: The Court Musicians in Florence during the
Principate oft he Medici (Florence, 1993).
10

On Ottavio Rinuccini see, inter alia, Barbara Russano Hanning, Of Poetry and Music's Power:
Humanism and the Creation of Opera (Ann Arbor, MI: UMI Research Press, 1980), esp. chap. I (119): "Rinuccini and the Power of Music"; and Hanning: "Glorious Apollo: Poetic and Political
Themes in the First Opera," Renaissance Quarterly 32 (1979), 485-513.
11

Detlef Heikamp, "Il Teatro Mediceo degli Uffizi," Bolle tina del Centro lnternazionale di
architettura Andrea Palladia !6 (1974), 323-32; Nino Pin·otta and Elena Povoledo, Music and
Theatre from Poliziano to Monteverdi (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1982; Italian orig.,
Turin, 1969, rev. 1975), 365-83.
12

The phrase is Richard Taruskin's; see his Oxford History of Western Music, 6 vols. (New York:
Oxford University Press, 2005).
13

The pythic creature is described as greenish-black and covered with sparkling minors. It "was
constructed in separate units of papier-mache modeled over clay forms and assembled on a wooden
framework," and it was operated by a stagehand from inside (Saslow, 231-32).
14

Rinuccini's phrase ("si nobil maniera di recitare"), from the dedication (to Maria de' Medici) of his
libretto L 'Euridice (Florence, 1600); Italian text and translation in Carter, Composing Opera, 16-17.
15

Le musiche di Jacopo Peri sopra L 'Euridice (Florence, 1600 [but 1601, modern style]), facs.
Rome, 1934 and Bologna, 1969; performing edition, ed. Howard Mayer Brown (Madison, WI: A-R
Editions, 1981 ).
16

Tomlinson, "Renaissance Humanism," 18.

17

On Jacopo Corsi see Tim Carter, "Music and Patronage in Late Sixteenth-Century Florence: The
Case ofJacopo Corsi (1561-1602)," iniTatti Studies: Essays in the Renaissance I (1985), 57-104,

24

�repr. in Carter, Music, Patronage and Printing in Late Renaissance Florence (Variorum Collected
Studies Series), (Aldershot and Burlington, VT: Ashgate, 2000).
18

William V. Porter, "Peri and Corsi's Dajne: Some New Discoveries and Observations," Journal of
the American Musicological Society 18 (1965), 170-96.
19

Claude V. Palisca, "The Alterati of Florence, Pioneers in the Theory ofDramatic Music," in
William W. Austin, ed., New Looks at Italian Opera: Essays in Honor of Donald J Grout (Ithaca,
NY: Cornell University Press, 1968), 9-38; repr. in Palisca, Studies in the History of Italian Music
and Music Theory (New York: Oxford University Press, 1994), 408-31.
2

°

Claude V. Palisca, The Florentine Camerata: Documentary Studies and Translations (New Haven:
Yale University Press, 1989); esp.l-11.

21

Mei's correspondence to the Camerata is published in Claude V. Palisca, Girolamo Mei (15191594): Letters on Ancient and Modern Music to Vincenzo Galilei and Giovanni Bardi: A Study with
Annotated Text (Musicological Studies and Documents, American Institute of Musicology, 1960,
2/1977).
22

Claude V. Palisca, "Vincenzo Galilei's Arrangements for Voice and Lute", in Essays in
Musicology in Honor of Dragan Plamenac on His 701h Birthday, eds. Gustav Reese and Robert .T.
Snow (Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1969), 207-32; repr. in Palisca, Studies ... , 36488.

23

Vincenzo Galilei, Dialogo della musica antica e/ della moderna (Florence, 1581 ); repr.
Monuments of Music and Music Literature in Facsimile, second series, no. 20 (New York: Braude
Brothers [1967]); English trans. with introduction and notes, by Claude V. Palisca (New Haven: Yale
University Press, c.2003).
24

Mei had definitively established that the ancient Greek modes were different from the church
modes by being essentially the same arrangement of tones transposed higher or lower on the Greek
gamut; thus, depending on their register, some modes were more relaxed, others more intense, much
like our modern scales. See his "Letter to Vincenzo Galilei, 8 May 1572," in Palisca, The Florentine
Camerata, 66-67.

