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                  <text>Items in this collection are part of a series of lectures given every year at St. John's College. During the Fall and Spring semesters, lectures are given on Friday nights. Items include audio and video recordings and typescripts.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;For more information, and a schedule of upcoming lectures, please visit the &lt;strong&gt;&lt;a href="http://www.sjc.edu/programs-and-events/annapolis/formal-lecture-series/" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener"&gt;St. John's College website&lt;/a&gt;&lt;/strong&gt;.  &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Click on &lt;strong&gt;&lt;a title="Formal Lecture Series" href="https://digitalarchives.sjc.edu/items/browse?collection=5&amp;amp;sort_field=Dublin+Core%2CDate&amp;amp;sort_dir=d"&gt;Items in the St. John's College Formal Lecture Series—Annapolis Collection&lt;/a&gt;&lt;/strong&gt; to view and sort all items in the collection.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;A growing number of lecture recordings are also available on the St. John's College (Annapolis) Lectures podcast. Visit &lt;a href="https://podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast/st-johns-college-annapolis-lectures/id1695157772"&gt;Apple Podcasts&lt;/a&gt; or &lt;a href="https://open.spotify.com/show/6GDsIRqC8SWZ28AY72BsYM?si=f2ecfa9e247a456f" title="Spotify"&gt;Spotify&lt;/a&gt; to listen and subscribe.</text>
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                <text>&lt;a href="https://youtu.be/6JtMriQmN-Y?si=g2ssUx9SZrHF-d_T" title="A Timely Untimely Education"&gt;A Timely Untimely Education&lt;/a&gt;</text>
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                <text>Video recording of a lecture delivered on September 19, 2025, by Santa Fe Dean Sarah Davis. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Ms. Davis offers the following description: "I hate everything that merely instructs me without augmenting or directly invigorating my activity.” Nietzsche opens &lt;em&gt;The Advantage and Disadvantage of History for Life &lt;/em&gt;with this quote from Goethe. It appropriately frames Nietzsche’s own meditation, which does not just walk us through different ways to relate to the past, giving us a schema for making sense of history, but invigorates and leads to a quickening within us. But how? This lecture investigates Nietzsche's claim that the "excess of history" in modern times compromises the health and vitality of human life. It then considers &lt;em&gt;The Advantage and Disadvantage of History for Life&lt;/em&gt; itself as presenting an alternative way to relate to history. Finally, it asks how, if at all, this alternative informs a St. John's education."</text>
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                <text>Nietzsche, Friedrich Wilhelm, 1844-1900. Vom Nutzen und Nachteil der Historie für das Leben</text>
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                <text>&lt;a href="https://youtu.be/aar1cdBheP0?si=G0wK-yy28X_O4amZ"&gt;Tragic Pharmacy: the "Noble" Lie and the Fall of Kallipolis&lt;/a&gt;</text>
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                <text>Video recording of a lecture delivered on November 3, 2023, by Kevin Kambo as part of the Formal Lecture Series. &#13;
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Professor Kambo describes his lecture: "In Plato's Republic, Socrates suggests that the best regime is doomed to fail. This failure is often attributed to inevitable errors in the rulers' eugenic calculations. I propose that the city's constitution must decline not because the eugenic calculations go wrong, but because the calculations have always been wrong, and this on account of congenital errors in the city's establishment. In this dramatic arc, from noble founding to destined fall, the reversal perhaps reveals the city to be a tragic figure. The Republic, then, would not be, as some read it, a prescription for authoritarianism or totalitarianism, but a reflection on political lies, human sacrifice, and the tragedy of politics." &#13;
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                <text>Video recording of a lecture delivered on August 22, 2025, by Suzy Paalman as part of the Formal Lecture Series. &#13;
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                <text>Video recording of a lecture delivered on February 7, 2025, by Annapolis tutor Mary Elizabeth Halper as part of the Formal Lecture Series. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Ms. Halper offers this description: "There are two kinds of speech: the speech we speak and the speech we read. This &lt;span class="markgw6f9i9t5"&gt;lecture&lt;/span&gt; is on the latter. By way of comparison with spoken speech, and with help from Plato's &lt;i&gt;Theaetetus, Phaedo, &lt;/i&gt;and &lt;i&gt;Phaedrus&lt;/i&gt;, the &lt;span class="markgw6f9i9t5"&gt;lecture&lt;/span&gt; will reflect on written speech as such, what it offers us and what it asks from us."</text>
