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                    <text>The Modern Theatre Group
of

St. John's College
presents

A Night of
AMERICAN THEATRE
"THE AMERICAN DREAM"
By EDWARD ALBEE
"INTERVIEW"
By JEAN-CLAUDE VAN ITALLIE
Inside "BOX"
By EDWARD ALBEE
— One Performance Only —
SATURDAY, MAY 13th — 8:00 P.M.
FRANCIS SCOTT KEY AUDITORIUM
ST. JOHN'S COLLEGE
Adults: $2.00

Students: $1.00
St. John's Community — FREE

�May 13, 1972
PSK Auditorium
The Modern Theatre Group
of
St. John's College
presents
A NIGHT OF
AMERICAN THEATRE

"Interview" by Jean-Claude van Itallie

"The American Dream"
by Edward Albee

Directed by Christopher Chase

Directed by Charles R. Brown, Jr.

Cast

Cast

1st
1st
2nd
2nd
3rd
3rd
4th
4th

Moihmyvt * • vi vBrooke Harris
Daddy., ,li», s.Alvin Aronson
Grandma*.Christel Stevens
Mrs Barker;. aiDeborah Ross
Young Maru
Tom Ewing

Interviewer
Nancy Coiner
Applicant
Roger Ray
Interviewer
Jim Jarvis
Applicant
JoAnn Mollin
Interviewer
Deborah Kahn
Applicant
Dana Netherton
Interviewer
Lee Elkins
Applicant....Robin Kowalchuk

Inside "Box" by Edward Albee
Box People
Charles Post, Leslie Starr,
McKee Lee, Wesley Uemura
Sound:David Deever
Voice: Bubbles Bailey
Lighting: Dennis Sheret
Crew: Irving Hatton Lee Williams, David Deever, Douglas
Anthony, Oxo Whitney, Robin
Chalek, Christel Stevens,
Kathy Fecrier, The Girl with
the Rabbit, Earle "No Neck"
Williams, Steve Key, McKee
Lee, David Shipman, Frank 0.
American, Lester Silver
Music: Dick Dailey and the
Dreamboats
Executive Producer:
Alvin Aronson
Thanks to all unnamed but
not forgotten.

�S

4

UP
7)
(J

/to

rrw

�</text>
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                  <text>&lt;p&gt;The Greenfield Library Image Collection houses over 5,000 photographs, postcards, drawings, and other graphic materials.  The images in the collection document the history, academic, and community life of St. John’s College. &lt;/p&gt;
To learn more about the Greenfield Library's archives use policy or to obtain high-resolution images, please see the &lt;strong&gt;&lt;a title="Image Collection Use Policy" href="http://www.sjc.edu/academic-programs/libraries/greenfield-library/policies/#photographicarchivepolicy" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener"&gt;Library’s Image Collection Use Policy&lt;/a&gt;&lt;/strong&gt;.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Click on &lt;strong&gt;&lt;a title="Photographic Archives" href="http://digitalarchives.sjc.edu/items/browse?collection=7"&gt;Items in the Image Collection—Annapolis Collection&lt;/a&gt;&lt;/strong&gt; to view and sort all items in the collection.</text>
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Copyright law (Title 17 U.S. Code)

A Ran1ble on Fern Hill

Jonathan Tuck
Tutor
St. John's College, Annapolis

A Lecture Given at
St. John's College
Santa Fe, New Mexico
April 8, 1994

�I

A Ramble on Fern Hill

I want to do several things at once: To give a partial reading of "Fern Hill," by
Dylan Thomas, and to catch myself in the act of giving such a reading in order to reflect
on what it means to give a reading. When I say "give a reading," I do not mean only
that I want to read the poem aloud-- although I do want to do that too-- but to give an
analysis, an interpretation, an exegesis. It's interesting that the lit. crit. locution "to give
a reading" should mean this: almost as if to read the poem is to analyze it, or to analyze
it is only to read it. But I think there's a particular appropriateness to this locution when
applied to a lyric poem:

Whatever "lyric" means--and in our day it seems to mean

nothing more than a pretty short poem-- its etymology

suggests that we should be

thinking of an utterance which is to be sung, and even accompanied by music. If the
poem comes first to our ear, not our eye, it remains there in some way even through
every act of cutting it up and surrounding it with commentary. The concrete presence
of the sung or spoken poem unifies and holds together all the discursive particularities in
an interpretation. When we interpret at length, we distance ourselves from this presence,
but only temporarily: for in my experience there is no such thing as ruining a poem by
analysing it. We cannot "murder to dissect"; the poem is resurrected each time we read
it again.

But if our act of interpreting has been fruitful, it is not the same poem now;

�2

this new presence holds together more particulars, more complexities, more internal
articulations. So the purpose of interpreting the poem is to be able to read it again, and
also to come to know part of it for the first time. It is in this sense that I intend to "give
a reading" of "Fern Hill," and to watch myself closely in order to see how I do it.
In teaching lyric poems, I have found that certain students are aware of having a
certain kind of "blind spot" (actually, it would be better to say a "deaf spot") when it
.comes to the appreciation of poetry. They are genuinely puzzled by what others find to
interest themselves in while reading a great lyric poem; and they are alarmed at having
to try to write anything substantive about it. I cannot aspire to opening blind eyes or deaf
ears; but I hope to try to give some practical counsel to such people about possible ways
to open up what has been a closed-off area for them. They may not be able to find the
same immediate appeal in poems that other readers do, but I would like them to see how
a poem can be discussible.
Why do I choose "Fern Hill" as the specimen for this how-to-do-it demonstration?
Certainly not because it is an "easy" poem; in fact, an easy poem, whatever that is,
would be exactly the wrong kind for a demonstration. My motive for choosing "Fern
Hill" is alarmingly simple:

I believe that it is the greatest lyric poem in the English

language-- at least among those I am aware of-- and I have a kind of evangelistic zeal to
share it with others and to display it as the greatest. But what on earth can I mean by
the preposterous claim that "Fern Hill" is the greatest English lyric poem? It seems clear
that I have yet another task: To think about what makes a poem good, or great. It is not

�3
that I want you to agree with me in my evaluation of "Fern Hill"; but perhaps what
makes this poem great for me is what may make some other lyric poem great for you.

In the process, I want to show that "Fern Hill"'s relation to the theme of time is not
accidental but is part of what makes the poem so good; that all poetry, or at least
certainly all lyric poetry, is concerned with time because time is one of the conditions
within which it comes to light. And this presupposes that poems are characte1istically
about poetry, whatever else they are also about. This reflexive property of poems gives
a clue to what kinds of things to look for in analysis, in "giving a reading": instances
where the theme of the poem is somehow mirrored in the poem's form, so that in the
course of being about something else, the poem can also be about itself. This is a \Vay
of poems' being about poetry that is I think more substantive than the less interesting
sense in which each poem necessarily redefines the possibilities of the form, genre or
tradition within which it is working.
In the course of "giving a reading," I am reviving into the present an entity which
has two kinds of temporal extension: (1) First: At every "performance" of the poem,
every reading-through of it, whether silent or aloud, I am reminding myself of the poem's
emergence through time-- not only in the way that every spoken language does (since
only one sound can be spoken at a time) but also in the special way that poems, by their
rhythm and measurement of time units, formalize and almost spatialize
repetition-- that raw temporality of language.

-- through

(2) Second: The other form of temporal

�4
extension is the endurance through several different renditions or performances of the
"same" poem-- the several often spread out over years, decades or centuries. It is in this
way that a poem can be a monument more enduring than brass or stone, as Horace and
many others claim. Clearly, it is problematic how these several performances "belong"
to the "same" poem-- in somewhat the same way that the relation of a given production
or performance to the Shakespearean text, or of a playing of a symphony to its notated
form on paper, are also problematic. One might ask what sort of existence the "poem"
has when it is not being "performed." Is it only potential? And why, strangely, does it
show signs of having changed for us when it reemerges into actuality at our next reading?
But instead of addressing these issues, I think we should make actual the particular
poem we are to look at.

It follows from what I've said, as well as from all of my

experience with poetry that the right way to approach a poem, whether by oneself or in
the company of a class, is to read it aloud initially--perhaps several times; and then, after
talking about it or thinking about it, to read it aloud again, to "put it back together
again." (This seems comparable to the actions of analysis &amp; synthesis in mathematical
proof.)

Here,then, is my first practical counsel to those who find poetry hard to enjoy:

The lyric poem, in particular, does not exist until it is read aloud, preferably several
times. It is better still if you can memorize it and recite it aloud from memory--though
this may come only after many oral readings . Now , in approaching "Fern Hill," there's
a special condition which does not exist in approaching a poem by Donne or Keats or
Shakespeare-- namely that we have a recording of Thomas himself reading his poem.

�5
Should I read it myself, or play his version? And if both, when shall I do which?
It seems dramatically right to start with Thomas 's reading, which, like the printed

version on the page, is part of the "received" form of the poem as it comes to us. But
then if time permitted, I should really read it aloud myself, as each of you should: Only
in this way would the poem begin to become ours, to sound on our inner ear as we
proceed to think about it. Then after analyzing it and in some way making it more fully
"mine," I should read it aloud myself at the end. The hope is that the second reading
aloud will contain or embody much of what is gained or learned in the intervening
analysis-- contain or embody both for me the reader and for those co-readers to whom
I am reading. Choosing this order reflects a literary-theoretical allegiance of my own,
in favor of appropriating the artwork, making it new and making it mine, rather than
trying as an archaeologist to arrive at the author's intention. So that is what I will plan
to do, and here is Dylan Thomas's reading of "Fern Hill":

Fern Hill
Now as I was young and easy under the apple boughs
About the lilting house and happy as the grass was green,
The night above the dingle starry,
Time let me hail and climb
Golden in the heydays of his eyes,
And honoured among wagons I was prince of the apple towns
And once below a time I lordly had the trees and leaves
Trail with daisies and barley
Down the rivers of the windfall light.

5

�6
And as I was green and carefree, famous among the barns
About the happy yard and singing as the farm was home,
In the sun that is young once only,
Time let me play and be
Golden in the mercy of his means,
And green and golden I was huntsman and herdsman, the calves
Sang to my horn, the foxes on the hills barked clear and cold,
And the sabbath rang slowly
In the pebbles of the holy streams.

All the sun long it was running, it was lovely, the hay
Fields high as the house, the tunes from the chimneys, it was air
And playing, lovely and watery
And fire green as grass.
And nightly under the simple stars
As I rode to sleep the owls were bearing the farm away,
All the moon long I heard, blessed among stables, the nightjars
Flying with the ricks, and the horses
Flashing into the dark.

And then to awake, and the farm, like a wanderer white
With the dew, come back, the cock on his shoulder: it was all
Shining, it was Adam and maiden,
The sky gathered again
And the sun grew round that very day.
So it must have been after the birth of the simple light
In the first, spinning place, the spellbound horses walking warm
Out of the whinnying green stable
On to the fields of praise.
And honoured among foxes and pheasants by the gay house
Under the new made clouds and happy as the heart was long,
In the sun born over and over,
I ran my heedless ways,
My wishes raced through the house high hay
And nothing I cared, at my sky blue trades, that time allows
In all his tuneful turning so few and such morning songs
Before the children green and golden
Follow him out of grace,

Nothing I cared, in the lamb white days, that time would take me

10

15

20

25

30

35

40

45

�7

Up to the swallow thronged loft by the shadow of my hand,
In the moon that is always rising,
Nor that riding to sleep
I should hear him fly with the high fields
And wake to the farm forever fled from the childless land .
Oh as I was young and easy in the mercy of his means,
Time held me green and dying
Though I sang in my chains like the sea.

50

Dylan Thomas
(1914-1953)

Though it's not always best for an analysis to start at the first line, or the first word, and
proceed diachronically through the text, in this case I will do so, almost in despair: There is
so much richness, so many logical starting places that lead straight into the heart of the poem.
The poem's first two \Vords are "Now as." Each is ambiguous, and there is some connection
in their ambiguities. "Now" may be sheerly a temporal indicator , in which case we must think
of the poem as referring to the present time in which it is spoken by its speaker. There's a
difficulty here, though, since the first line goes on to refer to the past: "Now as I was young
and easy." But we might still think that the purpose of the initial "Now" is somehow to recreate
or reenact the past, real or imagined, that is portrayed in most of the poem. The innocence of
that past is perhaps regainable in some vicarious way; and it is true that one of the effects of the
poem seems to be to make us feel the experience of Thomas's innocent childhood visits to his
aunt's farm at Fernhill. But the other possible meaning of" now" is almost exactly opposite to
this one:

It may be a transitional particle, used to introduce an antithetical idea, as in the

following imaginary statement: "As an adult I know and feel my mortality and my fallen state.

�8
Now when I was a boy, I never did; I thought I would live forever." The "Now" in the poem's
first line gives the utterance that is the poem a very concrete conversational context: Breaking
away from the thought of how he thinks and feels at present, the speaker turns his attention to
his childhood, as specifically opposed to the present. In this reading of "Now", the poem is a
statement of the finality of loss, rather than an evocation of paradise regained. Of course the
poem as a whole is both.

My point is that the one word "now" holds together these two

possibilities, containing in a small compass many of the largest themes and issues in the whole
poem.
We find a similar phenomenon when we look at the poem's second word, "as."

What

among many possibilities does "as" mean here? Even as I ask the question, I am unable to
forget that the word "as" recurs in the poem, especially in constructions implying comparison
or similitude: "happy as the grass was green"; "singing as the farm was home"; "the hay fields
high as the house"; "fire green as grass"; "happy as the heart was long."

If similes and

metaphors are the essence of poetry, transforming our vision by pointing out correspondences
between the world we know and some imagined, invisible one, then our consideration of the
power of "as" becomes a kind of referendum on the power of poetry. Can it in fact transform
our vision as it claims? Does "as I was young and easy" mean "at the time when I was young
and easy"? or "because I was young and easy"? or "in the same way that I was young and
easy"? or "to the same degree that I was young and easy"? or "as long, and only as long. as
I was young and easy"? It is clear that each of these variant readings produces a different sense
of the power of time and of the power of imagination to triumph over time. "Happy as the grass

�9

was green" sounds comfy and proverbial, like "happy as the day is long" or "happy as a clam."
(Actually, neither of those similes will bear much scrutiny either, will they?) Taken in this
simple-minded or innocent way, the speaker means that he was happy to the same degree that
the grass was green. Comparisons like this usually make use of a vehicle of comparison that
is supposed to be unproblematic:

"strong as an ox" means very strong because an ox by its

nature is very strong. Grass is very green, but the grass by its very nature does not stay green
forever; is it in the nature of things that the speaker will not stay happy forever? Only if "happy
as the grass was green" also means happy in the same way that the grass was green, naturally,
unreflectively-- and temporarily. Because the greenness of the grass is implicitly localized in
time, it may seem diminished: That which doesn't stay green might seem to be less green, or
only apparently green. Was the speaker less happy than he thought he was, only apparently
happy? In this way the vehicle of the simile-- the thing used for purposes of comparison--makes
more complex our notion of the tenor of the simile, the thing being compared to something.
One of our readings of the ambiguous word "as" leads us to other readings: happy at the time
when the grass was green, and only at that time; happy as long as the grass was green.

An

additional complication enters when, in the next stanza, it is not the grass but the child that is
green: "as I was green and carefree." Here "green" must be able to mean not only "young,
fresh" but also "inexperienced, raw, naive"-- as in the expression "greenhorn." At this point
the tenor and the vehicle of our original simile have collapsed into each other: The child and the
grass come together in their greenness, and perhaps we remember the words of the First Epistle
General of Peter:

�10
For all flesh is as grass, and all the glory of
man is as the flower of grass. The grass withereth,
and the flower thereof falleth away:
But the word of the Lord endureth for ever.
(I Peter 1:24-25)

We have been noticing ambiguities in the words "Now" and "as."

I induce from this

another practical precept for the poetry-blind: Seek out ambiguities and try to spell them out
patiently and deliberately, almost literal-mindedly. Because the language of poetry has a kind
of life of its own, the natural lexical range of a word is brought into play whenever that word
is used. It is especially fruitful when the ambiguous readings even seem to contradict each other
more or less directly:

Seeing the meaning as problematic makes it possible to connect

alternative meanings to different ways of feeling. I think I am assuming that language may not
always be ambiguous, but feelings almost always are; so that complexities in the language may
bring it closer to the reality of our feelings.

Another precept for the uninitiated reader of

poems: Look hard for repetitions of the same word, or the same image, or the same sound.

In our case, we segued into the poem's second use of "as" from considering its first use. Part
of the formality of a poem, part of its architecture, is the use of repetition; even the ideas of
meter and rhyme presuppose this. But repetition is never pure, as Heraclitus and Kierkegaard
remind us; it is always a re-evocation, containing both sameness and difference. Hence one of
the activities of reading a poem is comparing and contrasting. Jumping back and forth in a
poem to compare and contrast usages of the same word or image, holding them up together, is
a way of treating the poem as a simultaneous structure rather than merely a flowing-in-time.

�11
But noticing differences is a reminder that pure repetition is impossible because the poem exists
in time. This kind of comparing and contrasting is the very theme of "Fern Hill": The speaker
juxtaposes scenes from his past with his present altered condition, and poses the question of
whether he can renew or retain his youth somehow-- perhaps through poetry itself? For this
reason "Fern Hill" is extraordinarily concentrated and unified; it almost seems like pure lyricism
because it both is and is about the very things that constitute the "lyric moment."
Let us take our own advice and go on looking for other usages of the word "as."

When

we next meet a comparable phrase, in the third stanza, "fire green as grass" makes little obvious
sense; fire is not typically green. The fire seems to be there in order to continue the catalogue
of the elements, begun in "air/ And playing, lovely and watery." The earth would seem to be
absent from this list, except that it is present everywhere, not only in the "grass" but in the
fields, the pebbles in the streams, and in the whole subject at hand:

"it was all ... " The lower

element of earth is transformed into higher elements: the flowing water, emblematic of time's
motion; air, which by a pun is also song, the "tunes from the chimneys"; and fire, highest and
simplest, connected with warmth and light.

We still don't see how the fire can be green;

perhaps the peat or coal used in that part of Wales burns with a greenish flame? Or perhaps
"green" here means "new" or "young" or "innocent," like the childhood of the narrator-- in the
case of fire, "closer to the time of Creation," and therefore more elemental. (This might also
help us to account for the "whinnying green stable" in line 35).

Or perhaps the problematic

fact that fire normall y lacks greenness makes the simile into a "dissimile," of the same negative
form as that famous slogan, "A woman needs a man as a fish needs a bicycle"; and if so,

�12
perhaps this problematic form of the simile is meant to cast doubt on other uses of the word
"as."

Let's look at some more: The hay fields were of course not as high as the house, except

to the child's innocent eye, which makes things so only by the imperatives of desire:

"My

wishes raced through the house high hay." Listening to the sounds at the end of that line, we
realize that the comparison between the hay and the house has gone from measurement into a
pure exclamation of joy. Like the child's seeing, the poem's sounding has the power simply to
enact its wishes.