25

Further on Mei's theories, see Hanning, OfPoetry and Music's Power, 31-41.

26

Translated excerpts from Galilei's Dialogo may be found in Oliver Strunk, ed., Source Readings in
Music History, rev. ed. by Leo Treitler (New York and London, 1998), and in Piero Weiss and
Richard Taruskin, Music in the Western World: A History in Documents (New York: Schirmer,
1984), 166-68. The passage quoted above is taken from the latter, 167-68.
27

Compare the following passage from Bardi's Discourse on Ancient Music and Good Singing
(Sopra Ia musica antica e 'l cantar bene) addressed to Caccini: "Those great philosophers and
connoisseurs of nature understood well that in the low voice is slowness and sonmolence, in the
25

�medium quiet, majesty, and magnificence, and in the high shrillness and lament. Now who does not
know that the drunken and the somnolent usually speak in a low tone and slowly, and that men of
great affairs converse in a medium voice, quiet and magnificent; ... that in the rhythms are the
portraits of anger, mildness, strength, temperance, and of every other moral virtue, as well as of all
those qualities which are their contraries, ... " (quoted and translated in Hanning, Of Poetry and
Music's Power, 37-38). The entire discourse is printed and translated in Palisca, The Florentine
Camerata, 90-131. Further on Caccini' s relations with Bardi, see Claude V. Palisca, "The Camerata
fiorentina: A Reappraisal," Studi musicali I (1972), 203-36.
28

Pirrotta, "Orpheus, Singer of strambotti," in Music and Theatre, 3-36.

29

See D.P Walker, "Ficino's Spiritus and Music," Annates musicologiques I (1953), 131-50. For a
more extensive treatment of these ideas, see Gary Tomlinson, Music in Renaissance Magic: Toward
a Historiography of Others (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1993), esp. I 01-44.

°Ficino wrote: "Remember that song is the most powerful imitator of all things.

3

For it imitates the
intentions and affections of the soul ... "; quoted and trans. by Walker from the third book ofFicina's
De triplici vita in "Ficino's Spritus and Music," 139.
31

On the precise role of music in Poliziano's Oifeo, see Pirrotta, "Orpheus," 19-36.

32

Hanning, Of Poetry and Music's Power, 27.

33

Giulio Caccini, Le nuove musiche (Florence, 1601 [1602, modern style]), facs. Rome, 1934; critical
and performing edition, edited with a translation ofCaccini's important Preface by H. Wiley
Hitchcock in Recent Researches in the Music of the Baroque Era, vol. 9 (Madison, WI: A-R Editions,
1970).
34

Tomlinson, "Pastoral and Musical Magic," 17. Tomlinson also argues that "early opera was not a
specific version of pastoral drama"; rather, both genres "arose from a culture whose world still
offered magical realms' and grew out of 'the esotericism that burgeoned in Renaissance thought in
the wake of the fifteenth-century revival ofNeoplatonism" (Joe. cit.).
35

Quoted in Christopher Braider, Refiguring the Real: Picture and Modernity in Word and Image,
1400-1700 (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1993), 156.

36

Leon Battista Alberti, Dells Pittura [On Painting], trans. John R. Spencer (New Haven and
London: Yale University Press, 1966/R\971); see especially 72-76.

37

Rudolf Arnheim, Art and Visual Perception: A Psychology of the Creative Eye, the New Version
(Berkeley: Univsity of California Press, 1974/R 2004), 295ff.
38

George R. Kernodle, From Art to Theater: Form and Convention in the Renaissance (Chicago
and London: University of Chicago Press, 1944), 216.

26

�HOW OPERA BE6AN

Agostino Carracci, Orpheus and Euridice
1594-97

HOW OPHRA BH6AN
AND

WHY OPHRA BH6AN
Florence -why THERE?
ca.1600 - why THEN?