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                <text>Video recording of a lecture delivered on September 12, 2025, by Annapolis tutor Nicholas Bellinson as part of the Formal Lecture Series. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Mr. Bellinson offers the following description of his lecture: "What kind of relationship to time underlies the urge to attend the theater? Shakespeare points to this question in various plays through the metaphor of time's pregnancy. Over and over, his characters stage this very relationship to time, as we will see in four plays: &lt;em&gt;Othello&lt;/em&gt;, &lt;em&gt;Hamlet&lt;/em&gt;, &lt;em&gt;As You Like It&lt;/em&gt;, and &lt;em&gt;Love's Labour's Lost&lt;/em&gt;. We will then ask what philosophical attitudes arise when we consider time to have or not to have the metaphorical capacity for pregnancy."</text>
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                <text>Video recording of a lecture delivered on January 9, 2026, by Annapolis Assistant Dean Ron Haflidson, as part of the Formal Lecture Series.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Mr. Haflidson offers the following description of his lecture: "In Genesis, when the Man first meets the Woman, he says: 'This one at last, bone of my bones/ and flesh of my flesh…'. Then, the narrator adds, 'Therefore does a man leave his father and his mother and cling to his wife and they become one flesh.' In &lt;i&gt;The Symposium&lt;/i&gt;, Aristophanes offers this pithy summary of the origin of love: 'Before…we were one, but now, because of our injustice, we have been split up and scattered by the god…We were whole, and the name for our yearning for and pursuit of wholeness is Love.' Both stories identify three moments in eros. First, in the present, there is an encounter with another with whom one feels an immediate and intense unity. Second, that experience of unity is partially explained by a strange, forgotten past. And then, third, that experience becomes a task for the future, as the lovers labor to make it an ongoing, sustained reality. Despite this cluster of similarities, there is also a difference with much at stake: in Genesis, the erotic heroes are a married man and woman, while Aristophanes most praises the intergenerational male couple. In terms of what it’s like to be in love, these two stories share much in common, but when it comes to judging which couple best fulfills the potential of eros, they diverge. A guiding question of this inquiry, then, is what criteria are at work in making these judgments?"</text>
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                <text>Video recording of a lecture delivered on February 13, 2026, by Annapolis tutor Brendon Lasell, as the 2026-26 NEH lecture.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Mr. Lasell offers the following description of his lecture: "Diophantus begins his &lt;i&gt;Arithmetica &lt;/i&gt;by saying that he has 'tried to establish the nature and power of numbers.' After a short general introduction, he goes on to pose and solve hundreds of difficult problems about numbers. We will explore whether numbers have a nature and how it can be established, looking at examples of the kind of work Diophantus does with numbers."</text>
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                <text>Video recording of a lecture delivered on September 5, 2025, by Professor Thomas Merrill as part of the Formal Lecture Series. Thomas Merrill is an associate professor for American University’s School of Public Affairs, and the associate director for the university’s Political Theory Institute, with research interests in political science and governance. He previously served on the President’s Council on Bioethics, and his most recent book, Hume and the Politics of Enlightenment, was the winner of the Delba Winthrop Award for Best Recent Work in Political Philosophy. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Professor Merrill offers the following introduction to his lecture: Smith’s &lt;em&gt;Theory of Moral Sentiments&lt;/em&gt; seems to offer a morality perfectly suited for bourgeois modernity: secular, sympathetic, and based on our transparency to each other. Yet upon examination, Smith’s moral world is shot through with deception and self-deception on several levels. This lecture uses Smith’s treatment of deception and self-deception to uncover the narrative structure of the &lt;em&gt;Theory of Moral Sentiments&lt;/em&gt; and highlights the idea of generative errors—mistakes and deceptions that have unintended but positive consequences—as a key theme of Smith’s thought.</text>
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                <text>Smith, Adam, 1723-1790. Theory of moral sentiments.</text>