Parallel to "happy as the grass was green," in the second stanza, is the more

peculiar "singing as the farm was home." It is peculiar because we would normally think that
the farm either is or isn't home; unlike the greenness of grass, the farm's identity as home does
not admit of quantification, which seems to eliminate some of our possible ambiguous readings.
But if we are told that the farm was not, in fact, home to Thomas-- he visited there during the
summers-- the eliminated variant reading comes back in a more sinister form: The boy was
singing in the same way, or to the same degree, that the fann was home-- that is, only
temporarily or not at all. Singing has already been attributed to the house: "the lilting house,"
"tunes from the chimneys." It will come again in the poem's last image, another simile:

"I

sang in my chains like the sea." These are "morning songs," with all the poignancy of the pun
hammered home by the word "such."

They are "morning songs" spelled without the "u"

because they belong to youth, both the boy's youth and the youth of the world.

They are

"mourning songs," spelled with the "u" and with the qualifications of "such" and "so few,"
because even our youthful singing is an unknowing presage of our own funeral music. It is
clearly not an accident that the topic of song, like the transforming power of similes, is the

�13

poem's reflexive comment on poetry itself.
It is not only phrases with "as" that are repeated frequently throughout the poem; one of
its most prominent features is the repetition , with crucial variations, of words, images, and even
whole syntactic structures. (The first two stanzas, especially, display a high degree of this
syntactic parallelism.) But moving to smaller units of meaning, it is very noticeable that there
is much repetition of sounds. Thomas is known as a poet for whom flashy sound effects almost
take on a life of their own-- as if abstract patterns of vowel and consonant repetition could make
some kind of musical pleasure for us, regardless of the meanings of the words. But in this poem
at least, I think I can show that the repetitions are purposive, and that they are directly related
to his theme. Look for example at the poem's beginning: "Now as I was young and easy under
the wple boughs." The stressed syllables "I", "eas-", "un-" and "ap-" all alliterate, since any
word beginning with a vowel alliterates with any other. "Boughs" alliterates with the "b" in
"about" and assonates both with "about" and with "house." "House" alliterates with "happy,"
whose first syllable assonates with "grass," which alliterates with "green." The alternating links
of alliteration and assonance form a chaining effect. We see it again at the end of the stanza in

And once below a time I lordly had the trees and leaves
Trail with daisies and barley
Down the rivers of the windfall light.

The purpose of this chaining of sounds, this singing in chains, is to imitate the "trailing" stream
of the daisies and barley, to connect the various parts of this paradise of sense-stimuli into a
single manifold of sound, or light, or time.

The boy's world has a coherence that came from

�14
innocence, or from his infantile perception of himself as not separated from the objects of his
seeing and hearing. The unity of this world is later reflected in the third and fourth stanzas, in
the poem's use of the word "it" without any obvious antecedent. And within this world, the boy
also has a child's fantasies of omnipotence: It was he who had the trees and leaves trail. This
omnipotence corresponds both to the power Adam and Eve are said to have had over nature
while still in a state of innocence, and also to the power that the poet still has over his little
created world, even in a fallen state. Through playing with patterns of vowels and consonants,
Thomas too "has" the trees and leaves trail. Does this mean that poetry can restore innocence
and conquer Time? But as the last line says, the poet sings in another set of chains, not of his
own making.
It seems clear that sound-effects can be imitative in an almost iconic way. They can act less

directly as well. Notice a pattern of internal rhyme in the first stanza:

Now as I was young and easy under the apple bQJJghs
About the lilting house ...

And again:
Time let me hail and climb.
In each case these internal rhymes act to frame and enclose either a line or a phrase, giving a
sense of secure self-containedness and self-sufficiency. "Time let me hail and climb" is parallel
with the second stanza's "Time let me play and be." The self-enclosed character of the first of
these lines leads us to expect the second to be self-enclosed too-- and it seems to make sense that

�15
way: Time let me play and time let me be-- either let me exist or left me alone. The word
"Golden" thus comes as a shock; we had not expected that the line would be enjambed, even
though "Golden" in the second stanza is parallel with the same word at the same position in the
first stanza. But as it turns out, the two are not syntactically parallel: The first "Golden" is part
of a parenthetical adjectival phrase, modifying "me"; the second "Golden" is a predicate
adjective with "be." This difference throws into relief a difference in meaning: The "Golden"
of the first stanza seems to be unambiguously favorable, while the second "Golden" carries a
hint of another possibility: The speaker is not already golden, a fair-haired lad smiled on by
Fortune and befriended by Time . Rather we see Time letting him be golden. From here it is
not a long jump to another possible meaning of "golden," which certainly comes into play in the
following line: "And green and golden I was huntsman and herdsman." Here "golden" suggests
the important difference between spring and harvest time; the latter is still a prosperous,
auspicious time, but it is a time of ripeness and intimations of autumn and encroaching death.
We see this in the way the phrase "green and golden" develops in the fifth stanza:
Before the children green and golden
Follow him out of grace.

The pairing of "green and golden" becomes, in the last stanza, explicitly, "green and dying . "
Even in the first moments of childhood, we have started on our journey toward death; as the
Clovm says in As You Like It,

. .. from hour to hour we ripe and ripe
And then from hour to hour we rot and rot
And thereby hangs a tale.

�16
(A YLI, Il.vii.25-27)

As "golden" becomes "dying," as a state of ripeness or of being specially favored-- a "golden
boy"-- turns into its opposite, we remember that "green" also means
Hence "green and dying" comes to mean not just

11

naive or unknowing.

growing and rotting" but

11

unaware of

mortality, and yet mortal. 11 What defines the boy's innocence is not so much a lack of sin as
a lack of knowledge, the knowledge of his own mortality. That knowledge itself is a kind of
dying, as it was for Adam and Eve in the garden.
Now the interplay of the images of color-- green, golden, white with the dew, sky blue,
Iamb white-- is a very conspicuous feature of the poem, one that few readers are likely to miss.
But my specific claim is that the use of the internal rhymes, by setting us up for the prominence
of "Golden" in the second stanza, triggers our awareness of this pattern. And if so, we can
educe two more precepts for the novice analyst of poetry: (1) Listen hard to the sound effects,
and when in doubt, assume they are significant. (2) Look at the ends of lines, to see places
where the Iineation is a way of manipulating our successive responses.

We have seen two

instances of unexpected enjambment, in lines 7-8 and in lines 13-14.

These are the most

conspicuous, but there are others.
But how do we listen to the sounds of poems, and what sort of significance do we listen
for? Apart from phonemic repetitions like alliteration, assonance, consonance and rhyme-- each
of which may make a pattern, whether imitative or abstract, there is the clearly imitative

�17
phenomenon of onomatopoeia, the "making" (poieia) through a word (onoma) of something we
otherwise encounter in the world. We don't see much in this poem of sheerly imitative sound,
like Tennyson's "murmur of innumerable bees." Perhaps the chaining effect I described in the
first stanza can be considered an example. But there is a chronic difficulty in the attempt to read
sound as directly mimetic or imitative. Take the sound pattern of line 12, "In the sun that is
young once onJy." Do the repetition of the "uh" sound and the orthographic and etymological
redundancy of "once only" imitate the persistence through time of a sun that is the same each
day-- truly young once only-- or do these sound effects imitate the periodicity of a series of
several suns, as in line 39's "the sun born over and over"? Or does the sound by its ambiguity
raise for us the same question that the poem raises: How to reconcile continuity with change
and repetition, the enduring infinitude of our desire with the finitude of our lives, with the
passage of time?
Sound repetitions can be local, within a line or a few lines, or they can be the architectonic
by which the form of the poem is defined. Thomas used the unobvious measurement of syllabic
count to define the pattern of his stanzas. He was steered to this choice by the precedent of the
medieval Welsh technique known as cynghanedd ("king' ha neth"), which I will not even attempt
to spell for you; in other words, by a precedent from a language other than English, unearthed
by Thomas in a fit of Celtic historical nostalgia. In "Fern Hill," the six stanzas are of nine
lines each. In the general form of the stanza, the first, second, sixth and seventh lines are of
fourteen syllables each, the third and fifth lines are of nine syllables, and the fourth line is of
six.

(I'm guided here by Thomas's own pronunciation, which renders "fire" in line 22 as a

�18
disyllable, and "blessed" in line 25 as a single syllable.) The last two lines of the stanzas vary,
but in a purposive way: In the first, second and last stanzas the eighth line is seven syllables,
while the ninth line is nine. In the third, fourth and fifth stanzas the eighth line is nine syllables,
while the ninth line is six. In effect, the flip-flopping of the long and short lines defines two
cuts in the poem, after stanza two and after stanza five. On inspection, this seems appropriate,
since the result is to set off the third, fourth and fifth stanzas as a separate part. In these stanzas
we are given a flashback into the particularity of the rhythm of day-night alternation as it then
seemed to the young boy protagonist: In this prui of the poem, the sun is "born over and over,"
"green and golden" can coexist, and there is no double awareness, until the end of the fifth
stanza, that only by Time's mercy does all this happen. In the last stanza we get a return to the
divided perspective of the first two, in which our view of the child's innocence is mediated by
our own and the poet's experience of age and mortality. The cycle of "riding to sleep" and
waking, described in detail in stanzas three and. four, is recapitulated in stanza six from a
different viewpoint: Instead of coming back "like a wanderer white/ with the dew," the farm
in this stanza is "forever fled from the childless land." The slight variation in the forms of the
stanzas makes the change explicit, but almost unnoticeably.

An even more subtle pair of

demarcations in the poem comes from the only two variances in the syllable counts I gave
above. I said that the sixth and seventh lines of each stanza are regularly of fourteen syllables.
But the sixth line of stanza one and the seventh line of stanza six have fifteen syllables each.
There is a kind of logic to these cuts too: The first five lines, which precede the first metrical
variation, can be seen as a kind of introductory or general statement, before we descend into the

�19
specificity of the fairy-tale "once below a time." Similarly, the last three lines are signalled as
a new gesture of summation by the metrical variation in line 52. In these last lines we get a
repeating of several elements from the first two stanzas: "as I was young and easy" from line
1 (although the "Now" disappears); "in the mercy of his means" from line 14; "Time held me"
echoing "Time let me" in lines 4 and 13; "green and dying" echoing "green and golden" from
line 15. It is not only the extra syllable in line 52 that signals this last demarcation: Here alone
we get a departure from the scheme of rhyme, near-rhyme and assonance that has unobtrusively
shaped each stanza. All previous stanzas had the general pattern ABCDDABCD. Here in the
last stanza, the sixth and seventh lines exchange their rhyme-sounds, pointing out a break from
what has gone before. ("Dying," which corresponds with "rising," comes after "means," which
corresponds with "sleep. 11 ) As if in compensation, the vowel sound symbolized by 11 D 11 --"sleep,"
11

fields, 11 11 sea" --is the same in this stanza as that symbolized by "A 11 - - 11 me" and "rnea ns 11 --so that

the first and sixth lines assonate not only with each other, but with lines 4, 5, and 9.
Who on earth would notice these features, except me, the critic busily counting away? Do
you hear them as they go past you? I doubt that even the syllabic regularity of the stanzas
comes out to the casual listener, let alone the variations therefrom.

But are we sure that we

are not affected by what we do not consciously notice? And when we do notice it, doesn't it
make the poem better for us? In a poem of almost limitless coherence, I think the assumption
has to be that nothing happens by accident. If we notice a feature of the poem that seems to
cohere with the others we have noticed, the burden of proof is on the person who seeks to
exclude this insight, to deny that it is part of the poem's meaning. I am arguing that \Ve adopt

�20
the interpretive maxim of St. Augustine that in cases of doubt, we take the reading that conduces
to the reign of charity . Practically speaking, this means that we incline towards the inclusion
of whatever complexities we find, unless they make the poem worse, less coherent, less
concentrated. In the present case, there is a fittingness about the subtlety with which the poem's
formal variations work on us. We are not accustomed to syllabic verse in English; our prosody
is almost universally accentual-syllabic.

Syllabic verse, in our experience, tends to be in

languages like French, where there is a certain uniformity of stress. Our first impression in
listening to Thomas is of strongly marked accents or stresses, which tempts us to try to measure
his verse as purely accentual. But if we start counting stresses, we end up with a stanza pattern
more illusory than real; there are too many variations for us to be able to say with confidence
what the paradigm is. Thomas's poem sings in its syllabic chains, but those chains are so light
that they are almost unfelt. As listeners we are as innocent as the boy depicted in the poem;
time-- or more precisely, the measurement of time in syllabic units-- lets us play and be.
The moral of the story seems to be, "Never read any poem for the first time." In fact,
the experience of a poem's sound grows more specific, more itself, the longer we have listened
to it, memorized it, learned the relation of part to part and of cadence to cadence. My thirty
years of friendship with "Fern Hill" constitute yet another temporal perspective in my reading
of the poem . The poem concerns itself with several different expanses of time: the finite lifespan of the speaker, the cyclical and repetitive time-scheme of nature, the sacred historical time
of creation, pastoral innocence, and fallenness. The first of these is replicated in my life-span
as a reader, and the second in my repeated experience of the poem. The poem as an utterance

�21
takes time to say or to hear; its own elapsed time somehow becomes identified with all of time-making the poem a capacious summation but also isolating it. If all of time is within it, there
is nothing beyond it. In this way the poem reminds me of my essential solitude as a timeconscious being. At any moment I look forward and back and contain an infinity within me;
but metaphysically 1-- we-- live as we die, alone. This reflection might apply equally to all lyric
poems, as a description of the "lyric moment"; it is especially true of "Fern Hill" because there
are no other humans within the poem apart from the speaker of it.
The child's solitude in the poem is qualified only by the presence of personified animals
and other natural beings-- like the "apple towns" -- and by the personified presence of Time. But
of this latter presence, the child is unaware. His solitary consciousness is absolute and selfdetermining; his sense of himself is as ari unmoving, stable point around which the delightful
variety of the world moves. Thus as he falls asleep, the diminishing sound of the owls' hooting
signals their having moved away from him, taking the farm with them. When the child awakes,
it is not that he returns to the farm, but that it returns to him:

like a wanderer white
With the dew, come back, the cock on his shoulder.
It is a characteristic of very young children, we are told, that they do not perceive objects as
permanent, perhaps because they do not feel themselves as distinct from, standing over against,
the objects in their environment. But this slightly older child does in one way realize that the
motion is his, not the farm's: He sees himself as riding to sleep. As his account of the farm's
motion makes clear, however, the implication of this phrase is not known to him:

the

�22

implication that sleep is a second death, that in moving through our lives, in aging we are all
"riding to sleep," as we hear in the last stanza.

Yet in the last stanza the question remains:

Did he leave the farm or did the farm leave him-- or both? The persistence of the question is
signalled by the ambiguity of the phrase, "And wake to the farm forever fled from the childless
land."

"Fled" seems to modify "farm," but it is hard in any literal way to imagine the farm

fleeing from the land. It seems possible for "fled" also to modify the subject, the speaker "I."
The ambiguity is reiterated by the difficulty of "fled from the childless land." One would think
that the land is only "childless" because the speaker has fled from it, or because the farm, in
some idealized sense, has fled from it.

Yet it is already the childless land from which the

fleeing takes place . There is a suggestion here that the speaker may have physically tried to
return, found the place sterile and unhomelike, and fled from it in some more literal way. But
if the farm has fled, then he himself is the childless land. In either case, the doubt about who
is in motion suggests that the naive perspective of the child is not entirely lost even in the
imprisoned present time of the speaker's singing in his chains.
This relativity of motion in space-- this uncertainty as to whether he or the farm is moving-is connected with a relativity of motion in time. The child feels time as the streaming past him
of a river of light-- He does not yet know that the light is a \vindfall, that his life is a fragile gift
bestowed by the grace of another. Time is measured only by the motion of the heavenly bodies:
"all the sun Jong," "all the moon long." He himself is not aware of moving in time, of growing
older. And yet the world itself is unmoved: It is perfectly new and unaltered, as at the moment
of Creation:

�23
it was all
Shining, it was Adam and maiden,
The sky gathered again
And the sun grew round that very day.

"That very day" is emphatic: it is the same day, the true day, etymologically, of Creation itself.
But the next words confuse the situation.

So it must have been after the birth of the simple light
In the first, spinning place, the spellbound horses walking warm
Out of the whinnying green stable
On to the fields of praise.

Our first reading is likely to take "so" as inferential" Therefore, it must have been just after
the birth of the simple light, on the first day of Creation. But this makes little sense-- as if we
were discovering now, through a process of reasoning, that the time of his youth was literally
the youth of the world. We cannot be discovering it now, since this was how it seemed to him
then. So we see that we were pronouncing the word wrong, that "so" is to be· stressed: It"
means not "therefore" but "like this." "So it must have been after the birth of the simple light";
the feeling at the remote time of creation must have been similar to the child's felt sense of
newness in the rebirth of the morning.

But this is a very different assertion.

To be like

something is not to be it, its very self: As Wallace Stevens said, "Identity is the vanishing point
of resemblance." If the morning is only like the time of Creation, then the vision of the child
or of the poet is not powerful enough to annihilate time.

We can only speculate on what

creation "must have been" like; that nev-lness and innocence is removed from us. The vagueness

�24
of the phrase, "afier the birth of the simple light" can now be seen as purposive: \Ve are not
told how long after.
Creation itself is implicitly linked with the activity of song. The horses are "spellbound,"
held by magic spells, charms or enchantments. But as the etymologies suggest, "charm" and
"enchantment" are words for singing. If the spell or charm is the creating word of God on the
sixth day, when the animals were made, then the "fields of praise" would refer to God's looking
on his work and finding it good. Like a poet, like Amphion with the walls of Thebes, God
sings the world into being; we might think of the picture of creation in C.S. Lewis's Narnia
tales. In Thomas's poem Creation is linked to music again in the phrase "And the Sabbath rang
slowly/In the pebbles of the holy streams." But if we're tempted to think that all Nature is holy
because it comes good from the hands of the Creator, we need to recall that the omnipotent
being who holds us "in the mercy of his means" is not God here, but Time. The music of
time's "tuneful turning" includes morning songs (without the "u "), songs of newness, innocence
and Creation; but also mourning songs (with the "u"), songs of aging, .experience, evening and
death.
I have not begun to exhaust the resources of the poem in this very partial reading of it. But
the Time which has been letting me play in the fertile fields of "Fern Hill" now hurries me
toward a stopping place, if not a conclusion.

I said that our criterion for the validity of a

particular interpretive insight into any feature of the poem should be, does it make the poem
better for us? But why should it be that a poem improves upon analysis? The implication is that
complexity itself is a poetic virtue, perhaps the distinctive virtue of poetry that is good or great.

�25
In the realm of feeling, verbal complexity is always truer than verbal simplicity, because of the
incommensurability between our feelings and our thoughts. Not only must the additional
complexities I notice make the poem seem better, they must also endure in later readings, to the
point where they now seem native to the poem's core of meaning, not added ornaments found
out by ingenuity and imputed to it.

The complexities of meaning and form that I find must

seem to be relatable to mixtures of feelings that the poem awakens in me.