�Marco da GAGLIANO

1608:

Wrote Preface describing opera's origins
3

1597/98:

Favola by Ottavio RINUCCINI (conrt poet)
Music begun by Jacopo CORSI ("learned
amateur")
Completed by Jacopo PERI ("skilled composer
and singer")

1608:

Marco da GAGLIANO
Expanded original libretto
Composed new music
Wrote Preface describing opera's origins
4

�1597198:

Rinuccini I Peri I Corsi

La Dafne

1608:

Gagliano I Rinuccini

La Dafne
5

1597198:

Rinuccini I Peri I Corsi

La Dafne

1600
Marriage of Marie de' Medici
Oct. 4 Rinuccini, L 'Euridice libretto printed
(Preface)
Oct. 6 Peri I Caccini, L 'Euridice first performed

1608:

Gagliano I Rinuccini

LaDafne
6

�1597198:

Rinuccini I Peri I Corsi

La Dafne

1600

Feb.

Cavalieri's La Rappresentatione di anima et di corpo in Rome

Oct. 4

Rinuccini, L 'Euridice libretto printed

Oct. 6

Peri I Caccini L 'Euridice first performed

Oct. 6? Cavalieri's Rappresentatione score published

1608:

Gagliano I Rinuccini,

La Dafoe

1597198:

Rinuccini I Peri I Corsi

La Dafne

7

1600 Feb. Cavalieri's La Rappresentatione di anima et di corpo in Rome

Oct. 4

Rinuccini, L 'Euridice libretto printed

Oct. 6

Peri I Caccini L 'Euridice first performed

Oct. 6? Cavalieri's Rappresentatione score published
Oct. 9

1608:

Caccini, II rapimento di Cefalo performed

Gagliano I Rinuccini,

LaDafne

8

�1597198:

Rinuccini I Peri I Corsi

1600 Feb.
Oct. 4
Oct. 6
Oct. 6?
Oct. 9

Rinuccini, L "Euridice libretto printed
Peri I Caccini L 'Euridice first performed
Cavalieri's Rappresentatione score published
Caccini, II rapimento di Cefalo performed

La Dafne

Cavalieri's La Rappresentatione di anima et di corpo in Rome

1601 Jan. Caccini L 'Euridice score published

Feb. Peri L 'Euridice score published

1608:

Gagliano I Rinuccini,

LaDafne

1597198:

Rinuccini I Peri I Corsi

La Dafne

9

1600 Feb. Cavalieri's La Rappresentatione di anima et di corpo in Rome
Oct. 4
Oct. 6
Oct. 6?
Oct. 9

Rinuccini, L 'Euridice libretto printed
Peri I Caccini L 'Euridice first performed
Cavalieri's Rappresentatione score published
Caccini, II rapimento di Cefalo performed

1601 Jan. Caccini L 'Euridice score published
Feb. Peri L 'Euridice score published

1602
Feb.
Caccini, Le nuove musiche
Dec. 5 Caccini, L 'Euridice first performed
1608:

Gagliano I Rinuccini,

LaDafne
10

�1597/98: Rinuccini I Peri I Corsi La Dafne
1600 Feb. Cavalieri's La Rappresentatione di anima et di corpo in Rome
Oct. 4
Oct. 6
Oct. 6?
Oct. 9
1601 Jan.
Feb.
1602 Feb.
Dec. 5

Rinuccini, L 'Euridice libretto printed
Peri/ Caccini L 'Euridice first performed
Cavalieri's Rappresentatione score published
Caccini, 11 rapimento di Cefalo performed
Caccini L 'Euridice score published
Peri L 'Euridice score published
Caccini, Le nuove musiche
Caccini, L 'Euridice first performed

1607

Monteverdi I Striggio, Lafavola d'Orfeo

1608:

Gagliano I Rinuccini,

LaDafne
11

1597/98: Rinuccini/ Peri/ Corsi
LaDafne
1600 Feb. Cavalieri's La Rappresentatione di anima et di corpo in Rome
Oct. 4
Oct. 6
Oct. 6?
Oct. 9
1601 Jan.
Feb.
1602 Feb.
Dec. 5

1607

Rinuccini, L 'Euridice libretto printed
Peri/ Caccini L 'Euridice first performed
Cavalieri's Rappresentatione score published
Caccini, II rapimento di Cefalo performed
Caccini L 'Euridice score published
Peri L 'Euridice score published
Caccini, Le nuove musiche
Caccini, L 'Euridice first performed
Monteverdi/ Striggio, L '01jeo

1608
1608:

Monteverdi/ Rinuccini, L'Arianna
LaDafne
Gagliano I Rinuccini,
12

�Lasciatemi morire,

Let me die,

lasciatemi morire;
e che volete voi che mi
conforte
in cosi dura sorte,
in cosi gran martire?