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                <text>Video recording of a lecture delivered on November 14, 2025, by Annapolis tutor Matthew Linck, as part of the Formal Lecture Series.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Mr. Linck offers the following description of his lecture: "Our encounter with &lt;span class="markj21w4u2gv"&gt;Matisse&lt;/span&gt; will be an occasion to think about learning. Paintings look like themselves, but they can remind us of other things (for example, other paintings). Aristotle says that when we see this as that, we learn. The “this is that” moment happens spontaneously; but we can also seek it out—seek learning—and ask, “What does this look like?” This requires looking around, searching for likenesses and making connections. But even if one painting reminds us of others, by looking like many others, that which a painting most looks like is itself. And so this requires us to think about what it means to see one painting by itself and what that would mean for learning. &lt;span class="markj21w4u2gv"&gt;Matisse&lt;/span&gt; will help us with this question, and thus help us with a question about contemplation."</text>
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                <text>Video recording of a lecture delivered on February 6, 2026, by Annapolis tutor Janet Dougherty, as part of the Formal Lecture Series.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Ms. Dougherty offers the following description of her lecture: "&lt;span&gt;Usbek, the most prolific writer in Montesquieu’s epistolary novel &lt;em&gt;The Persian Letters&lt;/em&gt;, is in voluntary exile from his homeland and his harem. During his sojourn in Europe his perspective as a stranger provides the freedom he needs to develop an understanding of good government completely different from Persian despotic rule. His ideas cohere into a sort of Cartesian political science. But while these ideas diverge continually from an endorsement of despotism, he feels more and more compelled to impose his will on his wives and their guards. Usbek’s hope to be loved by the women he oppresses endures alongside his enlightened views of law and government. Eventually his wives openly rebel; the collapse of the seraglio leads to Usbek’s collapse. I will argue that Usbek’s blindness to his despotic authority derives from his Cartesian method of inquiry. His enlightenment is linked by ‘a secret chain’ to his deepest prejudice. Montesquieu is pointing to a more thorough science of human, i.e. erotic, beings."&lt;/span&gt;</text>
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                <text>Montesquieu, Charles de Secondat, baron de, 1689-1755. Lettres persanes.</text>
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                <text>Video recording of a lecture delivered on October 24, 2025, by Professor Mark Shiffman, as part of the Formal Lecture Series.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Mark Shiffman (A89) is Professor and Department Chair of Philosophy at Saint Patrick’s Seminary in California and Director of the Institute for Philosophy, Technology, and Politics. He is the author of &lt;em&gt;What is Ideology&lt;/em&gt;, with scholarly work spanning the fields of ancient philosophy, political theory, and the Catholic tradition. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Professor Shiffman offers the following introduction to his lecture: "Ambition, competition, dignity, and pride are phenomena central to an adequate political psychology. Plato calls the root source of these passions &lt;em&gt;thumos&lt;/em&gt; and Rousseau calls it &lt;em&gt;amour-propre&lt;/em&gt;. Can both the commonalities and the differences between what the two authors mean by these words help illuminate the political developments of our time?"</text>
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                <text>Video recording of a lecture delivered on October 18, 2024, by Cynthia Keppel as part of the Formal Lecture Series.  &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;
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&lt;div&gt;Dr.&lt;span&gt; &lt;/span&gt;&lt;span class="markizagi5dmw"&gt;Keppel&lt;/span&gt;, a St. John's Annapolis alum, leads the Physics Division at Jefferson Labs, where she and her colleagues study the structure and dynamics of the fundamental building blocks of matter. She is both a nuclear physicist and a cancer researcher, with numerous patents and scientific publications across both fields. &lt;/div&gt;
&lt;div&gt; &lt;/div&gt;
&lt;div&gt;Dr.&lt;span&gt; &lt;/span&gt;&lt;span class="markizagi5dmw"&gt;Keppel&lt;/span&gt;&lt;span&gt; &lt;/span&gt;offers the following description of her lecture: "Humans for ages have pondered the question 'what is everything made of?' I will discuss why physicists have for centuries been interested in this question and pursue understanding of the tiniest particles known to humankind, and how an understanding of these particles continues to advance a breadth of human knowledge and endeavor."&lt;/div&gt;
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                    <text>HOMO . LOQUENS FROM A BIOLOGICJl.L STANDPOINT