In this way,

analyzing a poem, "giving a reading" of it, is a kind of introspective psychological exercise,
trying to find things in the form or external content of the poem that correspond to feelings that
I already have. And I impute a kind of causative power to these formal complexities that I find:
I say that they are the reason that my feelings were mixed, though I have only discovered it
now. Complexity is thus interesting to us--it speaks to us of ourselves-- and so it allows a poem
of finite size and scope to go on interesting us as we read and reread it. But the complexity
must not be merely given at the outset: Instead, the poem, to be a good poem, must move
toward greater complexity as we continue to encounter it over and over in time. A great poem
must improve with age, but unlike a wine or a quarterback, it should never peak and decline:
and this very inexhaustibility of poems is an interesting and puzzling phenomenon.
My claim for the particular greatness of "Fern Hill" is thus partly an empirical one, resting
on my continued experience of its ability to grow. "Fern Hill" is not the most complex poem
I have ever read, nor even the most complex that Thomas wrote-- Many of his sonnets,
especially, are notably obscure and even unintelligible on first reading.

But I do claim that

"Fern Hill" has exhibited the most increase in complexity as I continue to read it, unlike

�26
gnomic, riddling poems that remain static once they are deciphered.

But the increase in

complexity is always contained and governed m a mysterious way by the finite sensuous
experience of the spoken text of the poem, as if the moments of its sounding were the congealed
presence to me of ever-increasing intervals of Time itself. The musicality of the poem's surface
does not disappear or cloy as I go on reading; instead it animates, accomodates, and brings into
the foreground a steadily increasing number of complexities and internal articulations.

The

poem deepens although its surface does not change; and the character of its depths is consistent
with that of the surface. Thus it is that we can often recognize the greatness of a great poem
even on first reading, long before we have unpacked it and made it our own. The spoken text
is like the finite sum of an infinite series.
The specific greatness of "Fern Hill" is not however an accidental fact in my autobiography.
This poem addresses itself precisely to the encounter between innocence and experience that
constitutes the successive experiencing of poems and this poem.

Each time we read it, the

poem's theme readdresses the question of how we can connect this reading to our previous ones.
The poem's identity as it subsists in the face of change and age is like my own, making me
identify not only with the time-bound speaker but with the time-bound poem itself. And then
I am brought to reconsider questions like, Who am I now?

Can I ever prescind from my

location in space and time, to consider \Vhere I end and my world begins? Can I distinguish
among successive me's in time, so as to think meaningfully about what I think, feel and see
now, as opposed to \Vhat I remember thinking, feeling and seeing?

How can even these

questions keep their meaning for me, unreconciled as I am to the implacable fact of my own

�27
awaiting death?

************
We shall not cease from exploration
And the end of all our exploring
Will be to arrive where we started
And know the place for the first time.

That was T.S. Eliot, in another very great poem which shares its subject with "Fern Hill,"
and with this lecture. All are about time, and it is now about time that I end by reclaiming
"Fern Hill" for myself, as I said I would, by putting it back together, singing it in my chains,
speaking it into being one more time:

Fern Hill
Now as I was young and easy under the apple boughs
About the lilting house and happy as the grass was green,
The night above the dingle starry,
Time let me hail and climb
Go!den in the heydays of his eyes,
And honoured among wagons I was prince of the apple towns
And once below a time I lordly had the trees and leaves
Trail with daisies and barley
Down the rivers of the windfall light.

And as I was green and carefree, famous among the barns
About the happy yard and singing as the farm was home,
In the sun that is young once only,
Time let me play and be
Golden in the mercy of his means,
And green and golden I was huntsman and herdsman, the calves
Sang to my horn, the foxes on the hills barked clear and cold,
And the sabbath rang slowly
In the pebbles of the holy streams.

5

10

15

�28
All the sun long it was running, it was lovely, the hay
Fields high as the house, the tunes from the chimneys, it was air
And playing, lovely and watery
And fire green as grass.
And nightly under the simple stars
As I rode to sleep the owls were bearing the farm away,
All the moon long I heard, blessed among stables, the nightjars
Flying with the ricks, and the horses
Flashing into the dark.

And then to awake, and the farm, like a wanderer white
With the dew, come back, the cock on his shoulder: it was all
Shining, it was Adam and maiden,
The sk.-y gathered again
And the sun grew round that very day.
So it must have been after the birth of the simple light
In the first, spinning place, the spellbound horses walking warm
Out of the whinnying green stable
On to the fields of praise.

And honoured among foxes and pheasants by the gay house
Under the new made clouds and happy as the heart was long,
In the sun -born over and over,
I ran my heedless ways,
My wishes raced through the house high hay
And nothing I cared, at my sky blue trades, that time allows
In all his tuneful turning so few and such morning songs
Before the children green and golden
Follow him out of grace,

Nothing I cared, in the lamb white days, that time would take me
Up to the swallow thronged loft by the shadow of my hand,
In the moon that is always rising,
Nor that riding to sleep
I should hear him fly with the high fields
And wake to the farm forever fled from the childless land.
Oh as I was young and easy in the mercy of his means,
Time held me green and dying
Though I sang in my chains like the sea.

*****************************

20

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                    <text>A READlNG OF THE GETTYSBURG ADDRESS

Eva Brann

Expanded Version ·
Friday ~ight Lecture
1968

�Final text of the addre••
delivered at th• dedication of the c..etery at Gettysburg
Four score and seven years ago our fathers brought forth on.
thla continent, an• natlon, o-•tv•d'ln. Liberty, and dedicated
to the proposition that all •en ar• created equal.

Now we are engaged in a great eivll var, testing whether that
nation, or any nation ao oencelved and so dedicated, can lo'ftl endure.
We are 118t on a great battle-field of that war~ We hav• coae t•
dedicate a portion ef that field, as a ft.na~ reatlng ptaee fer
those who here gave their live• that that natien •lght .live. It ls
altesether fitting and preper "
that ve ehould do thl1.
.
lut, in a larger aenae, we ean net d•d1oat• ... we oan not
consecrate • we ean Mt ball•w • thl1 greund• TM brave •en, llving
and dead, who 1trugsled here, have conaeerat•d it, far a"v• e&gt;ur·

· poor power te add or detraet. the world will little n.te, nar long
re11•ber tlhat we say h•r•, .but it oan never for get 111h.at they did .
here, It is for ue the living, rather, to be dedicated her• te the
unflnlahed · werk which they whe fought her• nave t:hu1 far •• nobly
advanced. It la rather for us te be her• dedlt!ated ~ tlut great task
reaaln.ing before ua - that fr•• t1-•• honored dead ve take lncr••••d
devotion t• that cauae for vhleh they gave the last fwll ••••ur• of
devotion • that we here highly reeelve that th••• dead 1hall n.t
have died ln valn • that this ~tlon, under God, ahall have a new
birth of (rHdoa • and that geverna•nt of the people, by the p.. ple,
fer the peeple, shall net perl1h fro• the earth.
Abrah.,. Llnceln

Nov•b•r 19, 1863

1.

the Speech •• a Whal•

It la probably beat to .begin by ebaerving what la aoet ebvlous
about thle "Address Delivered at the Dedioatloo of the Cemetery at
Gettysburg" (p. 734)* - its brevity. It . oen•i•t• of t•n eentenoes
which can be spoken ln a little over two airutea. It la ao short that
on the eccaslon of lte delivery in the open air, before a orovd of
more than 15,000 people, though the speaker delivered hla wurds •tn
a cl•ar, full veloe.• he
d to have finished before his voice
had really begun t• car~y.

•re..

Perhaps this very (ugltive character of the live speech has
something to do wtth its enduranae as a piece of pro••· We know
that Lincoln meant the speech t• 1urvlv• as a written tut, since
h• ht.aaelf prepared ••.v eral copies fer publl•ation, the laat ene
over three months after its dellvery.2 · And although Lincoln
punctuated thi• 1peech, aa he did allhi.1 epeeohea, in the . .nner
of an orator, as it was to be heard (cf. P• 47), using especially
~

.

At'th•• Ltnqf~na
{brary,
62.

*All page references to Lincoln's speeches co• fro•
Speechee !ml ·· Writ:iD&amp;•• ed. R. P. Bailer, Uni.versa

H.ll

�the ce...s of grammar to . .rk th• ~o. .as o~ 1peaker'1 pau1e• of
the rhetorle, yet there ta ••••thlng peoµl l.&amp;rly .•1et_ dew• and
permanent about lt.
· •· ·
·
· · · · · ' , . ' ··
furtheraore we know fro• Llneoln hl•••lf that h• ohee• hie
format quite deliberately. Fer he answered _Everett- vh9 had
,
generously· written t• bi• that "I ahould t&gt;e'"sl•d if . I could flatter
•yself that I ca- as near te the central ldeae! the oeea1ion
in two hours •• you did in twe •11tut•a" that _ ,

M•n

In our respective p&amp;rtl Y••t•rday. ' ye~ oeul.d net ha-..
exouaed te uke • ahort addre1a, no·r I a leng on• (pa 737) •
• •~

•

J

Edward Everett, whe had been·· both a ~·t•a:ler ~t Gr•'• k •t
Harvard and a d:l•t inguiahed atate1un 1 bad been oheaen to be the
t1aln apeaker at the dedication as a national ce-tery of th• piece
of ground beught by the eight~-.n ~orth~r~ ~tat~e ;wtio had l••t aen
at the battles ef Getty1burg. · · Linceln, aa chief. of aiate, bad been
invited only two weeka be!ore the · oereuny and £verett had court. .usly
sent hi• his own two-hour 's peech, 3. ctoapoaed _ the olaaat.alzing
lp
,
style. for which he vaa famous, ao that Llneoln alsl\t 'aenelder lt
in writt.rg hie own (p. 738). We •1ght then ...-otL1neoln'• speech
to be oo. 1POa•d aa a eounterpol••- t• Everett•• 1 ln !apt, ln eplte of
1
Li.neoln'a expressed adalrat1on (p~ 737) • . it ." •ett•s to be, a tacit·
and tactful repudiation : ef auoh learned rnetoric. : . .'
Everett be~ina vitha re!erence ·to th• funeral cere•niee for
tJ1e so).dlers of ancient· ·Athene, reporte~ by thuc.ydidee in the
~-e~ond ·book of t-h• PtltRtoDI• ttn ~ (para a. · 35 ff.) , ..-:td end a by
quoting Pericles• speech, ·aa Thucydides givee it. Evk"•tt'•
speech wae thus intended to be, and wa1 readily reeognlzed •• bet.ng1
••elass1cal • ln t&amp;ne. In a aal iolous but not totally inept editorial,
the Richmond ~9111)1r had said of Everett'• perfor•anc~a •so f&amp;J!
the play was strictly classtc•1 and then o! Lincoln's 1peeoh .. To
suit the gert•ral public, ·however, a little ad•ixtt.Fe .e f the •re
irregular ro•antlc drau was allowed"• the latt;.,•r tena •ight
conceivably be applied te a apeeon which, in its reveal.,ns brev i ty,
was 11.ke the aerteua obverse of a Llncoln!ai\ anecdotfh
.
.Here are certain other points in whloh the twe apeeche1 differed.
Everett'• waa heavtlydaotylica a stress verelon ' of the Greek epie
_ foo~ of. one , long and two short ayllablea appeared eften, , beginrill18
with the first words 1
·
··
- I

I

..

.

'

Standing beneath this serene

eky,

through phrases Ilk••
" the
.. -

I

. .

·

.

,

'

.

I

~raves , o!

our brethren beneath our feet;,

,.,

I

•

· I

. .

I

.

.

the -eloquent ·Silence of God and Nature, ·
.,

c~

.,.. I

I ..

I

I

It was appeil'\ted by law in Athens;· ·

to the final wordsa

�·l~

I

I

I

that whtoh r•latel to the Battles of Gettyaburg.
Lincoln's speech, on the other hand, has the prevallina diayllabic
pattern, . . stly lamba, ·natural .to sober Engli1h apeeah. So after
the two long beats of a grave and 11e&gt;urnful apondee the pattern
sets ina
I

I

I

I

I

Four score and seven year• age,
and in the last paragraph partioularl~ sequences of laablo
penta•eter are dlaoernible.
In respect t• diction, Everett'• prose vaa «=la11loal and
Latinate, while, lt ha1 been reckoned, Llnoalil on thi1 eccaaion uaed
only 32 words of Latin orlgin9 in contrast to . his praotlae vhtll'l
addressing a aelfM!t body, for instance, Congreaa; aa ln th• pererat. lon of his Annual Heaaage of 18611
With a relianee on Providence, all th• 110re fir• and earneat,"1et

i•:: t · us proceed ln the great task which events have devolved upon
·
It ".'.,
(pa 635) e
.
.

us

Aa for eettl~, Everett conaeived hie effo~t ae part ef a
11onumental tradlt1.on of aeldler~ funeral oratory. He: ende by
••belliahill8 upon P•rlolea• . .snlloquent saying that •tbe whole
earth ls the sepulchre of llluatrloua men.• Lincoln,,ln aontra1t,
asslgn1 to the dead neither the earth wlth which he end1 hi• apeeeh,
nor th&amp; continent with which he begin•, nor even the battle field on
which he dwells in the slddle, but soberly, a aere . .deat •postlon
of that field.• So also Everett, beginnlng •• Periclea had, with
a reference to the law in Athena, aakes aucb of the am;t.que 1anctlon
for such cere•nle1 1 whla!h included an ebllsatory funeral eratlen
delivered by an orator chosen for th• purpe1e. Llnoelft• en th•
other hand, in hia first draft aaya brusquely, -•thle we aay in all
propriety do" (p. 736) 1 intiaating that such dedication• are an
indulgence of the livl~, and aoderates this in delivery to a brief
statement of co11aon propriety•
It ls altosether fitting and proper that we ahould do thl••
(p.

734,

cf~

P• 728),

.

only to go on to call the whole cere11e&gt;ny in questlan1
But 1 in a larger aenae, we can not dedicate - we oan not
consecrate - we can not hallaw • this ground. The brave aen,
living and dead, who 1truggled here, have consecrated it, far
above our poor power ' to add er detract.
Lincoln ls lmplioitly ..klng the aignlficant point that it is !!IS
the l~w tn Aaeriaa to have such oaaequles and such speaker1, that
honor, particularly for the dead, 11 not an ••tabll1hed publics
concern 1n A••rlca.

�In content, · what la ••t atriking t.1 that Everett touahe1 on
a nwiber of •attere .on whioh_L1neoln has . not one exp11clt word.
Everett re!era te the Confederate "lnva1lon11 of Maryland and ·
Pennsylvania and ceaparea 1t te the Peralan invaai•ft~f G~•eae.
Lincoln, en th• ether band, ~d. ln a letter to General Ralleek,
specl.fically objeeted t• a phr••• ltke ·11 drlv• ti. invad•i' tr••
our 1011•. uaed by General Meade ln hla order thanklng the aray for
the victory at Gettyabur· . Fer, Lincoln. · aaid, "th• male country
g
is our soil,• alndful ef the faot that th• opponent vae not a
fore~ner • .. Hence h• aaye nethin.g of the _
atratestc a1.roW11tamea
of" th~ battle credited with ending th• danger of a Colilfederat•
occupation ef the North which aake up:.:, the bulk of Everett' a tut,
nor . doea he, aa Everett, assign reaponaib111ty fer· .the var, _ tak• up
epeciflc conatltutienal queetiona or aention explieitly the fundaaenta}
issues of alavery and Unt.on. It 11 worth ••ntlont.ng th.ea• oal1alone,
because, as will be shown, in a way they ahape the apeeea.
·
Thus Linooln preeenta an alt•rnatlve te the olaa9loizlng atyle,
an unde110cratle style daalgned, at bttttoa, fqr the secret and eeparate
satle!actlon of the speaker and
conn.laaeura. Thi• appears
aost cleaaly at a _polnt in Which Lincoln
in~e · algni!loant
contrast with the claaaloal •delatheaaelvea, vi.th Thuaydt.d•• and
his Pericles, net by way ot .E:verett'a learned fllter, but 1. .edlatelyt
nor aa a etudent of the P9lo~ont1110 !!II: (there ls n. evldence that
,_he was), but as an Aaerican vth an Athenian 1tate1un. Everett••
·- cholce of aedel had, after all, been an aead••ic, a polltleally
bl ind cholcje, fer in the Aurlaan tradition P•rloles 11, of neceaaity,
a dubious figure, the leader whO, aa Al•xander Haallton aaya tn
~he sixth F1de;9ll•~· was fer peraonal aottvea
·

••Ille

co•••

aucber •f tha• fa-.ua aM -ta1*al , war._ wbl~h
••
•• tenlnated in the · ruin of the Athenian co..,,nw•alth.

~h• prl•lalv•
~

It is only necessary t• cal 1 that var a o1v11 var to sn" that . Perie lea
la Lincoln'• - roper antique antagenl8t. The queet~n here la1 hov
p
do they contrast with respect to political rhetqric1
·
The single sentence or th• 1peech wbieh had the greateet eff'9Ct
at the tiae and was aoat singled out for anecd(&gt;te and quetatlon
(for instance, by the P~iJ1d1lpbi1 Pr•10 Ind Htrptr'• Wtfi\y) vas
the follovln~ generou• alsehooda
.
The world vl,11 little n0t:e, ner long re11e•ber what we aay
here; but lt can never forget what they did here.
The word

In

5UJl was the only word underecered (F1tet Draft, P• 736).

this emphasis on the soldlers• deed, LtncQln, of oeurn,
_expresses hie senae of urgency in that late fall of 1863, vb.en after
the SWiiier battles of Gettysburg, auch to his dlsappointaent~ ·
expressed in urgent letters to his generals (cf. PP• 711-12, 726-27),
there had been only indecisive 11aneuvering ln the eaat. Lincoln

_

�felt oppressed by unf1nlshed buslnass and had said that hia speech
would be "ehort. short. ahert." the "unflnt.ahed wark." "the gr••t
task reraalning before ua• curtail the foraat of the a~ech, and
in the precipitous elllpsea of the last sentence, .affeet lta gr-.r.
for the sentence lacks all the conneativea here eonjeeturally
supplied a
· It t.a rather for us to be here d•dt.cated .to the great taak
reaalrit.~ before ua •[vhlch aeana] that fro• th••• homred
dead we take increased devott.en to that cause fer whioh they
.8ave the last full •aaure of devotion - [and] that we here
hl~ly resolve that these dead ahall not have ·dlecf t.n valn •
[aoJ that this nation, under God, ahallheue • new birth of
lreedo• • and that govern111tnt of the people. by the people,
for the people, shall not perish fro• the earth•

But the 110re significant aspect of Linaoln'a depreciation of
"what we say here• can be beat seen by contrast with a correepondlng
sentence fro• Perlolea' open1"8• He says!
·
Moat of •Y predecessors t.n this place· have ee-ended hia
who •de this speech part of the law,. telling ua that it ia
well that it should be delivered at the burlal o( thoae ·who
fall in battle. For •Y••lf, I should have thought that the
worth which had displayed itself in deeds, would be auff\,ciently
rewarded by honours also ahriwn by deede1 such aa yeu now see in
·this funeral prepared at the people's coat. And I oeuld have
·Wished that the reputations .of many brave •en were net to be
i•perllled ln the 11outh ef a alngle individual, to stand or fall
aooordlng as he spoke well or 111 (II, 35).

the deprecating phrases barely hide Periclea• persuasion that the

dead must rely on hi• fer their life in the elty•s aeaory, !•r ho,,ar,n~·
that his speech ia worth a battle; as Thucydides thought hls history
worth a war. With that, contrast Lincoln'• assertion that the dead
are beat honored by their own deeds, that they do theiaaelvee honor,
that the task at hand overshadows all ceremony, and hie avoidance
of the pronoun "I".
·
Hore of the rhetorical character of Peri.el.••' apeech le writ
large in Plato• s d lalo~ue . Htgrcenu1, in. whieh Spcrate1 . recitee to
Menexenus an excruciatingly ~own-up caricature of Pertelea• funeral
oratory, which he elai•a to have learned fro• Pericles' hlgh•elaaa
whore Aepaeia. It ls essentially a pervers ton of the •noble lte•
of the Republt.c (414f .) • For tn it the Athenians are•·teld that
they are all autoebt:henoue, deseended fro• those whe sprang fro11
the earth, their aether, and so share equally in a h1gh and heroic
lineage (M!poxenue, 237 ff.). By th• prolonged repetttlen,·of i thla
and other false facts, erateri, .a11 Socrates deacribea . lt,
bewitch our soul•·•••o that even I, Henexenus, when so
lauded by the• feel thoroughly noble, and eaeh tlM I stand
and listen enthralled and think that I have becoae suddenly

�bigger and nobler and Mre handso•e• •• And this exaltation
re-ins wlth ae for •ore than three days (235).