Let me die!
And who do you think
could console me
in so dreadful a fate,
in such great torment?

Lasciatemi morire,
Lasciatemi morire.

Let me die!
Let me die!
13

WHY FLORENCE?

14

�WHY f'LORENC£?
1. Long tradition of musical theater - INTERMED I

15

�WHY f'LOR£NC£?
1. Long tradition of musical theater- INTERMEDI
2. Network of academies- CIVIC HUMANISM

Bardi's
Camerata

0
Alterati
Academy

Medici
court
Corsi's
circle

0

17

�1589 INT£RSM£DI
The Team:
Giovanni de' Bardi, artistic director
Ottavio Rinuccini, poet
Emilio de' Cavalieri, musical director
Bernardo Buontalenti, costume and stage design
Music by Cristofano Malvezzi and Luca Marenzio,
with contributions from Jacopo Peri,
Giulio Caccini, and Giovanni de' Bardi
20

�1lNT£RM£DI
'1

(1:

1lNT£RM£DI

�INT£RM£DI

INT£RM£DI

24

�IlNT£RM£DI

IlNT£RM£DI

26

�IlNJTERSMEDI

27

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�HUMANISM
Gary Tomlinson, "Renaissance Humanism and
Music," European Music, 1520-1640

1. Philological humanism
Girolamo Mei
2. Rhetorical humanism
Vincenzo Galilei
3. Ordinary-language humanism
Rinuccini, Corsi, and Peri29

HUMANISM

Alterati
(Academy of the Altered Ones)
Giovanni de' Bardi
Girolamo Mei
Ottavio Rinnccini
Jacopo Corsi

"Pioneers in the theory of dramatic music"

3o

�HUMANISM

Camerata
Giovanni de' Bardi
Girolamo Mei
Vincenzo Galilei
Giulio Caccini

31

HUMANISM

Camerata

Vincenzo Galilei
Giulio Caccini

32

�ViNCENZO 6ALII.m,
DIALOGO D£l.J..A MUSICA ANTICA E D£l.J..A MODERNA, t5e 1

Do away with vocal counterpoint.
Adopt monody (melody with simple accompaniment).
Imitate nature (by following the patterns of speech)

33

ViNCENZO 6ALII.m,
DIALOGO D£l.J..A MUSICA ANTICA E D£l.J..A MODERNA, 1581

"Kindly observe in what manner the actors speak,
in what range, high or low,
how loudly or how softly,
how rapidly or slowly they enunciate their words ...
how one speaks when infuriated or excited;

how a married woman speaks, how a girl, how a lover ...
how one speaks when lamenting, when crying out, when afraid,
and when exulting with joy."
34

�WH1f FLORENCE?
I. Long tradition of musical theater -INTERMEDI
2. Network of academies- CIVIC HUMANISM
3. Particular Renaissance worldviewMUSICAL MAGIC

35

MUSICAL MA6IC
Angelo Poliziano, Orfeo (1480)

36

�MUSICAL MAGIC
Neoplatonism
Lorenzo de' Medici (The ~nu.5.u.u•
Marsilio Ficino (1433-99)
"music-spirit theory"
Angelo Poliziano, Orfeo (148

�Titian
Bacchus descending
to rescue the
abandoned Ariadne
from her fate
1522-23

�41

HOW OPERA BE6AN
AND

WJn1 OPERA BE6AN
Florence -why THERE.?
ca.1600 -why THEN?

�Roger de Piles,
Abrege de Ia vie des peintres
(1699)
"One must think of painting as a kind of stage
on which each figure plays its role."

43

Filippo Villani, DE ORI6J.NE (1381-2)
Images formed by [Giotto's] brush agree so
well with the lineaments of nature as to seem
to the beholder to live and breathe; and his
pictures appear to perform actions and
movements so exactly as to seem ([when
seen] from a little way off) actually speaking,
weeping, rejoicing, and doing other things,
not without pleasure from him who beholds
and praises the talent and skill of the artist.
44

�Giotto, Lamentation (1303-6), fresco from the Arena Chapel, Pad11a

ALBERTI'S COMPOSJTJO
from Della pittura, 1435-36
Period

/\

Clause + Clause

PhrAase

Aord

Picture

Bod~y

1\

11ember + 11ember

Plan/.\ane
46

�Alberti: "In my view, there is no
painted narrative so filled with
so great a variety of events that
nine or ten persons will not be
capable of acting them out quite
fittingly."