by
Curtis Wilson
St. John's College
Annapolis, 1"..aryland
Septeil'ber, 1975

�The words homo loquens, in the title I announced for this lecture, mean
speaking man, man the speaking one. As a designation for the human species,
homo loquens perhaps has an advantage over the official zoological designation,
homo s~piens, man the sapient, wise, discerning one, the one who savours the
essences of things. The human capacity for loquaciousness is somewhat more
obviously verifiable. But what has that capacity to do with things biological?
This is a complicated and problematic topic. Forgive me if I first approach
it by slow stages, then attempt a gingerly step when the going becomes treacherous~
I wish to begin with a small technical matter, an aspect of the physiology of
speech-production.
Respiratory patterns in different species of air-breathing vertebrates
differ in many details. Different species have special regulatory systems,
adapted to special behavior patterns. There is the panting of dogs, specially
adapted for cooling; birds, during flight have the unique ability to increase
their intake of oxygen a hundredfold; the sperm whale can go without breathing
or dive for 90 minutes, the beaver for 15, man for about 2 1/2; and so on. All
these differences are species-specific.
In a human being, the respiratory patterns during quiet breathing and during
speech are remarkably different (see Table I). The volume of air inhaled, as
shown in the first item of the table, increases by a factor of 3 or 4 during
speech. The time of inspiration, as compared with the time for a complete cycle
of inspiration plus expiration, decreases by a factor of 3. The number of breaths
per minute tends to decrease drastically. Expiration, which is smooth during
speechless breathing, is periodically interrupted during speech, with a build-up
of pressure under the glottis; it is during expiration that all normal human
vocalization occurs. The patterns of electrical activity in expiratory and
inspiratory muscles differ radically during quiet breathing and during speech.
Both chest and abdominal musculature are utilized in breathing, but during speech
the abdominal musculature is less involved, and its contractions are no longer
fully synchronized with those of the chest musculature. In quiet breathing,
one breathes primarily through the nose; during speech, primarily through the
mouth.
More than you wanted to know, I'm sure. My point was to show that breathing
undergoes marked changes during speech. And remarkably, humans can tolerate
these modifications for almost unlimited periods of time without experiencing
respiratory distress; witness fillibusters in the U. s. Senate. Think now of
other voluntary departures from normal breathing patterns. If we deliberately
decide to breathe at some arbitrary rate, say, faster than ordinary -- please
do not try it here -- we quickly experience the symptoms of hyperventilation:
light-headedness, giddiness, and so on. Similar phenomena may occur when one
is learning to play a wind instrument or during singing instruction; training
in proper breathing is requisite for these undertakings. By contrast, talking a
blue streak for hours on end comes naturally to many a three-year-old. The
conclusion must be that there are sensitive controlling mechanisms that regulate
ventilation in an autonomous way during speech. More generally, it is evident
that we are endowed with special anatomical and physiological adaptations that

�-2-

enable us to sustain speech for hours, on exhaled air.
Do we speak the way we do because we happen to possess these special adaptations,
or did these adaptations develop during evolution in response to the pressures of
natural selection or the charms of sexual selection? I think there is no way of
answering these questions; it is difficult enough when one can refer to skeletons,
which fossilize; behavioral traits do not. But whatever the answer, there is
still this further question, whether the genetic programming for speech extends
beyond the mere provision of vocal apparatus? Might it not, in addition,
determine the make-up and structure of language in a more detailed and intimate
fashion?

Such a question runs counter to views that are widely held. Is not language,
after you have the voice to __
pronounce it with, fundamentally a psychological and
cultural fact, to which biological explanations would be largely irrelevant? Do
not languages consist of arbitrary conventions, made up in the way we make up the
rules of games? Wittgenstein speaks of language as a word-game, thereby likening
it to tennis or poker. Is it not apparent that the conventions of any particular
language, like the rules of :tennis o::-: poker, are transmitted from generation to
generation by means of imitation, training, teaching and learning? Are not
these the important facts about language, the facts that reveal to us its nature?
Until recently, students of linguistics and psychology have tended uniformly
to answer these questions in the affirmative. To many, the extraordinary
diversity of human tongues has seemed argument enough against any assumption of
linguistic universals, that is, characteristics of language imagined to be
rooted in human nature. The reductio ad absurdurn often mentioned is the attempt
of the Egyptian king Psammetichos to determine the original human language. As
reported by Herodotus, Psammetichos caused two children to be raised in such a
way that they would neither hear nor overhear human speech, the attendants
being instructed meanwhile to listen out for their first word. The report was,
that is was Persian. The experiment is said to have been repeated in the 13th
century by Frederick II, Holy Roman Emperor, and again around 1500 by James IV
of Scotland, who was hoping that the children would speak Hebrew, and thereby
establish a biblical linec:_ge for Scotland. No result was reported.
Stress on the arbitrariness of language has been enhanced by a coalition
between linguistics and behaviorist psychology. Behaviorist psychology is led,
by its premisses, to the view that language is merely an arbitrary use to which
the human constitution, anatomical and physiological, can be put, just as a tool
can be put to many arbitrary uses by its manipulator. A recent account that
views language in this way is the book Verbal Behavior by B. F. Skinner. Along
with other behaviorist scientists, Skinner holds that all learning can be explained
by a few principles which operate in all vertebrates and many invertebrates.
The process is called operant conditioning. Learning the meaning of a word,
Skinner holds, is like a rat's learning to press a bar which will cause a buzzer
to sound, announcing "food pellets soon to come". Learning grammar, likewise,
is supposed to be like learning that event A is followed by event B, which is
in turn followed by event c. Many an animal can be trained to acquire associations