Nov co•pare a speech in which Lincoln deals with the aatter of
traditional colebratl•n•, his Chicago speech of 1858 (p. 401). He
calls attention to the natl.en'• rutn•aboriginal nature, ta its
beginning 82 years ~gor he calla th• faundera,"aen we clala ae eur
fathers and ~randfathers," not hereee, but •tron aen"t he apprevea
of the annual celebratien of the ancestral founder• ef eur present
prosperity and saya drily that "we go fro• these 11eetinga tn better
humour with ourselves.• But · then he stops and r--bera that half
the preaent citizens of the country a,re not blood descendants of
the founding fathers, and he finds that the true co. .on •rather• of
all Amerloana is in fact a declaration of "soral principle,• and
through lt all AMerieana are "blood of the 'blood, and !leah of the
flesh, of the Nen who wrote that Declaratien" (p. 402).
·
In Lincoln's rhetoric, then, general prosperity take• the place
si~nificant founding act replaces continuity of .
habitatlont •nd a peraanent 11eed of sober self-approbatlcm subatitutee
for the 'exaltati•n of the days a tradition e! principle euperoedes a
llnea~e of blood,
And fer all these reasons together, the Aaerioa.n
speaker ls net a •aster aani.pulator, but a ftlitlcal t11g~.al'• the
only course open to a man Who believed, ind etinct eppea tion to
the thesis that •so.e ••n are too isnor•nt, and too ylgloul to share
in ~overnment" (p. 279), .
·

of proud deedst a

that n:. aan .ls ~ood enou~h to
ether' 1 c1 naent ( p. 304) •

~overn

another -n, · wttl]!ut
.

~

The Gettysbur~ Address will, accordingly, turn out to be a
distlllatlen of Lincoln'• political phiteaophy, which he, . en thle
occasion as on many others, atteapted tG infuse tnt,o t;he natien at·
lar~e. a nation distingulahed by the !aet th&amp;t its proaperity ."hae a
philesophical cause" (p. 513). It is !or this reas. n that the vrltt•n
o
versions of the apeeeh have no foraal ealutat ten. - it la addressed to
all citizens. And the brevity that aade its ten sentenc•e at the
.
ti•• so fugitive in the hearing, aake them a "peraanent peea•••lon• ,
ln later readings. For because ef it the speech is readily learned
by heart, and la, ln fact, learned by ·heart by aany aehool children.
But that ••ans that it aay aucoeed in lodging in the ~t in the
fora of seund sentl11ent, e! "virtue and v1~1lance" (p~fh, theee
very propoeltlons, essential to the national life, which are too
difficult - and perhaps too dubleus - to be continually kept in !!.lm!•
Lincoln reco~nized that
.

.

In this age, in this country, public sentlaent ls everything,
since in A•erica si~nlfloant political action depends entirely on
such sentl•ent. Consequently, as a republioan stateeaan, he aade
lt his continual rhetorical task t• guide it,- that i1, te ••nvert
the founding doauaents' sound principles. into the ot.ti&amp;•n•' sober
passion, in unoensclous accO'rdance wlth Monteaquieu•a advice in the
§piri!= ~.ll the L!n•
For he says in the chapter "Of Educatien in a

�-7Republlcan Governaent" that the ~ullar republican virtue, •teve
of the laws and of our country,• requtr•• a kt.nd ef aelf•renunolation.,
a "constant preference of public to private lnterest," and that "to
inspire it ought to be the principal business of educatien" (II,S).
But such love of things public la precisely the product of propeaition
transforaed int• sent1aental Llnoeln'• rhetarlc la ba••d en the
conversion of politlc•l principle into "aoral sentlaent" (p. 401).

••Y••

·
Thus Lincoln, who deprecates what ht
aust •ke every word
i&gt;nl8n&amp;nt with a werld of -•nlng, a~ hia eonte.porarlea reoo~nized
that he did just that. Th• Spr\ng!lfld Rfpubllean ce~nteda

Hts little speech ts a perfect g. . a deep ln feeling, coapact ln
thought and expreaalen, and tasteful and .elegant in every word
and eo...... Turn ba~k and read it over, it wlll repay atudy
as a 1t0del apeeeh. Strong feelings and a large brain were ·
its parents - a little palnataklr« lta tccoucl\§y[•

•ad•

The be~innlng of suctiatudy ls beat
with a acanning of the
whole, which will brlng out the g~and fraaevork of this little speech•
· In time it spans the past ("Feur score and seven years ago"), the
present ("Now we are engaged in a great civil war") and the future
("this natlen ••• ahall have a new birth of freedoa"), ¥hil• in apace
it coraprtaes the battle ground, on which it ls delivered (aiddle
sentences), the continent on which the nation was ~rn (first sentencE
and the earth which it ls to aave (last sentence). ·

11.

The First Paragraph

Linaeln- begln••
Four scere and seven

yea~s

ago •••

"Four score," vi.th its long •h's, repeated in several assonancea,
and the first of 11any alliteratlena, sounds a abre mourttful and
solemn ·, note than the wards "eighty-seven years," but th• choice
of the phrase is not only a J1Atter of sound1 it also carries a ·
speclal iuant.ng. It ta· the language of the Btble, as in Psal11 90, 101
The days 'o f our years are threeacGre · yeara and tena and
if by reason of strength they be fourscore years, yet is th•ir
strength labour and sorrow.a for it is soon out off, and we fly
away •
. With the psala in mind ·the phrase ••ane- jus~ beyond the .ae•ry of
1
anyone new alive, too long ago for living lleaGry. Now ve know that
from youth on Lincoln was concerned with a peculiarly Aaerlcan dangers
the death of sound political passion. In hie speech on "The
Perpetuati•n of our Political lnetltutlons" of 1838,s Llnceln drew
a clear parallel with the early cofllltlnlty e! Christians, whose danger
lay ln the fact that the first generation of disciples and eye•
witnesses was followed by a second which had only heard by word of

�-8-

mouth, by a third which had begun only to have read of Christ, and
a fourth which had begun t• fer~et. So in the Aaerican co11munityi
the ecenes of the revolution

J2.! so universally known, nor so vividly felt, as they
_,,the generation juat gone to r••t (p. 84).

CtQDlt

..r.

The ••n who had seen the Revolution, who were its "l tving history••
are now genes
They were the pillars. o! the temple of llberty1 and now,
that they have cruabled away, that teaple 11ust fall, unless ve,
thelr deseendanta, .supply their places with other pillars,
hewn fro• the aolld quarry of s&amp;ber r~ason (p. 84).
The danger that the enthuslaa11s of the Revelutlon aight beco11e mere
myths .has advaneed to a fact in 1863, the ti•• of the fourth generation
fro• that eventa the national edifice has to be rebuilt "fro11 the
solid quarry of sober reason." This la the age for a deliberate
11ining of the ft.rat aceounte, for rereadl~ ·the founding docuraents·.
Se, then "Feur 1oore and seven years ago" points to that quarry,
that alne, ef reasen. Subtract .87 fr•• 1863 and the result 18 1776.
Lincoln cen1idera that th~l natt.gn was both conceived l~ and born with
.
the Declaration .2! ln1'pt_enc§• ·· on July 7, 1863, in response to a
serenade en the eccas ctn o the . victory of Gettysburg. under the
influence cf the providential coincidence that both the victories of
that battler . and Vicksburg had been announced on the Fourth or July,
and that Jefferson and John Ada11s had both dled on that day, he
had said1

How long ago ls it • eighty odd years • since -on the Fourth .
of July for the first tl•• in the history of the world a natien
by its representatives, assembled and declared as a self·
evident truth that "all 11en are created equal•• That was the
birthday of the United States of America (P• 709) •
...
And in earlier speeches he had often counted back the et'ghty or
eighty•two years to 1776 (pp. 39!, 393)• In repeatedly fixing on
the signing of the Declaration as a crucial date, Lincoln ls making
a deliberate pelltieal judgment concerning the 'hierarehy of founding
events, different for instance fro11 the of Toombs of Georgia who ·
had begun a speech ln 1850 in this waya
Sixty years ago our Cathers joined together to form a more
perfect Union. and to establish justice ••• (of. P• 216),
refe.-ring the foun&lt;1log Sl[ ~republic to 1790 (the date when the las~ ­
ori8lna1 , state ratified the Constitution), and quoting frora its
Preaable. Lincoln's veraien ~ives rather the birth .2.{ Sh!! nation.

�- q ..

He goes

on~

••• our fathers brought 'fbrth on this continent, a new natlon,
conceived ln Liberty, and dedicated to the propoeltlon that all
men are created equal.

The "fathers" - he calls them fathers, although they are only
forefathers, to bring the Revolutlon close - are a very deflnlte
group of men. In another context he had said•
I suppose the "t:hirty-nine" who st.gned the original instrrn..nt
(here the Constltutiona.ay bf!' fairly called our fathers who
t'r••d that part of th• fresent Governaent (p. 517).
In this speech, then, "our fathers" must be those men, tn .part
identical vlth the signers of the Constitution (p. 305), who devlsed
and signed the Declaration, ~specially Jefferson.
·
·
. .. These men "brought forth"• thts is again Biblical dlctiona ' the
phrase ls used, for tnstance, . ln ~ 1, 31 in the annunciation of
the Messiah's birth. They •brought forth on this continent" (all
. versions but the last two had "upon•) L ther.e are undertones here
of "begot upon the body of this land,• "fathered on thla .fallQv
contlnent a1 aother•a the child nation ts safe tn the ' lap of a
whole continent, capable ef protecting it from foreign: interference
and o! providing those unlimited riches whlch are ita material
condltlon.
The new nation was •conceived ln Liberty• ("liberty" being the
only noun capital lzed beald,,.~, "God") 1 not conceived in love aa are
blessed children, but conc,lVed in the love of liberty as are
bleased nations \Cf• P• 315)~ Thus the ~gettirut of this nation
was a begetting of reason (so. also "bringing f'orth" can mean
·
"uttering reasons," cf. 11111!} 41.21), primarily a male acta as in
Aeschylus• &amp;U!!ent.deo the begetting of the wisdom of Athens, the
conception of Athena, is exclusively male (1. 736)1 America ls a
fatherland, not a Henexenean aotherland, and this lend' Lincoln's
•patriotis111• a special cast. Upon this conception, thtJ nationchild vaa dedicated to a proposition as in a baptism. The proposition,
"that all men are created e.ual," was tn quot,tion marks ln the first
draft (p. 735) since it com.ra. from the second paragr4ph of the ·
Declaration of Independence.
·
I! these are the tmplications of the first, and shortest, of
the three paragraphs of increasing length, what ts its sign1flcance7
Consider ftret the continent, the first Qf a nation's three
parts, which are "its territory, its people, •nd its lava" (p. 676).
The second Federal1et says
Thia country and this people seem to have been made
for each other •••

�-10-

De Tocqueville makes the s&amp;11e point of the United States1
••• God hlaself gave the11 the 11eans of remaining equal and free,
placing the11 upon a boundless continent, ••• (De10s;racy
!n A11eric1, I, xvii).
·
by

Lincoln too, especi-ally in hia ·Annual Messages to Congress, spoke .
almost with awe of the continent, "the ever-enduring part" of the
nation, whose riches give llb~rty an object, whGae 1.11pregnability
fosters an unlnvidious patrl~tls11-, and whose integrity makes
secession a chlmaerae
Physically speaking, we cannot separate (1861, P• 586) ••• the
land we inhabit ••• would, ere lo~, force reunion, however auoh
blood and t;reasure the s•paratio!l might have cost (1A62, P• 679).
Such a contl~nt makes the fittest ground for a aeed of principle,
for a continental spac• is needed te safeguard the first e11bodt11ent
of the deaGeratlc ldea.
Next• What of the blrthdate of 17767 Censonant . with the second
Fedgallst, Lincoln held that the Declaratlcan of Independ•nce ·was
.
~~te- by the Union, for~ally established by the Arti~les of
Assoc atian 1774, and was ft~~ceeded by the establishment of the
Constitution in 1787 (p. 5~. This sequence was of the greatest
stgniflcance, for 1.t ·aeant - that the nation's birth was a birth of
principle, whose issue was •ads peaslble by the ali~htly . antecedent
union of the people, and whose nature was kept safe by allowing the
practical . lnstruaent of its life to wait on its conception. · Thus,
usln~ phrases borrowed fro• Proverbs 25,11, Lincoln, wrote of the
principle .. Liberty to all" as expressed in t:he Declaration•
·
The assertion of that principle, at .tl!!£ ,.t.111§., was the
word .. fltly eppktn .. which has proved an "apple--orgold .. t;o us.
The Union and the Constituti•n are the pictut:s! of §ilver,
subsequently fraaed around tt ,(p. 513).

Herf! "subsequently .. 11t1st, ln the case of the Union, mean not later
in tiMe, but in pelltlcal priority.
Lincoln. then, held the Declaration ta be far more than a
declaration ef independence (cf. PP• 574, 577), and lndeed, it
would in that case have been a peculiar docuaent to cite in a war
to. fight secessi•n• But 1.t 1§. llUCh mores for its wri.ter, Jefferson,

had the coolness, t:orecast and capacity to lntroduce 1.nto a
Merely revolutionary document an abstract truth, ••• (p. 489)1
and lt is precisely 'by the o•lssion of this truth that the various '

"merely revolutlenary .. Declarations of Independence adopted by the
Union's adversaries are characterized (p. 607). And so Llnceln eaysa

�J have never had a feeltng polltlcal.ly that did not sprlng frofti
the eentlraente embodied in the Declarat.lon of Independence.,.
It wan not the 11ere 11atter of the separat \.on of th" Co lonles
fro11 the •otherland1 but that sentiment ln th• D•clar.atlon of
Independence whlch ~ave 1 t.berty, not alone to the peopla of thl ; ;
country, but~I hop~, to the world, for all future time (Adores~
10 ~Jl~1J11en!"t1nc,; ll!ll, 186 l, P• 577, cf. PP- 362, 513).

Now what l8 of pt·lme lmportance ln the speech ls Wu! these
pr lnc lplft~, which mark the tru.t beg hmlng of the nation, are hel d .
tincqln denomlnatf!~ t h ers "concrp'lgn§'" nnd "Q!oposi~12n~." In the
Of!claratt.on the fftthers hact he rl that they were "ltelf-~vid11a.nt Truths .;
So11ftthln~ hae happened between the foundln~ and the present: which
forc~u Llncoln to c4ll the axi.011s o! the Declaration mere proposltlo n
Th la le 'fhllt had happened 1 tpe Declarat: ton had been cal led ln
publ lo. 11 a aelf·evlchmt l le, .. a phrase Lincoln often clted with
rfl!pu~nanoe (pp • .
'314, 331, 489, cf, P• 275), for i.t qreates a f a tal
sltu11tlon1

One would ~tart wlth great conf 1.dence that he coulo convlnc
any sane chlld that the et11pler proposi.tlons of Euclid are trueJ
but neverthole~se he would fall, utterly, wlth one who should
deny tho de!tnltiona anc1 axioms. The pri.nciples cf Jefferson
Are the de!inltione •nd axi.01110 of free soctety (p!. 489).

That Llncutn hac'I 11ade a epecial effort to study t~xte concerned with .
itnrt to ponder the natUJ;e of, axt.or1att.c sel!·evtdence and logical
conaequeno• is k.nown. In hls short autoblo~raphy he particularly
nientiQne that he had "studt.ed &amp;nd nearlv 11astered the six books of

F.:uclld tttnce he wae a me1'1lber of' Co~res; .. (p. 549). He understood
that melf~evldence le a peculiarly delicate affair. since once
impugned, one~ only dented in publtci · a,self•evtdent truth turns
lnto a debatable proposition. Yet as the axtom, precisely by reason
&lt;&gt;f lts eel!•evldence. was unprovable, so the . proposition has no
·
rational proof from hi,gher prtnclples, but can be verified only
fro~ its consequences or • draadful prospect - from the fatal
consequences of ite oontrary. !hie, then, ts the peculiar danger
or a natlon which lives on a tradition of expl{clt prl~ctple rather
than of ingrained myth, • prlnclple afflr~ed at its very beginning
in one event: whose impact no later ones, wlth l:he unhappy exception
of 1Jo11n catastrophe, ce.n match· that it grows blind to the selfevldence of lts conceptiona untll a catastrophe opens lts eyes.

And now, what.,more precisely, are these principles whose s tandi r
has changed? In the words of the Declaratlon they are1
that all M~n are preated equal, that thoy are endowed by their
Creator with certain unalienable Rlghts, that among these are
Llfe, Liberty and the Pursuit of Happiness.
Bere equality of creation, equality before God, precedes, and ls the
condltlon of, the other rl~hts, of whlch only some are named. One
etrlkln~ o~teslon ls of positive importance, slnce wlthout lt
Ltncoln could scarcely have cited thls document ln that year which
had be~un, ln the Emanclpatlon Proclamation of January · t, lR63, with
what was ~dmitteoly a destruction of the property of many Americans
·1. ·.·

�-12-

(p. 6At). In Leok•'• teeurrent f•raula .. ll!e, liberty and preperty
(or eG.. •qulvalent fer
l••t• ni.
Itt•t~lf .It C1Y.1l
~'!.!,nuot• ••8• par••· 123, 11,, lli),• •r•en•~ 1ubitltiited
?Or prepert:y .,the Purault ef ff•J&gt;plne11, • l••vlns the , erl9lnal p"ra•e
to be pt.oked up in the Con1tltutten (p. 524). Exoept fer thi•
sub•tltutlen th• Deelaratlen -.euld b.ardly have been ••
t•
the heart ef Lt.nceln, wtMI r ...•bered wt.th apprnval

th•

11

S•J•?f

cl•••

that ttw Je!feraon party were foraed upon it• ~UP'8••&lt;t 1upet:'ler
devetlen t• the peraenal rtfht• ef aen, holding th• rl1hi• •f
property te be eecendary en y, and a•••tly t.nferl•~•·•• (p. •&amp;&amp;).