~Della pittura
47

�The Last Supper, ca. 1200
Psalter illumination (Musee Conde, Chantilly)
49

ILeon:ardo da Vinci, The Last Supper, 1495-97 (Milan, Santa Maria delle Gn1zie:)l
after restoration, 1997-2001

50

�after restoration, 1997-200 I

52

�Jacopo Tintoretto, The Last Supper, 1592-94

53

(San Giorgio Maggiore, Venice)

54

�55

Michelangelo Merisi
da Caravaggio

Boy Bitten by a Lizard,
c. 1597
(London, National Gallery)

�Boy Bitten
by a Lizard,

detail

58

�Artemesia Genti1eschi

Judith Beheading
Holofernes, c. 1620
(Uffizi Gallery, Florence)

Artemisia Genti1eschi

SelfPortrait as
La Pittura, c. 1630

�61

Nympha&lt;:um (1583-93), by Bernardo Buontalenti,
Florence

��66

�67

George Kernodle, ?W#t ~to 7~
(Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1944.)
"Modem theatre
grew out of the desire to see and hear
with living actors
the romantic stories and allegorical fancies
already portrayed by the painters."

68

�Frank Kernodle, ';'UJ#t ,rt.a ta

7/eeattze

(Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1944.)

"Early opera

grew out of the desire to see and hear
with singing actors
the romantic stories and allegorical fancies
already portrayed by the painters."

Baldassarre Peruzzi (!481-1537), stage design

69

����</text>
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                  <text>Items in this collection are part of a series of lectures given every year at St. John's College. During the Fall and Spring semesters, lectures are given on Friday nights. Items include audio and video recordings and typescripts.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;For more information, and a schedule of upcoming lectures, please visit the &lt;strong&gt;&lt;a href="http://www.sjc.edu/programs-and-events/annapolis/formal-lecture-series/" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener"&gt;St. John's College website&lt;/a&gt;&lt;/strong&gt;.  &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Click on &lt;strong&gt;&lt;a title="Formal Lecture Series" href="https://digitalarchives.sjc.edu/items/browse?collection=5&amp;amp;sort_field=Dublin+Core%2CDate&amp;amp;sort_dir=d"&gt;Items in the St. John's College Formal Lecture Series—Annapolis Collection&lt;/a&gt;&lt;/strong&gt; to view and sort all items in the collection.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;A growing number of lecture recordings are also available on the St. John's College (Annapolis) Lectures podcast. Visit &lt;a href="https://podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast/st-johns-college-annapolis-lectures/id1695157772"&gt;Apple Podcasts&lt;/a&gt; or &lt;a href="https://open.spotify.com/show/6GDsIRqC8SWZ28AY72BsYM?si=f2ecfa9e247a456f" title="Spotify"&gt;Spotify&lt;/a&gt; to listen and subscribe.</text>
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                <text>Video recording of a lecture delivered on September 2, 2022, by William Braithwaite as part of the Formal Lecture Series. &#13;
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Mr. Braithwaite offers this description: "The Garden of Eden story, about Adam and Eve, what they did and how they were punished for it, is the authoritative source for the Christian doctrine of original sin.  Before St. Augustine and St. Paul appropriated it for this purpose, however, the story belonged to the Hebrew Scriptures of the ancient Israelites, and Judaism has no dogma of original sin.  But even before ancient rabbis put the story in writing many centuries ago, it may, some scholars suggest, have circulated orally.&#13;
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                <text>A signed permission form has been received stating: "I hereby grant St. John's College permission to:  make a recording of my lecture, and retain copies for circulation and archival preservation at the St. John’s College Greenfield Library; make a recording of my lecture available online; make typescript copies of my lecture available for circulation and archival preservation at the St. John’s College Greenfield Library; make a copy of my typescript available online."</text>
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