�-3-

of this kind. Skinner would hold that there is nothing involved in the acquisition
of language _that is not involved in learning of this kind.
Unquestionably, we would be mistaken to deny the importance or the power of
the conditioned reflex, either in language acquisition or in other learning.
The experimental psychologists have recently announced that even the visceral
organs can be taught to do various things, on given signals, with rewards provided
immediately afterward to reinforce the action. We are told that rats, with the
reward held out of another shot of electrical juice in a certain center of the
brain, have been taught to alter their blood pressures or brain waves, or dilate
the blood vessels in one ear more than those in the other. Similar achievements
in operant conditioning are held out as a bright future hope for humans. What
rich experiences in self-operation are not in store for us?
On the other hand, the successes of this technology do not necessarily
tell us much about the character of what it is that is being conditioned. The
behaviorist treats the organism as a black box; he controls the inputs and
records the outputs; what goes on in the box is not, as he claims, an appropriate
concern of his. He cites the similar situation in quantum physics. In the case
of quantum phenomena, the physicist cannot successfully describe what is there
when he is not looking, not using probes that interact with whatever it is. But, _
between the situation in quantum physics and the situation in the study of animal
behavior, there is this difference. Animal behavior goes on, observably so,
· even when the animals are not being experimented on. May it not be important
to try to observe this behavior, before we .set out to change it, as we can, so
frighteningly, do?
Those who study the behavior of animals in their natural habitats nowadays
have a special name for their study, Ethology. Long hours of patient observation,
much of it during the last 50 years, have demonstrated how intricate, how unexpectedly adaptive, how downright peculiar, are the patterns of behavior specific
to particular species of animals. Many of the patterns function as communication:
the elaborate courtship rituals of birds, the less elaborate ones of butterflies
and certain _ ish; the way in which two dabbling ducks, on meeting, lower their
f
bills into the water and pretend to drink, as an indication of nonagressiveness;
and so on. Among these behaviors, there is one tha.t has been called truly
symbolic. That is . the dance of the honeybee, the symbolism of which was first
recognized and deciphered by Karl von Frisch in the 1940's. Let me describe
it briefly (see Figure I) •
The dance that a forager bee performs in the dark hive gives, by a special
symbolism, the distance and direction of the food source she has found. If, for
the Austrian variety of bee, the food source. is less than 80 meters away, she
performs a round dance, running rapidly arouna in a circle, first to the left,
then to the right. This in effect says to the hive bees: "Fly out .from the
hive; close by in the neighborhood is food to be fetched."

�-4If, on the other hand, the food source is more than 80 meters away, the
forager will use the tail-wagging dance. The rhythm of the dance tells the
distance: the closer the source, the more figure-of-eight cycles of the dance
, per minute. The tail-wagging part of the dance, shown by the middle wavy line
in the diagram, tells the direction, in accordance with a curious rule. On
the vertical honeycomb_ in the hive, the direction up means towards the sun,
and the direction down means away from the sun. If the tail-wagging run points
60° left of straight up, the food source is 60° to the left of the sun, and so
on. Directions with respect to the sun have been transposed into directions
with respect to gravity, the directions are reported with errors of less than
30.