But a ••••nt
v•r dead
epeelfleally
• r • reuin,
th•

ef natlenal erisle and

t~•

ee•••lGn •f ••••... rating

lt 1earoely an eppertune tl•• te ·dwell en the

per1onal rlgftts te life and th• pursult ef happlne•••
eut et: th• Deelaratlon, tir•t equality •nd then libert1•

Nov Llneeln ••••• in thl1 epeech ta reverae tht1 erder in
setting l 1berty as th• orla1M1 ··oe'n.eeptlen, •• he had befere tented
"Liberty to all," ~ principle of the Deelaratien (p. 513). Jut
el eevhere he 1aya a ·
·
1

I believe that the deolaratienthat "all "'fin are created
equal" l• the gr••~ ('und1••nt:al prlnaipl• upon vhlch eur
f9M t i.Qtih.~~l- . i"••~ "f ~ 1
·479) I

.

l.t le tha feundt.ng prinelple to be kept: tn vlev, !er ln1t•na•, when
the terrlteriea pa1a eut ef a state ef nature and the !•undatiena
of aeeiety are latd. What do•• Llneeln censider t:• be the real
relatton •f these twe prlnclple•?

De Tequev1ll• lri th• ohapter inquiri"' .. Whr10. . .oratie Natlana
Shew a More Ardent and Enduring Leve o! lqual tty than •! Liberty•.
(n. .1yr11y in AMtlll• II, ii, t) een1lder1 lt.berty and equality
two d v•r•• aM in •P•ndent thtng1 1 ef vhloh equality pertain•
pri-rlly ta th• •••lat, liberty t:e the pelltlcal sphere. Yet
he ad•lta that ultl..tely, radlaally, ceneldered the t"t are what

weuld be called tn legtoal ter•a •co•..naurately unlveri,t,• that
11, they i•ply eaoh other•
·
It la pe•alble t• l••8ine
freedom and equallty veuld

•••t

an

I

extre•e polnt at which
and blend.

Lincoln take• exactly tht.a '*extr•••" .ul•• · '.ff8, bbit11-'111"r'i1•t•
eut hl1 underatandlng of the prlna1ple ef equal1ty with respect t•
the alavery que1tlen, whlch would appear to be prt.aarlly a queatlen
of 11berty • On the ether hand, ...h•. lnt~rprete equal lty ef ereat; ion
t:• -•n •r•ol••lY the .PO•••••l•n'ef 11 unallena-le rlght•"• chief
wh1eh le peilltt.eal liberty. The Deolarat:1en. alttwugh by ne aeana
declaring •en equal J.n Ill [!lltct1,

••Iii

�- 11-

At the Srime time&gt; true t:o the openness_ deman&lt;ted by the prtnc.i.ples
he usually abstains from the rhetorlcal compulsion of specific pleas,
these sentences of his .last public address, deallng with~
burning problem of the moment, are typlcal1
In the Annual Message of Dec. 1863 and accompanylng Proclamatlon,
I pre~enterl ~ plan of re-constructlon (as the phrase goes) which,
I proml!ied, if adopted by any State,- should be acceptable to,
and sustalned by, : the Executive gov.e rnment of the nation. I
distinctly stated that this was not the only plan which mi5ht:
possibly be Rcceptablea ••• (p. 797).
·
Instead of att~mptinp, to compel the people t:il ·a co1:itse deduced
. dogmatically, in the manner of an ideoloe,tst:, h~ presented in the
words of the London Spectator,

A poli.tlcal transparency, ln which the nation could see an
lndivldual character of great power working out the problems
set before them all •••
He manages to make these problems supremely absorbing, and he does
it by making almost every speech an interpretation of the founding
documents, in whlch he reveals at once their inexhaustible
radical t.ty and their enduring applicability - by g.lvlng ,Americans a
secular complement to the Scriptures (p. 84).
With respect to the promissory character of democratic
principles, Lincoln 1mder:scores lt by projecting the . growth of the
past into the futures

There are already among us those, who, if the Union be preserved,
wl 11 l lve to see lt contain two hun&lt;1re&lt;1 ann fifty mll 1 ions.
The struggle of today, ls not altoP-eth~r for t.oday .. it ls for
a vast future also (p. 635, cf, PP• 681, 75f1).
The present is thus understood as being the sponsor of the
futures yet the future · ts, 1.n turn, nothing but t[le magntftcation
of the past (cf. p• 656). But polttlcally the American past ls of
a. pecullar sorta it ts not an extensive, unbroken tradition but t:he
memory of a s1.ngle, lntense event - just as a fabric of reason
beg.1.ns with a principle from whlch lt is derived, so the history
of democracy beglns with the Revolutlon. Lincoln intends to assure
that that beelnntng ls present to the futur", that that event
remains the tradltion which governs the future. For the prlnciples
of the fathers are, by their \lery nature, the r.oot of the future
insofar as it ls good.

An&lt;l finally, wlth respect to the passive and incurious mode
in which the democratic principles of equality and liberty tend to
be accepted, it is significant that Lincoln himself never attempts
to raise the question of their truth, nor even .to supply a defl.nl.tion,
exc.ept in extremely slmple, and negative terms. So he says,

�-14-

state of nature exists, Cengreae. with the aid ef that "standard
•axia for free society" (p. l61), the principle of equall.ty, 11 laya
tbe foundations ef society" (p. 479) • pelltlca precedes eeciety,
not the reverse (p • . 279). Thua, since 1001.ety ls 1ria~qallf
based on pell.ti.cal pri.neiplea, which .theaaelves nave a -r• and,
finally, a rtl\g11u1 basia, Aaerican lite depends ulttaately en a
higher source. And ••• by his reference to the principlet ef equallty,
Lino•ln realnda the natl•n which laeka the earth-born equality of
coa•n · blrth, teuted for Athena t.n the Her•QUI• ef a coamn high
.
paternal origins it la a natien equal •un er God."
III.

the Second Paragraph

Now we are enga$ed in a great ctvll war, testing whether
that nation, or •ny natten so conceived and .so dedicated, can
long endure.

In hie •iddle paragraph Llnooln passes fre• "four acere and aev&amp;n
years age• and •our fathers" to "nev" and "we•, fro• the Aeneratl•n
of the Rev•lution to the generation ef the ' Rebellion, ef the "great
civil war", which, ln its enor11lty, he had in the·daya •f the
victory ef Gettysburg teraed, in Hiltonlc language, a "stgantlc
Rebell ton .. (p. 709, ala• P• 702). Indeed there was to hi• aeaetht.~
ef the .Fall ln the wanten
destructien ef our national fabric, with all its benefits, tta
11e11ories and its hopes, •••• Will you hazard ao desperate•
step, ••• while the eert·a1n ills you fly t•, are greater than
all the real enes yeu fly fre11? (First Inaugural Addreaa, P• 584)
Yet in that very a,..eoh Lineoln aaintained the right of
revolution (p. 587), whleh he had already aaaerted in the House as
a "sacred right" during the war with Mexico, in a speeeh attacki~
the President fer waging, without. consulting Congress, a leng,
aggressive and 1..,ral var (p. 209). · But, he aalntat.nec:t,11 the actl•n
of the seuthern st•t•• was not revolution, er aecessien, but
"rebellion" (p. 602),

·

·

Why was it net seceaslon7 The word, he declared to Congress,
i11plles the legality of states leaving the Unien as statea. But,
he had said,
I. hold, that ln conte•plation of universal law• and ef
theCanetltuti.on, . tpe Union of these States 1s perpetual (p.

582)~

This ls · because the Union represents the fundamental social caapact1
aa Locke says in Ihe S~con!! treatise 2f Ctvtl Goverm1ent1
That which ..akes the coaaunity and brings aan out ef the loose
state of nature lrito one politic aociety ts the agreeaent which

�everybody has with the rest to incorporate and act as one body,
and s.o to be one dlsti.nct commonwealth. The usual an.d almc~t
only way whereby t:hl9 union ts dissolved is the inroad of
for\.'ign force making a conquest upon them ••• (para. 21 t, of, 243).
Secession of any sort therefore does violence to pollt:lcal society
itself and ts simply insupportable. But formally lt was a theory of
statehood .which allowed Lincoln to maintai.n the absolute p..,rpet:ulty
of the Union, a theory which again turned about the date and wordi~
of the Declaration of Independence.. He observed that that document
first declared the "united Colonies" "free and independent st:at:es"
(p. 603), so that the Union, whlch had preceded independence. hlid
certainly preceded statehood. Accordingly he denied that the new
Confederacy was right ln claiming that the Art i.cles of Coo.federat: ion
adopted by Congress in the year af'ter the Declaration, .according to
which MEach state retains its sovereignty, freedom, and independencett
(Art. II), repreeented a kind of prototype pertod, a state of nature ~
so to speak, for the States, in which thelr original sovereignty
· dlsplayed itself. For the Union, having prec~ded the Declaration, .
!! fortiori preceded any organic law, as shown by the Preamble of tht:
Constitution. which speaks merely of ·establishing " a ~ perfect
Unton"' (p. 582). The states had never existed 11 out of" the Uni.on, .
but had entered it, insofar as they were entitles at all, only as
colonies, or, if territories, from the state of nature' (p. 479)1
Our States have neither 11ore nor less. power than that reserved
them in the Union by the Constitution - no one of them ever ·
having been a state out of the Uniona The orlglnal ones passed
into the Union even ~fore they cast off thelr lirltlsh colonlal
dependence, ••• ,. The new ones only took the designs.ti.on of
States on comtng into the Union, while that name '-ra.s f tr st
adopted for the old ones in and by the Declaration of Independe &lt;
:
•••• Having never been States, either in substanc~ 'or in name,
outside of t:he Union, whence this magical omnipotence of
"State rights", asserting a claim of power to !awfully destroy
the Union ltself7 (pp. 603·604. cf. P• 572) •
....

"

Hence the assumption of the states• power of lawful witttdi:awal ~as
a "sophlsm" (p. 603).. Lincoln's term "civil war", i.11pl'les precls~ly
the denial of the Confederate view, that it is a "war between the
States.•
·
'
This 1s only apparently an appeal to•er~ dates. · Here history,
ln the providential course lt . seeras to run on this continent, dlsplay
the nature of the case, for the Unlon comes naturally before the
states, b~ing the ground and guarantor of that popular goverl'l.lll,ent
which is the incarnation of the founding principles. Thi~ le
.
expres$ed in its instrument, the Constitution, in two places. Fire ·~.:
ln its Preample1 the very phrase, .. We, the people", le meant to
ind lcate t,hat only a unlted people, ·speaking in it:e own voice, can
sanction republican fundamental law - as Lincoln had pointed out, it:
had been precisely this phrase which was altered in the new ,southern

�-16document to •we, the deputl•• of the sovereign and independent
States•, in aeoerdance with the fact that the new Deelarat1ona had.
omitted the words -all ..n are ereated eqwa1.• •Why thla dellberata
preaalng eut •f vtew th• rlghta of •en and the authertty ef the
pectple7• he ••k• (p. 607). seoendly ln lte bodya the Cenatitutlon
provides that "The Unlted St:atea ahall guarantee to every atate ln
the Union a republican fora of gever1t11ent• (Art. IV, Sec. 4), ••
that
if a atato ••Y lawfully

g~

out of the Union, having done so,

lt uy alee dlseard the relf)Ubllcan for• of Gevern11ont1•••
(p. 608, ef, P• 740) • ·

the Union is reapenalblle not eniy for th• eatabliahaent but al10 for
pervasiven••• of republican institution•• But «le T•equev111e

••Y••

Th• •overetgnty ef the Union la an abatract beln.l•••t the
sovereignty of the atatea if perceetibla by tho
eaally
understood, and constantly active {DtlJllC[ICY !D Aurtc1, l, xvltl } ,

••n••••

Lincoln's effort ia, without detriment to tho dl1tlnctlveneaa of the
states (p. 446), to turn this abstraction into a palpat.le feeling,
as 11Uch •• anywhere ln thla speech, ln which out of tactful respect
for the fact that .it is a natlerual but not a federal cemetery which
is being dedicated, the w.rd "Union• never appears.
Now the right ef aeceeaion being rejected, what happens to the
right of revelutlen? Lincoln thinks on thi• crucial matter as a
radical conservative. That le, when charged with revolutionary vieva
he protest• his eeneervatlaa'i
What la conservatiaa? ls it net adherence to the old and trl•d•
against the new and untried? We stick to, eentend !or, the ·
identical old policy on the point in controversy which w~s
adopted by •our fathers who fra11ed the govermaent ·under which
we llve" (p. 528),
.
·
but alnce the controversy referred to is the extension of alavery,
which Llnceln opJ&gt;Gsed with all hls ai.ght, his v"ry opposition to
change t.1 made in the spirit of the Revolution. ' In other wrda,
in this country, whose original government vae cenatituted by
revolution, the aoat pregreaaiv• side tries most faithfully to return
to the beginnings, so that even innovations are aade in a context
of rational arguMent with the fathers (p. 525). It haa once and !or
all preeapted the Revolution, embodied in the process of change by
majority decision, so t~t henceforth all rebellion is counter- ·
revolution • . In a well-f11unded pol tty, justice ls almost o•lncident
with organic law, and a sense of justice with the intention to
preserve it.
In practice this means, on the one hand, that bad laws

�.. I 7 ..

should be repealed as soon as possible, still while they

- contlnue 1.n force·, for the sake of exa11ple, they should be

religiously observed (p. 81),

·

even 1.f 1.t is expected that they will be .held unconstitutional (p. 58 ~
and on the other, that no law or decision need become 9• a rule of
polit:ical action" (p. 418, cf. p .. 396) until it is judged to harmoniz(
with t.he intent ion of the Founders. · The right to revolution does

remains however it ls clearly c1rcumscr.ibed, n.nd :tn such tP-rms as to
reveal the chief function of the Conatltut'-on in a working democracy c
If, by mere force of numbers, a majority should deprive a
· ~lnorlty c.•f any clearly written constitutional right, le might,
tn a moral pob1t of view, justify revolution .. certainly would,
if such a !°-ight were a vital one (p. 5'84).

The issue mu~t, then, be one of constitutional rlghts dented, or
extra-legal action upon i.t constitut~s an upris1ng against the
people• So Lincoln says of th~ aecessiqnisttu
.These politicians are subt i.l-e and profound on the rlght:B of.
mlnoritieB. They are not partial to that power which me.de

the

Con~t:ltution,

and speaka from the preamble. calling 'itself

"We, the People_" (p. 606).

Thus any sectional or factional uprisif\S, upon a mere feeling of
dissent or discuntnet, or ev"n ort a plea of "social just tee", no
matter how worthy of sympathy, b~ing dir~cted against that government which ls itself the first living and prospering incarnati.on
of the r~volutionary principle,
conoucing ~ore essentially to the ends of civil and religtous
liberty (p. 76)
than any previol!sly known, wi.thout ' vlable alternative, and moreover
as Lincoln emphasized, containing the means of lts own a~endmenc
wt.thin itself {p. 587)~ ls a catastrophe of a p~culiarly _ allful sort.
Llncoln d~cl ined to participate in it even where hla sen•e of jt•stice
was completely outraged (p. 3]6). For the man who
proposes to abandon such a Government, . would d&lt;.' welt to consider .
in deference . to what princ-lple it ls that: he does it' what bette·
he i.s likely to get in U:e !l!teach .whether the substltute will
6lve, or be intend~d to give, so much of good to the people?
(p. 607).
. .
The question is thus always, in Lincoln's a&lt;laptat1.on of Hamlet's
weighing. of suicide (III, i, 82)•
Will you hazard so desperate a step, .... whi.le .the certain llls

you fly to, are greater than all the real ones you fly from7
(p. 584).

�·18-

Thle , v.ar, Lincoln goes on to say., ls a .tJ!.1..k• The oriaia has the
nature of a teat, because, aa he had aatd 1.n -iits ..aaage to the
Congress vhlch he had called into special session to aeet on that

fateful . date e! July .4, at the beginning of the war ln 1861, thla
goverruaent ls an experl•enta
·

· Our pepular govern•ent has often been cal led an experlaent •
Two points ln it eur people have already eettled - the auoceaaful
t•t•rl19hi~, and th~ eueceaaful 1~11ni•f•{1Dft ef it. one atlll
0
re11a ne • ~. auooeasful 11tifilY'nc1 aga net a foraldable internal
.
attempt to overthrow 1t (p.
. •
·
.
.

As a final phase of 4n experiaent the war represents one teat for
all cases, a aodel caae of a natl.en established' on expltcit prinoiplea,
ln which two rutceasary foundi~ conditions, na•ely the vtade• ef
the fathers and the reeeptivity of the contin~nt had been optiaal •
lf. this ?14tlon fails then it la de11onatrated that "any natlen• muat
fall. Thia ls how the American enterprise had. been underatoed fro•
the founding1 lt 1ee11e te have been reserved", says the ft.rat
Federal tot
11

to the people of thie country, by their conduct and exaaple,
to decide the i11portant question, whether oocletlea of aen are
really capable or not, of eetabl iahi"R good govet·!Wetlt fro•
reflectlen and choioe ••• ,
and this very thlng h•d •oved de Tocqueville to write his book
(I, xvli9 end). When the Thucydt.dean Pericles calla the whole city
"an edueatlen to Greece .. (II, 41)he •eans that Athene 11 the· unique
and t.ni•ltable cynosure of the Greeke1 when Lincoln calls the
government an experiaent and the present war a teat.1for all natl•n•
he offers Amert.ca as a practical poli.tt.cal pattern to the werld.
The funda11ental iseue, whlch t.n the course of the war had beoo•e
"distinct, staple and inflexible• i1 an lssue which can only be tried
by war and decided in victory (p. 787). But how can a war be a teat
of anythi.ng? The var vlll, .Llnceln says at lt11 beginntnai, teach th~t
when ballots have fat.rly and constitut't.onally decided, there
can 6e no succeaa!ul appeal baak te bullet•••• (1861, P• 608).

Is Lincoln rutt aelf •contradt.ctory here? How could the suooeasful u1e
of bullets tn thi• var preve that there can be ne succeeeful appe•l
te bullets in republlca7 Or, lf the argu..ent ia that strength at
war ls the converted strength of the ballet box, will it not be
necessary to say that every outco•e proves the principle of popular
eoverelgnty? Certainly, Lincoln f&amp;und his old "faith that right 11akea
might" (e.g., P• · 536) corroborated by the popul.• r aupport the Unlen '
co!Ulanded {pp. 606-7, 764, 786)1 to hi• the solid conservatism of the
11ajortty was a sign of political soundnesa • . But as the war went on

�he looked ure often to a higher judge, to .. the God of battles .. of
the Revolution (p• 264) ,· who• the theoreticians o! popular governnem:
had not been able to aveld invoking.

In the Seoon~ Ireatloe g.! Civil Goyer~en;. Locke says, not
perhaps with much inner conv1ctlon, but rater driven by the argu. .nt,
that
where there 1• no judicature on earth te decide eantroveraiea
amongst men, God in heaven 11 Judge (par••· 241-242, of. 168).
And the Second Inaugural Address (1865) ls a fervent reference to
Psalm 19,91
qth• judg••nta of tha Lord, are ttu• and righteoua altegether•
(p. 793, of. Letttr ~ A{ G, Qqd111 1. Aprll 4, 1864, Which
anticipates · the Inaugura ).
. .