This same dance is used in the springtime when half the bees move out of
the hive and form a swarm, seeking a new nesting place. Scout bees fly out in
all directions, then return and dance to announce the location they have hit on.
It is important, of course, that the selected spot be protected from winter,
winds, and rough weather, and that there be abundant feeding nearby. The
surprizing thing is that not just one nesting place is announced, but several at
the same time. The dancing and the coming and going can continue for days. By
their dances the bees engage in mutual persuasion, inciting one another to inspect
this site or that site. The better the site, the longer and more vigorously the
the returning bee dances. The process continues until all the scout bees are
dancing in the same direction and at the same rate. Then the swarm arises and
departs for the homesite it has thus decided upon. Mistaken decisions are few.
The dance
human language
the language a
depends solely

of the honeybee is symbolic in a genetically determined way. That
is not genetically determined in the same way is easy to show:
child learns, whether Swahili, Cantonese, Urdu, or any other,
on the language of those by whom he is brought up.
·

The vocabulary of a human language is not genetically fixed. However, I
do not believe that the discussion of the biological foundations of language
can properly end at this point.
My reasons for saying this are two. In the first place, there are certain
features of human speech which are not found in the natural corrnnunication
systems of animals, but which are found universally in all known human languages,
present or past. The existence of these features is, at the very least,
consonant with the possibility that there is a genetic foundation underlying
human speech. The facts appear to be most easily accounted for by assuming
that there is such a foundation, , forcing human speech to be of a certain basic
type.
Secondly, this same assumption receives support from the study of primary
language acquisition in children. It is not that Psammetichos was right,
or that children if left to themselves would commence to speak proto-IndoEuropean
or any language resembling
adult human language. All genetically determined
traits depend for their appearance to a greater or lesser degree, on features
of the environment. The genes or genetic factors do not of themselves determine

an

�-sbody parts or physiological or behavioral traits. Rather, they determine
developmental processes, which nonnally succeed one another in a determinate
way, but can be profoundly affected by environmental influence. These facts
point to the possibility that genetically determined traits might appear only
in the course of maturation, and then only in response to specific influences
from outside the organism. Ethologists inform us of many instances of speciesspecific, genetically based behavior that emerge only in this way. An example
is imprinting. Thomas More described it in his .Utopia. Chicks or ducklings
or goslings, a few hours or days after hatching, enter a critical period. Whatever object they first encounter during this period, within certain limits of
size, and moving within appropriate limits of speed, they begin to follow,
and continue to follow through childhood. The object followed can be, and
usually is, the mother; but it can also be an ethologist like Konrad Korenz
on his hands and knees, or something stuffed at the end of a stick. Failure to.
develop imprinted responses during infancy may cause behavioral abnormalities
in the adult bird -- abnormalities that cannot be corrected by later training.·
Imprinting is only one of many known species-specific characteristics or
behaviors that appear in the course of development, in response to what are
sometimes called "releasers", environmental stimuli of specified kinds. It
will be my contention that important features of human linguistic capacity are
of this kind.
After discussing these two points, I shall conclude with certain reflections
on what they might mean.
I begin, then, with three features of human speech that do not appear to
be found in the natural communication systems of animals (see Table II) :
1.

Phonematization

2.

Concatenation

3. · Granunar

What is meant by phonematization? The vocalizations heard in the human
languages of the world are always within fairly narrow limits of the total
range of sounds that humans can produce. We are able to imitate, for instance,
the vocalizations of mammals and birds with considerable accuracy, given a little
training, but such direct imitations never seem to be incorporated in the vocabularies of human languages. In all human languages, the meaningful units, words,
or more strictly speaking, morphemes, are divisible into successive, shorter,
meaningless sounds called phonemes. Morphemes are the smallest meaningful
units into which an utterance can be .divided. A morpheme can be a single word
such as "water"; it can be more than one word as in "spick and span"; and it
can be less than a single word, as in the "er" in "whiter", which turns the
adjective "white" into a comparative. Phonemes are the meaningless sounds into
which morphemes can be di.v ided. A phoneme is not, strictly speaking, a single
sound, but rather a small class of sounds; it can be defined as the smallest