And in a private ••dtaation on the divine will "net written to be
seen of men• in 1862, he ascribes the dlreotlen and the outcn•e of
the war entirely te the will of God who uaes the contestants ae his
•huraan instruaentalitles" (p. 655, cf. P• 610). While there ls
still peaoe, Ged'a juds•ente are ~lven by hie •8Nat tribunal, the
A•erlcan people• (Firat Inaugural, P• 587), but ~nee at war, the
Almi~hty adjudicates. Frcn• the day Lincoln left for wa·• hington, as
Prealdent~e1ect, he did what the A•ertcan people have always expected
their fallible fellow citizens who rule the• to do - he co•mitted
himself te God, (p. 568), aa the only power htih enough to oversee
the tendency •f the whole, and in this spirit he CGnttnued1
I olalm not to have controlled events, but confess
that eventa have controlled me. New at the enp of
struggle the nation's cenditien la not what either
any 11an deviaed, er expected. God alone can clat.11
!2. A, q, H9dge1. April 4, 1864).

plainly
three y11tars
party, or
it (LetterI

Exactly what the test · was to prove Lincoln had· stated already in
his •Perpetuation• speech o! 1838. It was to b~·
a practical de•onatratian of the truth of a propositi•n• which
had hitherto been cnna1dered, at best no better, than proble11atloal
namely, the ~rAtltv 2! A pegple IA gove~n themoelyes
(p. 82, cf. P• 1
•

"The experiment is successful", he had then added, but as the self•
evldence of the axlom · e! equality had begun to fade, se it• practical
oonsequence, the gevernaent, was thrown t.n doubt. The more precise
forra of. the questlon n.w lsa
.
·whether di.scentented indlvlduale, too few in nmnbers to contr•l
ad11lnistration. according to organic law, in any case, can always,
upon the .pretenses 11ade ln thle case, or on any other pretenses,
or arb.ttrarlly, without any pretense. break up their Government,
and thus practically put an end to . free goverlll'llent upon the earth ••

�-20•ts th•~•· in •11 republtoa, thls inherent and fatal weak"-••T•
•Huat a Geverftll8nt, of neoe11lty, be too
tor the 11bei:tl••
of lt• own peeple, or
Kl!k te •alntaifi?ta evn ex1~teneet•

n1ou

t••

(p. 598).

·
That • natien, heir te the •tuM••ental bl•••lna•~ •! th• •falr•et
portion of the earth•, lnvulnera~l• t• lnva1l•n• •• ~•11 ••tea
fref· gover1111ent, eeuld enly "die by auieide• (pp. 76-77) had lene
see1ied plain te Lt.nceln, though at ·the t i - (lRl8) 1'• had tboual\t
that thi• internal trlal would take th• fer• of that p•rv•,•l•n of
de11c .cracy, whioh he called •ubeeracy•, in vhleh.
JtMPl• l.Wt.•
vldt1ally forget te ~evern thnaelv••• Nev lt tum1 eut that ln hit
century the teat of endurance baa taken th• for11 't elvll war, i n
whl&lt;·h a whole a•g•nt of the Mtian refuaea td aubaltl 'i• lte !'.'I

t•

StY!·~~rtl•

t::

.

··~. :-::~
..

Lincoln goee ona
We are .•et en a Areat battle•fleld o! that war.
But he avoids any particularization of the circu••tancea ef the
battle of the great . war 1 iV§tC~.~. tit4 treated that at length.

p,re~ . test

Lo::·-··.-"·"" -' ··- ·" ,::;: . :... - .~---=a:~..--:r..:::::::.-q:;::.r:;ctr.J•P"'

We have colle to dedicate a pertlon of that field, as a ·
final resting place fer thoae who here gave their lives that
that nation might live. It ls altogether fitting and proper
that we should do this.
A pi.rt of the fi.eld, which had, incidentally, been called Ce•etery
Hl11 even before the battle, ls being eet aside as the earthly
dom .ln of these newly dead soldier• vhe, ae the father• gave the
nat1 .on birth insured lt11 continuing life.
IV.

The Third Paragraph

But in a larger sense
we can not dedicate we can net consecrate •
we can not hallow •
this ground.
The third paragraph has features of an incantation, repetition and
rhy11e, but it ls a negative incantation. It begins by warding off
an 4!rror1 fit and proper though it may be in a narrow sense to
comtuct dedication ceremonies, there la danger that the present
gem,ration, txhat •we", •ay substitute the redundant rituals of
ded~ .catlon, censecrat1on and devotion for dedication in the sense of
the fathers, 'that dedication of a piece of ground may take the place
of 1:he larger ded'lcation to a proposition called for. by the great
war. So one can hear tlhe steady lambs of Lincoln's three-line
rhyritng ref'raln perturbed by a warntnge11.phasls on "we 11 •

�•21-

The brave aen, living and dead, who struggled here, have
consecrated it, far above our poor power to add ~r detract.
With this sentence Lincoln honors at ol'\ee the Union dead, the
Union aurvlvora, and genereualy but tactfully, the enell)', fer the
phrase "the brave men, living and dead, who atruggled here", with
its intranaitlva. uae ef the verb, applies also . to the other alde of
whom about an equal number, 23,000 aen, had died (p. 712). Lincoln,
unlike Pericles in speaking to the Greek Athenians, always keepe
before hl11 the· terrible fact of the civll war, that Alierlcana are
fighting Aaerican1. He aaya not one derogatory werd of the transient
enemy a -three weeks after the Addreaa, Lincoln issued a Proclaut;.ien
ef Aanesty and Reoonstruction giving tull pardon to all ordinary
ct.tizena whe would resuae allegiance to the Unt:on (p. 738 f.). As .
always, he ·av•lda 11.aklng dlviaiena, fore
Our strife pertains to eurselvea • to the passing generatlens

of mens and it can, wlthout convulal•n, be hushed forever with
the passing of one generation (p. 679, of. P• 588),
1

and
What I deal wt.th ta ~9.9 AIJ'.&amp;! .f9!': malicious deal 11)8 (p. 650) •
He goes ona
The world will little note, nor long remeaber what we say here,
but lt can never forget what they dld here.
·

as

It la. known that Lincoln considered the speech a failure
a speken
speech, for he h.ad told a friend right after its delivery1 •Lamen,
that speech won't ocour. It is a flat fallure and the people are
disappointed.• The ea11e thing had happened with respect to hls
second moat renowned speech, the Second Inaugural, ·about which he
had written to a friend•
·

I expect the latter ta wear as well as • perhaps befter than •
anything I have producedf but I believe it is not ilQlediately
popular (p. 794)•
In view of Lincoln's correct appraisals of hi&amp; ~peeches, the sentence
cannot be regarded as a conunent on the Address1 rather, besides
carrying the meaning siven above, it serves as the counterpart of
one in his previous Annual Messaget
We ~ we are for the
we say this (p. 688).

Union~

The world will not forget that

The state11ent of ai11 has been once and for all made, and now all is
concentrated on its mil ltary !9.9.~.!e~..!•~Jlli•
t:=,";;:, .. ~ ... __ ...... _ ~· • ••.:.::::.:..• ,; ; .;..:.-:.~~.~:.. ··..:·...~....:;;.. ;;;..,1. ~ ;. ;::-,.-:-..:;~..;.:-:;; =-~:::;,..
:
...

And then come the last two sentences, . half the speech in length,
wh1.ch develop its expl lcit theme - the second dedtcat\qn. of the

�-22·
natt.nn, ln this consecrated pl•~· ll!Dt (Lincoln reaoved a fourth
.. here" fr•• th• ft.ul veraten), "'
"
·
Tt l• f•r ua the llvtns. rat:her, to be dedlcated here
to the un!tnlahed WGrk
whloh they vha fou,!ht here hav• thua far so nobly advanced.
lt t1 r•ther fer ua to be here dedtcated
to the great task r•••lnlng before ua •

Practt.cal ly, th• "un!lnlehed work"; .. the great t.a11tk r••alntng before
11
,
ta the winning o! thtt W'-1" (ef. Jh 791) • bttt in 1lgnlftcance it
.
ta ao••tht.~ Ar•ater, tl\e 1ueeeelt!ul .PMl'l•t.en ef the expert.11ent
nf ~npular !•v•rn••nt.
·

tJa

-

·;·:,.~.":""'~~~~:~· · :-:.';: .~:. ~~"-~~:-~:!.. · ~~t.: : ." ' ;" :'" .~~·;:.·~ ..;~ .-~-J?-~ .•
~

Th• next two clau1e1 1 ·~•lft in that 1pell•l t.ke .diction which

gtvea eucee11\ve cola ldentlcal er n••r-tdentlcal endlnge, give the
nat.ure qf thl1 new d8dleatlon1 it •••ns
·
I

that frGa these honered dearl we take lnere&amp;$ed devetlon
t• that caua• !ftr whleh the~, ~ave the l•st: ful 1 l'leasure of
devothm •
th.at we her• hi8hly reaolve
that these dead
shall nftt have dled
tn va1.n ..

In invok1"8 the dead, Lt.neoln t.a touohing what ln hla Flrat Inaugural
he ttalled

the 11)'11tlc ohotc1e er •e•ory;'. atret:chlng fro• every battle•.fi.eld
and patriot ~rave, to every 1 lving heart and hearth-etol"tt• ••
(p, 5ftA).

..

.

I

'fe '10 thle hf.It al~lftB the la~U&amp;f';t!t of (!hurch and . legielatlve assemhlye
'fhe dedloat:lon, · the eena•cratt.en, .t h• hat lowing, the .devotion Lt.ncoln

i1r••• 1.a ofen
a
h1.s Rf'ttltch

pol ltlcal . sort. He had uried lt .already 1n 1R3R, in
"The Perpetuation nf our Polltlcltl Inatltl;ltlons .. ,

Let rfJv«trence for the lawa.~.becol'le thsJ91\t;1 0 alte11~1on of
the natl.ant and let the old"!'and the you ·. 1 the rt.oh an ·the
po«n'• th8 ~rave a~ the 8•Y• nf all sexes and tca~ues, and

oolai-• and eendltlena. aaorlflce unceattln81Y upon lts altars
(p.

Rt).

·

nu•an

Llncnln ls dftllberateiy ooneecrati.1\A poll.tlc1, and the ~reat
agency of reverenee la , •••ery, wtl~fQ .,1 l th\naa .. Se•• hallowed" (p. 191.
The laat: two olauaee !lV• the efteot. of
that thi.1
f reedoll -

nattnn.

undf.tr

n,.d,

~he

new dedicatlona

ahalt have a new birth ef

�-23The wonds 11 under God" were not in the flrst draft1 they were .reported
in the newspaper verslons of the ap•ech as delivered and incorporated
by Lineeln later (cf. 1s. 752). Why did he add the117
··

I¥•

Under th_, heading "Of Clvll Reli~ion", the last in
Sogial
C1ntr15t, Rousseau describes the clvll rell~i•n of repub cs wh{ch
it le the business of the acverelgn to set out, not as retl~loua
de1t•a1 but as 11 8entlaenta •f 1octablllty". They ought t• be
staple, few ln nuaber, preclaely fixed, and without explanation
or co••nt. The existence of a powerful, wlae, and benevolent
Divlnlty, vhe fer••••• and prevldee .t he life to 0011e, the
happlness ef the . juat 1 the puniahaent of the wicked, the ..
sanctity of the aeeial contract and the laws ••• (IV, viii).
This la precisely the nature of Lincd~'s faith as continually set out
tn hla public pronauncMtente (pp. 65~, 727, 757, 793). The natlen 1.a
under a "beneficent Father who dvelleth in the Heavens" (p. 728).
.
It has a double parent•~• • the !ore-fathers and the F•ther above.
Wlth the1e words, Lincoln, then~ tnvokes at once faith, the pe1:sonal
trust in a auperlitr betng, and religion, the public obligation to
reverence.
·
·
Thia natlonwill have .. a ·new birth of freedo•"· Thoee werds
were not, at the time, felt to be at all innocuous• Nor are they,
if "of freedo•" la read not as an objective genitive, so that the
natl.on is said to ~ive blrth to a new freedom, but as a parallel
to •conceived ln Liberty•, ae that the nation itself ts said to be
rebnrn. The Chteago ~. tnreperttng on the speech, aald that
in thia phrase "Mr. LIJ\COin did
foully traduce the 11otlves of
the tHm who were elaln at Gettysburg", for· they fousht only to
preserve the eld govern11ent. Now, as has been shown, Lincoln in
fact &amp;8reed with thla conservative vlew of the struggles he bad
sai.d so explicitly1
·
I

••t

I am exceedingly anxious that thla Union, the Constitution, and
the libertle1 of . the peGple shall be perpe~uated in accordance
with the ori~lnal idea for which that strt.lggle was aade, and I
ehal l be raost happy indeed if I shall be . an humble lnstl'Uaent. ·
in the hand . of the A1111.ghty, and this, . hls almost chosen
a
people 1 for perpetuating the object of that great struggle
' {p. 57:&gt;).
And yet theChidago Times was right to
1.ntentlon, a ra teal oppost.tlon to the
conserv.atta• expressed ln their slogan
the Union as t.t was". ln 1R54 Lincoln

suspect an underlying radical
De110crat!.c party' a klnd of
"The Constltutlon as i.t is and
had satd at Peorla1

Let u~ re-adopt the Declaratton of .Independence, and With lt,
.the practices and policy, whlch har110nize wt.th lt. Let north
and .south • let all A•ericana - let all lovers of liberty
everywhere .. join in the great and good work. If we do this,
we shall not only have saved the Unions but we shall have so
saved lt, as to make, and keep 1.t, forever worthy of saving.
We shall . have so saved it, that the succeeding mtlllons of free

�-24-

kappy people, thft worlrt ovt!r, shal 1 rl8e 1.ip, and cal 1 us
blessed, to the latest generatlons (p. 315)"
The last phrases are a para.phrase of the Hagnlfleat, the words of the
ntother-to•be of the Messlah1 "For, behold, front hence forth all
~e""ratlons shall call nte blesse"" (Luke t, 48).
It i8 Lincoln's

aweso11e lctea that the generatlon of the clvll war, undtitr his leadership, ls 81: once the savior and the par.ent of the . savior nation,·
that America is to pol itlca "all'fto.8 t" as Israel was to the spirit•
That means that for th&amp; Union side the war ls a kind of second
comlnA, a second brlnglng-forth, after four score and seven years.
Llncoln has converted Jefferson's extravagant opinion that "a
llt:tle rebellion, now and then, is a gt&gt;olt thing" (Letter 12. Hadlsin,
January 30, 17R7)- into a serious view concerntng the perlodlc
rP-hir.th of the Revolution - to occur, evldently, in fullest force
· ln·the fourth g"neratlon, once ln a century.

.
In this idea Llnooln recognizes that a country founded ln a
revolut\on ls bounc1 to have a Aeneratlonal problell• . For the document.
con~tltutl~ lts p;overmaent is ordalnerl and · eRtabllshed. as- the
prlnclple of popular government demands, ln the ftrst p~rson plural;
lt beglns1 "We the penple." Yet thls can mean literally only the ·
r.atifylng generation, thereafter the fundamental act . of self·
govern~nt ls lnherltec1 - but self-determinatlon by tradition ls a
ktnd nf paradox. This dlfficulty lay hehlnd Jefferson's advocacy of
· re~ular

revolutlona

Can one generation bind ariother,·ancl all others, ln succession
forev8r? l .~hlnk not. The Cr~ator has made the earth for the
living, not the dead..... A generatton may bi.mi itself as ·
long .a s lts majority continues ln l lfea when that, has dlsap•
peared, another majority ls tn place, holds all the rights and
powers their predecessors once held, and may change thelr
lawe and lnstltutlons to suit themselves. Nothlrig then ls
unch11n~P-able but the inherent anrl unalienable rights of 11an
(Letter~ J• Cartwright, June 5, 1R24).
·
Jefferson's radical solution to the problem of changlnS. generations
was opposed hy Lincoln on the ground that majority rule itself as ·
well as mlnor\.ty rlghts were guaranteed by nothing but a commitment
to the fun&lt;Jamental law and the governmP-ntal institutions.
The very raaterial success of "the popular principle applied to
government" . acerbates the problem • . Lincoln, on several occasions,
for instance to Congress ln 1R61 and 1862, had given exultant accounte
of the fanta8tlc .increas., of population, elsht-fold ·. since the founding
11nd contlnui.ng, incredibly, even throu~h .. the )lar (pp. 72R, 761),
with the expectation at the sAme rate of growth of 250 nitlllon by
1910 ann a proportionately even greater lncrease of prosperity
(pp. f.'34-615. 6R1). But when making up Auch an account a quart?er
of a century earl ler, ln the speech "On the Perpetuation of our
PolttlcAl Jnstltutlons" he had a&lt;t&lt;leda

�-25-

We, when 11ountins the stage of existence, found ourselves the
legal inheritors of these fundamental blessinss. We toiled not:
ln the acquirement or establiahllent of them - they are a
legacy bequeathed u1, by a ~ hardy, brave, and patriotic,
but ~ laaented and departed race of ancestors (p. 77). ·
The generational. dileraaa raised by success ls that the epigoni, the
successor generation•• bred in that most desirable ignorance, the
ignorance of anarchy and despotls11, and 11tatak{ng the drained habits
of their parents for the tradition, will in the low ef political
passion areuae themselves by giving current problems a cataclysmic
cast, that they aay, developing an appetite for unknown terror, be
· willing to cure dlasatisfaction by catastrophe. A deliberate return
to the founding revalut~on alone can forestall · e~ch an event, or if,
as in the case ef the Clvil War, it beco. . a a fact, can turn it into
an act of salvation. Lincoln bei\tinually mak&amp;a the effort to
.
convert the war in this way, even coflparing its financial funding
to that of the Revolution (p. 602).
,
There ls, of course, an assuMption in this which goes beyond
Jefferson's reliance on the mere principles of 1776. It is that
constitutlonal severn11ent is, in fact, the best 11eans of realizing
the11, and ts, therefore, to be equally cherished. .. Lineoln held ·
this asau•ption ln full awareness of the 11lxed and ma1111ath character
which the nation was to atta1n in the next century, and this is why .
he saw the incidents of the Civil War as "phllosophy to learn wisdom
fro11" "for any future great natienal trial" (p. 764).
f

a .Z:::st.ftW

l llH A -

-

..f.