�-6distinctive unit functioning within the sound system of a language to make a
difference.
Refinements aside, the central fact I wish to convey is this:
in all languages, morphemes are constituted by sequences of phonemes. This
is a fact that the inventors of the alphabet were probably about the first to
come to understand.
The fact could have been different. One can imagine a language in which
the symbol for a cat was a sound resembling a miaow; in which size was represented
by loudness, color by vowel quality, and hunger by a strident roar. Morphemes
in such a language would not be analyzable into phonemes.
All human languages are phonematized, but each language uses a somewhat
different set of phonemes, in each case a small set.
Parrots and mynah birds excel other animals in the imitation of human
speech, but i t is doubtful that they speak in phonemes. The matter could be
put to a test.
A parrot that had heard only Portuguese, and had acquired a
good repertory of Portuguese words and phrases, could be transferred into an
environment where he would hear only English, and have the opportunity of
repeating English exclamatory remarks. If these remarks emerged with a
Portuguese accent, the n it would be clear that the parrot had learned Portuguese
phonemes, which he proceeded to use in the vocalization of English words.
In
the opposite case, we would conclude that the parrot had the capacity to imitate
sounds accurately, but had not acquired the habit of using phonemes for the
production of speech.
In the human child, speech by the same test would turn out to be phonematized.
The second general characteristic of human speech I have listed is concatenation. Human utterances seldom consist of single morphemes in isolation;
in no human speech-community are utterances restricted to single morphemes;
in all languages, morphemes are ordinarily strung together into sequences.
To
be sure, the peoples of many, perhaps most cultures, are less garrulous than we;
they use language only in certain circumstances and only somewhat sparingly,
while we talk a good deal of the time. It is nevertheless true that humans
in all speech-communities concatenate morphemes.
The third property presupposes concatenation; it is the property of grammatical or syntactical structure. By "structure" I am going to mean a set of
relations that can . be diagrammed. In no language are morphemes strung together
in purely random order. Native speakers of a language normally agree in
rejecting certain utterances as ungrammatical, and in recognizing certain
other utterances as grammatical. According to Noam Chomsky, for instance, the
sentence "colorless green ideas sleep furiously" is grammatical, though meaningless or nearly so; the concatenation ... furiously sleep ideas green colorless",
the same words in revers e order, is ungrammatical.
The one concatenation admits
of a syntactical diagram, the other does not.

�-7It is generally assumed in linguistics that the grammar of a language is
completely describable by means of a finite and in fact small set of formal
rules. For no natural language has such a description been achieved as yet,
otherwise one could program a computer to utter the grammatical sentences in
the language. Apparently the mechanism involved in the grammar of a natural
language is complex. I shall return to this topic again; the point now is
just the W1iversality of grammar -- a relatively complex kind of system -- as
a feature of human languages.
All three properties I have described are, so far as the available evidence
indicates, without cultural histories. Phonematization, concatenation, grammatical
structure, are features of all known human language, past or present. And although
languages are always in process of change, it is not the case that these changes
follow a general pattern from a stage that can be called primitive to one that
can be called advanced. No known classification or analysis of human languages
provides any basis for a theory of the development of language from aphonemic,
non-grammatical, or simple imitative beginnings.
These facts are consonant with the hypothesis that there is a genetic foundation underlying human speech, forcing it to be of a certain basic type, and in
particular, to have the features I have just described. In support of this
hypothesis, I take up now the development of language in the child.
The first sound a child makes is to cry.

Immanuel Kant says the birth cry

has not the tone of lamentation, but of indignation and of aroused
wrath; presumably because [the child] wants to move, and feels his
inability to do so as a fetter that deprives him ·o f his freedom.
More recently a psychoanalyst has written of the birthcry:
It is an expression of the infant's overwhelming sense of ir.feriority
on thus suddenly being confronted by reality, without ever having had
to deal with its problems.
In view of the anatomical immaturity of the human brain at birth, these adult
interpretations are rather surprizing. No doubt the infant in being born undergoes
a rude shock. But crying is a mechanism with a number of importan~ functions;
one of the earliest is clearing fluid out of the middle ear, so that .the child
can begin to hear. The mechanism is ready to operate at birth, and the infant
puts it to work. The sound made in crying changes slightly during childhood,
but otherwise does not mature or change during one's life. Crying is not a first
step in the development that leads to articulate speech; it involves no articulation;
the infant simply blows his horn without operating the keys.
A quite distinct sort of vocalization begins at about the 6th or 8th week
after birth: little cooing sounds that appear to be elicited by a specific
stimulus, a nodding object resembling a face in the baby's visual field. A