What then, 1Mre precisely, does Lincoln aean by •a new birth .of
freedo11"7 As ·the nation was cenceived in liberty and dedicated to
equality, so it ls to be reborn ln freedort• That 11eanethat . ln this
speech 11 freedom 11 covers both equality of creation and the Latinate
"liberty•, that ls, civil freedom, which Lincoln elsewh~re calls the
jewel of liberty within the fartily of freedom1 it stands at once for
••n's riature as a creature under God and for hls means .of fulfill!~
that nature in civil seciety, as part of a natiop (cf. P• 403). ,
This means ls self•gavernaient, which Lincoln res~ects equ.lly with
its end, calling it •rtgN&amp;~absolutely and eternally right" (p. 303).
In fact, he defines it coextensively with liberty, which means for
"each 11an to do as he pleases with himself" (p. · 748) 1
I trust I und.e rstand and truly estimate the rtght of self•
government. My faith in the propost.tion that each man should
do precisely as he pleases with all which ls exclusively his
oWn, lies at the foundation of the sense of justice there is in
•e (p. 303, cf• PP• , 394) •
.
I11pli.ed in this is first, that poltti.cally, where there must be
submission to a govern11ent, this must be by the consent of the
governed, understood as
.
A 11ajority, held in constraint by constt.Uuttonal checks and
limitations, and always changing easily with deliberate changes
of popular opinions and sentilllents ••• (p. 585),

�-26discovered in elect1ens 1 for
We can not have .free government without electlonst•••
The strife of the electien ia but huaan-nature practically
applied to the facts of the case (pp. 763-764).
And. secondly·, ·~•no•ically, that a 11an ~•t be abl• to acquire and

hold so11ethlng of hia own, -.iat have, not the assurance, but the
possibility of acquiaitlena Lincoln 11ade this a1Jit")t
aelf•
govern11ent a subject of hla firet Annual Heeaage t• Ceqre11 ln
1861 (pp. 633, ef. P• 501).
.
. ·.

of

••t

Now when Lincoln in the decade before and durlng the war
out his vlews on freedoa, h~ did it almet lnvarla)&gt;ly in refarerac•
to lts antithesis - slavery (cf. P• 303 and P• 347). By •a new birth
of freedom• Lincoln 11eana the readoptlen of the Deelaratlen in a .
very specific sen••• a aenae which the ordinary •conae~atlvea•
strongly disapproved.
During the war Lincoln expressed his views on the slavery ·
question succinctly in a private letter. They are charaoterletic
of the double nature of his politi.cal opinions, rever•M• for the
laws combined with radioa11ty •f principle. He ~alda
I am naturally anti•elavery. If slavery la not wrong, nothing
la wreng" . .I can not r•••ber wben I did .not so thlrik, and f'eel.
·: .And . ·iy•t 1 I, hA•·· never understood that the Pres idericy conferred
upon me an unrestricted rlght to act offlclally upen tlhiai
judg11ent and feeling (April 4, 1864, cf. PP• 395, 652).
For, as he said in his Firat Inaugural, not only did he have under
the Constitution no lawful right to do so, but he even held hl•••lf
bound by his oath of office to en!orcethe constitutional provtatpn
for the reclai11ing of fugitive slaves (pp. 492, 580-581) - it wae
more i.11porta.nt . o preserve the very bas 1 e of 11.berty than to secure
t
iml'lledlate justice. At the sa11e time he found hi•s6lf. able to base
his uncompromising public opposition to slavery~on the ~plnlona e!
the . founding father3 (e.g. pp• 272-273) and on the found\ng doouaenta io
Whether or not he knew of Jeffereon•a "pblllppic against Negro slavery
which Congress had deleted fro• the final draf~. he had no
question that the Declaration meant . to include negroes, a view he
set · out ln his debate with Douglass
I should like to k°"w if taki~ this old Declaration of
Independence, which declares th11.t all men are equal upon
principle, and raaking exo•ption to it, when will it atop7
If one aan says it· does not mean a. negro • why IlC)t another
say it does not 1ftean some other man?" (pp.: 402-403, cf. PP•
360 ff, P• 479).
And he had equally no question about the intention of the Constitution
He often repeated, the argument from .. necessity .. , that to get the
Constitution at all the framers had had to compromise, but that they

�-27·
had found a way to save in the long run the principle which they
could not assert at the J'llO•ent (pp. 304, 313, 358 ff., 403, 423,
479), for

When ~he . fathers of the goverruaent cut off the source of slavery
by the· abolition of the slave trade, and adopted a systent of
restricting lt from the new territories wh&amp;re lt had net
existed, I maintain that they placed it wh~re they understood,
and .a ll sensible men understood, it waa in the OIJHme ef
ultimate extinction (October 13, 1858, et. PP• 394, 416).
Accordingly Lincoln whe, as a responsible parti.clpant tn political
l lfe, could not support the extre11e of abel ltion, became the laplaeabL~;
foe of the 7xttn1ion of slavery • thia single ·issue doatnatea his
speeches ·be ore the war (e.g.,
170, 339) • a net in !act . brought
.
him, as lt had Jefferson (p. 272 , back lnto politics, t.n which be
had been losing interest (p. 512 • It was an lsaue important to
him ln some part because it was so peculiarly connected with the
question o .f the axiomatic character of the founding prlnclples,
namely wlth the question of their uniyersall~y, (cf. PP• 308, 477).
Such proposltlona, ·precisely because they are prlnci.plea of hwu.n
nature, pronounced concerning •all 11en", must eventually either
altogether fall or altogether preva1.1, both in respect to lnetitutlonet

p!.

I believe thl&amp; government cannot endure, permanently
half slave and half free (1858, P• 372),

and to (ndlvlduals1

This ls a world of compensations• and he who would lll! no
slave, must consent to .b.E!.! no slave. Those who deny freedom
to others, deserve it not fer themeelves1 and, under a just
God, can not long retain lt (p. 489, cf. PP• 136, 473).
Lincoln. did not regard it aa l11poss1.ble that the nation alght fail,
that ls, that the false principle might become generally accepted
so that the natien would degenerate into despot·tsm (p. 335) t:o prevent this wa.s precisely hla pol it teal task. So, ance the war
had turned out tn be the final means of resolving .the question, for
. the very reason that his .. para11ount object.. .wa,s to
save the Union, and •••I!S!.t. either to save or destroy slavery
(1862, P• 652),
he recogni.zed, in hts Second Inaugural Address, that the "ei.ghth of
the whole population" who were slaves, were "somehow, the cause of
the war" (p. 792), and ·that
tn giving freedom to the tlave·, we assure freedom to the

~ ••• (p.

688),

for slavery was "that only thing wh:tch ever could brlng thls nation
to civil war" (p. 759). And he gave this not only a political but,

�-2R·
as was in the nature of the case, an economic interpretation, on the
principle that bad labor drives out good. So he told a labor dele ...
gation that
'
••• the exlsting rebellion 11eans more, and tends to 1110re,
than the perpetuation of African slavery • that l.t ta, in
. fact, a war upon th~ rights of all working people (March 11,
1864, cf. P• 343).
.
.·
Ihis ls why, just after the victory at Gettysburg, he had been able
to call the war
a gigantic Rebellion, at the bottom of which ls an effort to
. overthrow the principle that all 11en are · created equal•·•.
(p. 709).

.

.

.

Lincoln had s. veral time.s made a point of the fact that the
e
word Jtal•v•t!Y"' :de's 'riot appear"·tn; the CofteC:ltutien1 ·
Thus, the thing ls hid away, lri the constitution, just as an
afflicted lll8.n hldea av•y a wen
a cancer, which he dares not
cut out at once, lest he bleed to death1 with the promise,
nevertheless, that the cut·t tng may begin at; the end of a given
tl.11e (p. 313). •
.
·.
.

or

So also this speech does not contain the word, . but for a different
reason1 as the founders had to violate their feelings about it out
of political necessity, ao the ti11e had come at the beginning of that
year, 1R63, when Lincoln couldlndulge hi.a out of Military necesalty.
He used what he considered to be the Prealdent•s war powers to put
the Emanci.patl.on Precla11&amp;tlon ln force
the states in rebellion
(p. 691), a mve he defended with the argUJMnt that the black
regl11ents were indispensable to ml.litary success (Letters of Apr~l 4
and August 17, 1864)• Since the Union slave states, l'lke Maryland
(p. 749), were proceeding wlth voluntary emancipation, it was plain ·
that the thing was on the way out. The Union was to be rec•nstru~ted
without slavery, . nd so the irgclamat1on. 2.( 6•efta A!!!\ Reconstruotio j.
a
Lincoln issued three weeks a tftr the Gtt~yabµrg _d_rees provided .
(pp. 73R ff., cf, PP• 796 ff). The "new birth of freedom" 11eant for
Lincoln the re-adoption of the Declaration ·(p, 315) and the amend11ent
o( the Constitution (pp. 679, 785) to make explicit their true
intention1 it meant "returning . slavery to the posltiori our fathers
gave it" (p. 315), and restoring the republican example to •tta
just influence lil the world .. , by · averting fro11 it the charge of
hypocrisy (p. 291) • . Llncaln made of the war a purlflcatlon1 ·
the nation was to be p~ged of inconsistency •

for

. t..

And now the last clausee
and that government of the people, by the.people, for the
people, shall not pert:l.h from the earth •.

�-29How, to begin with, should we i11agine that Lincoln read this phrase
concerning govermaent, a memerable expansion ' on •popular governm~nt''7
Did he streaa the preposltlona •ef•, "by"• "for•• or the noun "people''
which they govern? The diaayllabic rhythm of the speech is best
pres~rved by reading trochees•
I

I

I

I

I

I

of the people, by the people, for the people,
a rhythm which gives equal weight to the people and its relation to
the governaent.

As was the beginning, se tbe. end of the epeechis directly
adapted from the American oratofical tradition, namely fro11 an
abol ltioni1t seraon siven_. appropriately, en July 4 of lRSR by
the Rev. Theodore Parker1 who had 1•td1
. .
De110cracy le direct aelf-government, over all the people, for
all the people, by all the people.
Besides changin8 the rhythm, Lincoln had, significantly, softened
"over" to •or•, avoiding even a hint of deapo.t ism. Thus the people
govern 1. by repre1entatives, 2. chosen fro• aMorig theaselves,
3. who rule in the popular interest - a deacription President Lincoln
himself exemplifies (cf. P• 756).
·
.
Lincoln does not .say 11 thle government as he had . said "this"
nation, for it ia the preservation of popular, that la, elected,
govertlllent anyybere which is at stake, though the i..ediate cause
for resortil18 te force was certainly the preservation of this
.
government. But that came to the same _
thl.ngr thus near the beginning
of the war Llnceln had teld Congress, called by hlm into special
session, again on July 4 of 1861, that he regretfully found
•

•

,

J

I

the duty of e•ploytng the war power in defense of' the Government
forced upon hi11 ••• no popular Govermnent can long survive a
·
marked precedent that those who carry an election can only
save ·the Government from iNmediate destru~ion by giving up
·
the main point upon which the people gave the election (p. 609).
Lincoln had begun with the Revolution an~ its statement of
principle, the Declaration1 he ends with government and its
instituting docUJ11ent, the Constitution. This represents the dl.fferenr
in the commitments of the first and the fourth . generations '(
As the patriots of seventy-six did to support the Declaration of
Independence, so to the support of the Constitution and Laws, le·1
every American pledge his life, hts property, and his sacred
honora ... (p. 81, cf. Declaration, end).
· ·

It also represent~ the relation of the Declaration to the
Constltuttont the latter ls merely the i.nstrument of the former, as
shown tn a sentence Lincoln quotes from the second paragraph of
the Declaration 1

�.30:.. .

That to secure these rlghts, govern11ent~ are instituted among
men, DERIVING THEIR JUST POWERS -!o""ROM THE CONSENT OF THE
GOVERNED (p. 304).

The gover11111ent ts a metns, and thus a compromise of evils • Madiabwr1
says in the fifty-first Feder1li1t1
But what is gover1111ent itself but the greatest of all reflections
ori human nature? If aen were angels, no govern•ent ·vould be
necessary.

and he warns1
Don't interfere wt.th anything tn the Constitution. • That 11ust
be . . tntained, for it is the only safeguard of our liberties
(p. 345).
And so the preservation of . popular goverruaent is linlced · to .the
defense of the American Constitution~
I'

_ _ ...:u; ..--~ ..-

... ~;;.-:.'.!".=:::::.•.- .............,..,....

--

···

This goverill'lent "shall not perish from the earth",· that is ~he
"work", the "task.. , the "cause". Lincoln has ended, as he began,
with language heavy with the Bible•
The good man is perished out of the ekrtha ••d there is
none upright amng 11en1 they all lie in wait for bl•ed1 they ·
hunt every man his brother with a ne• ~M~cah 7, 2),
If . this rebellion prevails, this allusion warns, so that "these
institutions shall pert.ah" (p. 609), aen will return to that universal
state of war, the war of each against all, which prece4es the
institution of government1 the Rebellion would undo the Foundlnga
for when men, b4f! entering .into society apd civil govertllllent,
have excluded force and 1ntaoduced' laws (or the preservation
of property, peace, and unity amongst the~selves, those who
set up force again ln opposition to the laws do rebellare that ls, bring back again the state of war - and are
properly rebels' ••• (Locke, Second Treatise 2.[. Civil Government ,
para. 226).

�-31-

Tn

Lincoln's words 1
Plainly, the central idea of secess.i.on, is the eesence cf
anarchy. A majority, held in restraint by constitutional
checks and l~mitation~, and always changing easily with
deliberate changes of popular opinions and sentl11ents is the
only true sovereign of a free people. Whoever rejects tt,
does, of necessity, fly to anarchy or despotism (1861, P• 585).
And finally, there is the allusiDn to ·Jere11lah.tO,tl1

The gods that have not made the heavens am the earth, evt!n
they shall perish from the earth •••
False gods shall perish, but the ; government of the people shall
perish.

~

V•

the Speaker

After having, at length, considered the speech, it is leglti11ate

to consider the speaker.

Lincoln ts, at his height, a publtc mane

If ever I feel the soul wt.thin me elevate and expand to those
dlmen•••ns not wholly unworthy of its Almighty Architect. it
is when I contemplate the cause of my country ••• (1839, P• 112).
But the American speake~r who, like Lincoln, means to put his whole
heart and ambition (p. "Ill) in the service of the body politic.
has a peculiar problem, rooted in the quality of American life,
which de Tocquevil l&amp; describes in the chapter "Of Some Sources of
Poetry Among Democratic Nations".·

-1

Nothing concelvab.le is so .petty, so lnslpbt, so crQwded with
pal try interests . - in one word so anti-poetic - as the lt.fe of a
man in the United States (pemocracy 1n America, II, t, 17).
'

This ls because democracy has given up ln dlst&amp;ste the source of
aristocratic poetry. the past, while its very principle. that of
equality, deprives it, by maklng ' all contemporaries equally mediocre,
of -the present. There remain, de Tocqueville says. only three
sources to democratic poets• the nation, the future, and God - and
thls precisely anticipates the theaee of Lincoln's public poetry.
But, as he observes in · the chapter on "Why Ameri.can Writers and
Orators Often Use an Inflated Style'•,, lt is difflcul t to oresent
these themes at the middle distancea ·
ln democratic communities, each citizen is habitually engaged
in the contemplation of a very puny object t namely, hinlself.
If he ever raises his looks higher, he p~rcelves only the
hnmens., form of society at large or the stl 11 more imposing
aspect of mankind. His ideas are all either extremely minute
and clear or extremely general am1 vaguea what lies between

�-32-

ls a veld

(.i!?JJ1., lR).

For thls American proble11 of the middle void the very nature of U1e
pr\nciples of equality and liberty is responsible, Flr1t 1 11no~
they are axioms of ~penness, that is, pro.positiona et reaaon wh \ch
are yet not ~ntended ' as the .theoretical bases of a tetal 1yste••
they provide ne specific authoritative "public ph1.1i.iitiphy 0 , 10 that
each issue. ,.aust be dect.ded ·anew on the basis of prlnolplea whose
nature lt' ls precisely to give no univocal guldanciet ~e b•
politically aware is to be uncertain. Second, sin~• they ar•
. intended precisely to insure "the pursu_ t of happ1.n•••'', that t.~ ,. 1
i
a prosperous privacy, they becoae less palpable the . .re euqoe.~tully
they are at work, for, ln echolaatic terms, they are prtnclpl•• of
pure potentiality.- the possibility of goods but not theileelvea
goods, and certainly not public good.as sigrilflcantly 1 Fr•nch
"fraternity" has never co11pleaented 1 iberty ~nd equalcl.~y t.n A•erica.
And third, · insofar as they are self-evident proposltlnna •f reason
they, unlike objects of faith, · become less .and not ao~e objects of
hunlan concern as they are more e!ficact.ously at work, •o that they
tend to.drop simply out of sight in the dally conslderatlone of
national llfe1 private business induces public apathy.
·
In his speeches, Lincoln wrestles with just. t:hee~ dlfflcultiea,
which might be characterized with the aid of a clasalo•l ter•• by
the very nature of their . pol itt.cal foundation Amed.cane tend to act
not as a p9l\s, a pol t.tlcal colll1lt1nity held togethfttr by .rrt.endahlp
(Aristotle, Nicomachean Ethics, VIII, i, 4), but •• a aoQlety, a
col _ection of private persons who jostle each othetr into 11toae eC'rt
l
of balances his effort in his speeches is precisely to prove this
tendency inessential, to persuade the nation that it la held
toge~her by •bends of affectlan" (p. SRR) •
. To Lincoln, then, the problem of filling the agitated natto~l ·
void with sober sentiment •hewn fro11 the solid quarry of sober reaaon"
represented by the . founding principle8 is ~ probl•• of the natleth
Once the spentlanef)us conimit11ent of the Revolution l11 gontt, he aaya ln
his speech· on "The Perpetuation of Our Politi.cal Tnstlt ... tiona"• a n.ev
situation arises a
·
Passi.on has helped uss but . can do so no more. It wtlt 1.n the
future be our ~nemy. Reason, cold, calculatt.ni, . unt.11pa1u1toned
reason. rwust furnish all the materials fer our future support
and defense ... Let those materials be 11oulder1 lnto 11ner1}
. intelligence, souQd morality, and, in particular, ! [IY!Itnct
for the constitution All2. l.!l!l•••&lt;PP• A4-85).

Lincoln's solutien of the "historical• problent, thft recedtng t'lf the
moment of greatness for ·succeeding generations., h1 bald 1 he .,fffl!rs a
new, sober passion, a passion of reason - reverence, a lawyer-llke
love. for the tnstrumentwhlch has accomplished the 11lracle of a
stable democracy - his rhetoric incorporates, and so ftllclta tt.

�At the same tlmeJtrue to the openness demanded by the principles
he usually abstains Crom the rhetorical compulsion of specific plea.st
these sentences of his last public address, dealing with the
burning problem of the mo11ent, are typical•
In the Annual Message of Dec. 1863 and acco111panylng Proclamation,
pre8ent~d A plan of re-construction (as the phra•- goes) which,
I promiaed, if adopted by any State, should be acceptable to,
and sustained by, the Executive government of the nation. I
distinctly stated . that this was not the only plan which might
possibly be 11cceptabhtr ... (p. 797).
·

I

Instead of attempting to compel the people to a course deduced
dogt1ultically, in the manner of an ideologist,· he presented i.n the
words of the London Spectator,

A political transparency, in which the nation could see an
individual character of great power working out phe problems
set before them alt •••

He manages to make these problems supre11ely. absorbing, and he does

it by maki.ng al11ost every speech an interpretation of the founding
docu11ents, in which he reveals at once their in~xhaustlble
radlcali.ty and their enduring applicability - by giving A11eri.cans a
secular complement to the Scriptures (p• 84).
With respect t&lt;&gt; the pro11iatmry character of democrat le
principles, Lincoln underscores lt by projecti.ng the growth of the
past into the future1
There are already among us those, who, lf the Union be preserved ¥.
will llve to see lt contain two hundred and fifty mllliona.
The struggle 2! today-, is not altogether for today - it is for
a vast future also (p. 635, cf. PP• 681, 756).
'
·
The present .is thus understood as being the sponsor of the
,future1 yet the future la, · 1n turn, nothing but the maanlfi.cation
of the past (cf. P• 656) • . But politically the American past ls of .
a peculiar sorts it ls not an extensive, unbrokentraditlon but the
me11ory of a single, intense event - just as· a,fabrtc of reason
begins with a principle from which it ls .derived, so the history
of del'locracy begins with the Revolution. Lincoln intends to assure
that that beginning is present to the future, that that event
remalns the tradition wtiich governa the future. .For the principles
of. the fathers are, by their very nature, the root of the future
insofar as lt is good.
And finally, with respect to the passive and incurious mode
in which the democratic principles of equality and liberty tend to
be accepted, lt ls significant that. Lincoln himself never attempts
to rai.se the question of their tcuth, nor even to supply a definition ~
except in extremely simple, and negative terruJ. So he says,

�-34-

The world hae never had a good definitlon of the word
l lberty, and t .h e .A11ertcan people, just now, are 11Uch ln want
of one.
And he provides lt ln the simple tertae of the possibll ity for

eelf-real.lzatien - liberty means
for each •an ta do as · he pleases wlth himself, and the product
·

of hl1 labor ••• ( P• 748) ·1

wht.le he expreasea .hie "idea ef del'locracy" in the for11 of the
fa11illar rellsloua precept "Do not do unto others as you would not
have them do unto you"•
As I would not be a §lt'llh so I would not . be a maoier.
Thia expresses 11y idea of de110cracy. Whatever d lffera ~ro11 .
thts, to the extent of the difference, it not ~eraocracy (p. 427)
I

Thus he treata the principles af A•eriean politics as s1.11ple precepts
for the . happineaa of hu•anity, which are at the aa11e time standards
of llOral perfeotlon, and about whleh he offers no theoretical
re f'l ftCt ton• I

The Saviour, I eupp«t••• did not expect that· any h1,111an creature
could be perfect ae the Fat.her tn Heaven1 but He 1ald1 11 Ae
yeur Father in Heaven le perfect, be ye also per!ect."·~·so I
say in relation to the principle that all men are created
equal, let it be•• nearly reached as we can (p. 403).
Indeed, such public inquiries would not be to the point of ht•
rhetoric. Fer the strictly rational basis of democracy ls to be
found in the theery of wnatural rights" aet out by Hobbes . and
Locke, a theory which regards precisely what ls "natural", that ~~.
conrmon, in Mn: and not what ie high, so that it is scarcely conducive
to a public feellng of plety. What Lincoln does lnstead .ls, by
speaking ln dellberate analogy to Christ (p. 403), to ralee these
princlple111 fro11 1elf-evld1tnt propoaltlone to arttclea Q{ faith,
thu• returning, as de Tocqueville ahow~d (QR• .cit.•• I, ~). to a
.
foundation · 1n fact deeper than t.hti! rational begrrlnlngs provided by
the found lng fathers. _

. .

.·

·

,

.

·

To explain why "the oolr\t g.i rells1on and the ru"?lrtt !lf l tbert\(
are anclently lncorporated wlth each other ln A11ert.ca, de Tocquevil l ~:
had appealed to the classical tradltlon concerning the nef'td for
public pl8ty to support the body politlc1
·
Llberty regatcts religion as its companl.on in all lts
battles and ite trlul'llphll, a&amp; the cradle of t.t8 infancp and
the divine source of tts . clal•s (21?, • .£!..t•• I, 11).
·
And he had found this theory corrobor~t.ed in A111erlca1

�-35Religion in Arnerica takes no direct part ln the government
of society, but it must be regarded as the first of their
political lnstltutt.ons (SlQ• ill•, I, xvii).
The older Lincoln came to a view which is. the insenuous converse
of this posl.tion of expediency1 not religion serves polities, but
the reverse - republican government is itself a great religious
lnstitution1 in his own words "the only greater institution• ta
the church (p. AS). The rock of reason of Washington's foundation
has the sa11e basis as Peter'e church. That reverence for the laws
which Lincoln calls "the political religion" of the nation (p. 81)
derives froN a trans-political faith. It Nuet be urged that this is
not an opinion l .. lncoln holds routinely or perfunctorily .. for .hi.a,
the Republic, which puts the sood of the whole finally into the
hands of a numerical majority (p. 785), ls plausible to the ••ul
only as a community of the faithful, protect~d by a kindly provision
that few shall be totally without gracP., that
of all those who conte into the world, only a email percentage
are natural tyrants (p. 301).
Were . it otherwise, democracy would be a continual garAble wtth the
body politic at stake.
Accordlngly the Gettysburg Addrfi2SR begins and ends not:. only
wt.th phrases hftrrowed fro11 American oratory but with the diction of
the Bible. To Lincoln.the people of the Revolution ls also the
second people of the Boo¥;, the "al11ost chosen people" (p. -575) • All
1\mericans, he said in his Second Inaugural,
read the same Bible and pray to the same God ••• (p. 793).
Lincoln himself was not only, as 110st backwoodsmen, hr. ught up on
o
the Bible, but he wrote to hls friend Speed in the year .before
his deatha
I am profitably engaged t.n reading the

J:S1Dle,

and in the same year he said to a committee which .had presented
a Bible 1
It is the best gift God has given to men. All the good
Savior gave to the world was communicated through this book.
But for it we could not know right from Wrong. All things aost
desirable for 11.an•s welfare, here and hereafter, are to be found
portrayed in it (September 9, 1864).
Lincoln's commitment to tihe Bible ls not .that of an orthodox
Chrietian, for, as he sald,
I have neverunited myself to any church, . because I have
found difficulty tn.glvlng my assent, without mental reservation~

�-36-

to the long• complicated statement 11 of Christ tan doctrine
whlch characterize their Articles of Belle! and Confessions
of Faith (Remark to H. c. Demig, c. 1R62, cf. P• 186).

For h111 the Bible is rather a palit ~cal ••vr•• book, and that in
two contrasting respect•• On the one hand it lends hi• a lan~uage
at once high and popular, beyond both the de11agogue and the
intellectual, a language of salvation with which to ••gnify the
A11eri.can enterprise 1 wlth i.ta dlcti.on he speaks as ••Father Abraham"•
As the first patriarch of a new generation of founding fathers.
And on the other, it supports him in a view of the n•ture of things
which, when publicly acknewledged,da11pa the hysterical activity
filling the American void, and reduces it to ~hat 11elaneholle
deliberateness on which the public buain••• thrivea. F•r Linceln
had been fro11 h.18 youth a believer in an inner counterpoise tt&gt;
political liberty, which he understood to be called the "Doctrt.ne
of Necessity",
that is, that the hu•an mind ls impelled to action, or held
ln rest by some power, over whtch the raind itself has noi:
control ••• (p. 187-188J.
.
· ·
.
That power ls God who, though •not a person••, can yet directly
exercise his will in human affairs•
By his mere great power on the 111nds of the now contestants,
he could have either eav•d' ( or destroyed the Union without a
human contest (Hedltat1.ou 2Ji the . Divine~. 1862, P• 655).
This ~od, in who11 Lincoln, by the peculiar power of hla falth,
recognizes ·at once •Nature's God" and the God of the Bible, le
Lincoln's and the people's political 11B.ster1 he constitute• a
direct limitation on the power of hu11an contrivance. 1he humanity
. which ls the consequence of Lincoln's view ls embOdled ln Lincoln's
last speech to the natlon before his assassination, the Second
Inaugural Address, which is evidently the clae~ical American poem
drawing particularly on de Tocqueville's third source of democratic
poetry, God.
·
t::.::.;.::.;:;:=.~::;...-..:-:.·- -,........~
.:~::=-~,.::a:=a=::E. '.Z.;l1

The sarne speaker who is so eminently democratic ln theme is,
however, the very reverse 1n form. Again de Tocqueville provldes
the criteria in h!s chapter on •Ltterary Characteristics of
Democratic Times" 1
·
.

.

· Taken as a. whole, literature in democratic ages can never
present, as lt does in periods of arlsto~racy, an aspect of
order, regularity, science and art1 its form, on the contrary,
will ordinarily be slighted, sometimet11 despl8ed. Style will
frequently be fantastic, incorrect, overburdened, and lotn!le,
almo8t alwa.ys vehement and bold. · Au~hors will aim at rapidity
of execution more than at perfection of detail. Small
productions wlll be more common than bulky books •••
(Democracy!!! America, II, i, 11).

�Now, thl:s oth;:~rwise sn accurat~e .1k~scrtpUon ti:; ci&gt;rH~picnmrnly
~ nc.tppl tcablG to Linc..~oln° s; h'rit i:ngi
The ~;~!·.ttY§..hU£t~ t\d~!tS:!il! is
small, to he sure., hut: lt W35 not r·aptrny exf ~cuted - Lincoln had
brought a worl\~d .. over tlraft from ~va:~hingtonr he rf~-w1n ·k,z·:rd this in
Getty sbtff('.; on t::h1:i ~V(~ of dt:~l t Vt?r~·, and h(~ {!mended e&lt;~ch n f · thf;• thr-e .-~
kn.own co'pi1~s he m~de ovn-r the nf:'xt three m{H1l:bs.. A 1 thoor;hf as
he sa ld, not: a master: of langt..H:tge nnr tn po:s1H,:ost.o n n f ;1 flne
e&lt;lucat ion ( fh 39:3), be !!~~ careful 1 ·
·
Gentlem(mt' Jud iv:~~ noue;Ias informed you tha.t th t. s Spt~f!'Ch () r In tH &lt;'~
was p1:-ohahly ca1:--efully pre{A11.rede T •:hirnit. i.t wan (p .. 392).

By thio ca1:·e he SlK'C&lt;-:eded tn glving hi&lt;&gt; thuu-r~hts their almost
unalt.Grahle f,n·nh For..· thts purpose he had 1• ~ft·er t:he agB of twenty~
t:hreef Bet lli.mself t i } study~ E.ngltsh 8~:'.f;\lliffi.:U~~ "lmpl"!-:rff!Ctly~ uf COUt:'Ge~
but so as to speak and l~'i'C:t~ as wGll a~~ he does nuw" (l8hll, p~ 5.'.}9).
enabli.ng him to write to a man whn had submit.tH1! t:o h1m an ecHt(~ii
ve~·&amp;ion of one of hi.n. speedv:.•81
So f;:ff as ·1.t la tnt:ended me.r~.:, Jy to i mprov'1:" 1n gicarn.rnar, .aml
elegancE:-~ .zy.f comp•oslt. l&amp;n,. I. am qul t .e agceed 6 hut I do not. w tf~h
the st•nsc~ change.•d, or rii.odifi.ed,. to· a hatr~s .breac\t:h. i\nd you,

not havtng

ntudi.t.~d

parttcular points

&lt;:&gt;r~

cl:o1.rnly as 1 haV&lt;:"i·· ,can

not be qutte sure that you do not at\8.n!';H the , sens~ whl'.:ln :yo_l clo
L
,..lif
t:''t:
~
.
not. ~t.nten'J ~t ( p., .J4J; ct., p .. c:3 8,) ·• .
:&gt;
:.
.· . .

Hts style.I&gt; . ton-t ts the very oppu.sltu of that of t: ~1~ typical cternocrat i c
wrltert descrthe-d by dt~ Iucqmwi.lle in hiv chaprer on "How AmerlcHn
nemoct.~acy ha6 Morn.n .P.·d the gnslioh :Langua.ge" (J.h.!:S:1~1' IIP L; 16) Wh&lt;~t
out of lack of . egre ~ lmH~ of chang~ und &lt;lesire fo:r blgn~ss, us~G
old words in indeterminate seasen~ i.ntxodue~s vast rn.m1bf~t-s of rn"w
wonlslt usually borrowed · fl.'£.'\'.tn technical vt-.cabul.artes, and 1o&lt;ids hl'8
speech wtth abstract ar.ttt gew:,r.a1. expreastor'\s. ne TocqttevU lo had
called lawveis t.he ar:tstocr~'its (}f Am~d. ca (i.bld ... J xvi}" and ln
part Li.ncoinf s caN'fu1ness tn that: of a lawyei.=-·1nrt~.r:pr~~i-. ln.~ law.
But t .he lapidar·y precisi.tH'l of form which earrh;;s the p:n.:ri.a.rcb3l
gran~eur of Ltn.coln~ ~ rhe-toric . ... h. e W&lt;'HJ. Lm~1h~e m•rrniy to 1 P.C1:_ur13
.
(p .. 54t) - !.~ sometctnng 1~:H"fd~~ it. is a Blf&gt;;n ot a HO\H~l ki..nd of
aristocracy ~ republi.ca.n arlstocracy. L\.nenln had t ..~cttly r&lt;~jected
Everett• s cold L~lasslc1..sm a.s inapproi:,wiat:e t.n a, democ.r-r.tt'ic speaker,
\.-Knse object must not be to dt:aJ17onstrate or 8xert h r.s (lWn. superior ity.
Hts amblth1Tt '\&gt;;t,'lSv r«~ttu~r.·, as he told hlo f1-ien1I H'~ tndont "to bi;~
d}. stinct:1y under.·stood by th~! '('ornmon pt:&gt;op1H'' (p~ ti5)~ dnd to U:'&gt;i".: blfl
power as had hts mo~fol, Clay, in t:he tHffvtce of d~mot:rat t c d~c; a
r'\ll hiE&lt; i:J;ffortn were mad~ for practtcal effect~ Ho new~r
spoke merely to l&gt;e l1eard •. H.e never 't~el i v&lt;~red a .Y11iurth or J111\r
cn:ation" o.r an eulogy on an occaGlon 1 Lke tbta U'\!19.Bl'. ~,~.Q lfC'nrv
f,lay, July 6, 1'852f cf. P• 269} ~

--

Yet hts rhetori.c Hhow~ pn~ctse1y th~ fundamental chH:CiH:'!terist' i.cs of
ancient artstocratic wrltt~rs. of whi.ch de Tncquev) l le, i.n thi~ ch;;ptf"'r

�') •·
••ll • ,, 1-

"Th~ 'Stucty o:r Greek and Lat t n L i.te.
.r.atur c ts Peculiarly
Useful in Of:mocrat:ic (}o'Tlmuniti.es" wrtt:ese.
·

ent ltlect

Nothing tn thE::ir wol."ks seems done haoti.ly or .at :candomw · eve:r::y
1 inH is writt:e1'1 ft"H: · the eye of the conno lsseur and i.s shapod
after .some \.~cmcept ton of lt'.iea1 . b~m1ty • No l it:e.r ature places
tht.rne flne . qu~•t itles ln . \4hteh the wr: i.terc, uf democr:-ach~s . &lt;:i:r.e
naturally dHf'].cl.ent in bolch~r relief than trH~-=.l. \'.,f 'i:he .anct.ent:t:11'
no l iteraturet thm 'efort• ~ ou:.~ht to be rno.r.e -stud s_,.:&gt;d h1 democrat 1.c
t: tmt~s
11, t, 15).

&lt;w..si . ,

Llncoln h\rna.elf ls~ 1: h&lt;.:Hl 10 in de Tncqw?.&gt;vtlle' s s.•~m'!'e an aristoeratic
writer\\ cwen tu t:he point ·of flndlng hit~ sourceo tn tru:- par.t. The
msn who had had f·r·om y'1'uth the .. pecul lil:r amblti(mn ·
of betng truly esteemed of my fellow men, by rern.1erl.ng myself
. worthy o.f the!.r esteem (p~ 57 v ef ~ Jh 48)),
and who Ga id he tnped h1~ UW:it?rStO~tri "th~{.t Which CQlll3t itub.HJ the tns ide
c•f a gentleman'' (p .. 414-).c · eould have no quC!rn· .'l wtth thp- essence of ,
"
m-i.stQcracy.
In faet11 in the weak~1 ju5t before the d•:&gt;ltvery of the
· .Qc-tt~yfil.&gt;~ [likh:e~ he had .had vlsi.tot~s whn urged him a.t ~he (rn,r;-1 t~nt
occ~tii.on t&lt;:.i prest:mt the Uni.on. to the 'public ~·a_s . ftght'htf.~ the batt1 e
of democracy for .all the wor.tdn and th&lt;... war Hs being one ~~ of 't:JH5 people
s.ta tnst the arlstocratsv; l .he had accepted the former ~'lnd rejected the
l.att:er st.1.gge~th.;1h F'or hl~ w~H hbnself s eorroboration of
Jef.fer~on w o contentton, set out tn hlH .cor.re.operndence with Adams
(Octob!!.•r. .2H t 1 Al :J) ~ that md.stocracy an6 dsrnocn~cyi' the t~ule (!~ f the
best etnd the rule . of the ,peopl~'" have been marle t:o111patlble in the
United St~teG, t:hat the: citize'n~ tn fre~· -eleott6n can and will nln
~enaral •• choose from among · thernselvt~s the "rtatural ~ls,t.Q\ , the
best by nature" The ~~q;b_ur.,g iHJQ.rgJ}£. ts thu u'Ctr..~r.ance o.f such an
§.X.i§tsu~. t &lt;) man at 'the s-ame thnH ex.celle•nt in the arit i.que sense and
good in the common um1eratarLding ..
0

�1
· For a desert pt ion of tht~ events of the Gett.y s hurg ded l.cat ion and
a collect ion of crnnmentari.~s on the ~meeches see :Car:l Sandburg r
Abraham Ltnool.r!t JJt~ l l i ~.• New York ( l 939), Vol. !I~

PP• ~452-4~

2 For an annotated col lectlon of the vartous versions seL~ Ihe
Colle~t;!Zd ~ ~J.~~~l!l Linc9...ln~ ed. Roy · p, Ih"lsl-01-·" Ne;;-Drunewlck
'CT95"3), Vol VII \.l8b3·lJJb4)t ppe 17~·23 . .
3
Edward Evere,ttf ill.:..E!.'tlOfl..§. ill1f1 .S~fil'Jl.~11 liostun (1892) 11, Vol~ IV,
}lp.

622~659.

see Harold l:ysklnd, ~'I\ Rhet.ori.~a.l linalyE.d;s of the Geti~'sbur.g
Addre·s6 1' , J.21!£.lli!l u.[ Q.ene..r~l J~Qn~ Vol~ IV (1950)., PP• 202-212.

4

5

.For an analys ls whtch .doe-s just ioe to the awesome i.mpl icat ions of

the,. speech see. H~!l~Y V ~ Jaffa~ ~JJi
( 1 9 :&gt; 9) t pp c l 8 J"' ~ 3 L ~

tl

S.~ l:!Q~~ .Jl};y1d~
,

,

61

'
n t h' i ng out these paragraphs J. rec~ 'i ved much .
i.nk
help from Geor,ge
i\naat:aplo. ~§ Q.'l th.«r; f.l!:fil~ t\11\endmett..t .t.g .tl!!t. ~2!1~~1.t:ut .!Q!! J2i. the
Un .. cd St;at:es· ~ Ductural. Hisser.tat ton,, Univer~i.ty of Chi~go
U 64 v ~l\ppentlix I, 6, p .. 600 'ff~

7
8

Prom a spee&lt;
ch lnd irectly repo1i:t.ed in
(1890). Vol~ !I, P• lilS.
S~e Carl L. Becker.,

P• 142 ..

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