�-8clown's face painted on cardboard, laughing or crying, will do for a while.
The response is first smiling, then cooing. After about 13 weeks it is
necessary that the face be a familiar one to elicit the smiling and cooing.
During cooing, some articulatory organs are moving, in particular the tongue.
The cooing sounds, although tending to be vowel-like, are not identical with
any actual speech sounds. Gradually they become differentiated. At 6 months
they include vocalic and consonantal components, like /p/ and /b/. Cooing
develops int.o babbling resembling one-syllable utterances, for instance /ma/,
/mu/, /da/, /di/. However, the babbling sounds are still not those of adult
speech.
The first strictly linguistic feature to emerge in a child's vocalizations
is contour of intonation. Before the sound sequences have determinable meaning
or definite phonemic structure, they come out with the recognizable intonation
of .questions, exclamations, or affirmations. Linguistic development begins not
with the putting together of individual components, but rather with a whole
tonal pattern. Later, this whole becomes differentiated into component parts.
Differentiation of phonemes is only approximate at first and has to be progressively refined. The child is gradually gaining control of the dozen or so
adjustments in the vocal organs that are required for adult speech. By 12 months
he is replicating syllables, as in "mamma" and "dada". By 18 months he will
normally have a repertory of three to 50 recognizable words.
I have described this development as though mothers were not trying to
teach, but of course they normally are.
It is nevertheless a striking fact
that these stages emerge in different cultures in the same sequence and at
very nearly the same ages, and in fairly strict correlation with other motor
achievements.
Detailed studies have been made of speech acquisition among the
Zuni of New Mexico, the Dani of Dutch New Guinea, the Bororo in central Brazil,
and children in urban U.S.A.; in all cases, intonation patterns become distinct
at about the time that graspin9 between thumb and fingers develops; the first
words .appear at about.the time that walking is accomplished; and by the time
the child is able to jump, tiptoe, and walk backward, he is talking a blue
stre:i.k. Among children born deaf, the development from cooing through spontaneous
babbling to well-articulated speech-sounds occurs as with normal children,
but of course the development cannot continue onward into the stage at which
adult words are learned through hearing. Among the mentally retarded, these
developments are chronologically delayed, but take place with the same correlation
between various motor achievements. Given the variety of envirorunental conditions
in these several cases, it seems plausible to attribute the emergence of
linguistic habits largely to maturational changes within the growing child,
rather than to particular training procedures.
The specific neurophysiological correlates of speech are l .i ttle known,
but that there are such correlates and that they mature as speech develops is
supported by much evidence. The human brain at birth has only 24% of its adult
weight; by contrast, the chimpanzee starts life with a brain that already
weighs 60% of its adult value. The human brain takes longer to mature, and

�-9-

more happens as it matures, including principally a large increase in the number
of neuronal connections. A large part of the discernible anatomical maturation
takes place in the first two years; the process appears to be complete by about
14 years of age. By this time the neurophysical basis of linguistic capacity
has become localized in one of the two cerebral hemispheres, usually the left.
If by this time a first language has not been learned, no language will ever
be learned. Speech defects due to injuries to the brain that occur before the
final lateralization of the speech-function are usually overcome; but if the
injury comes after lateralization, the speech defect will be permanent.
Capacity for speech does not correlate uniformly with size of brain.
There is a condition known as nanocephalic dwarfism, in which humans appear
reduced to fairy-tale size; adult individuals attain a maximum height of between
two and threefeet (see Table III). Nanocephalic dwarfs differ from other dwarfs
in preserving the skeletal and other bodily proportions of normal adults. Brain
weight in these dwarfs barely exceeds that of a normal newborn infant. The
brain weight of the nanocephalic dwarf, given in the middle row, is only a
little over a third of that of a 2 1/2 year old boy, but the ratio of body
weight to brain weight is equal to that of a 13 1/2 year old boy. These
dwarfs show some retardation in intellectual growth, and often do not surpass
a mental age-level of ~ or 6 years. But all of them acquire the rudiments of
language, including speaking and understanding; they speaJc grarm:natically, and
can manufacture sentences which are not mere repetitions of sentences they have
heard. The appropriate conclusion appears to be that the ability to acquire
language depends, not on any purely quantitative factor, but on specific modes
of organization of human neurophysiology.
One further point concerning the neurophysiological basis of language. The
main evidence here is provided by aphasias (aphasia= a +~ava1, not+ to speak).
These are failu~es in production or comprehension of language, resulting from
injuries to the brain. And this evidence argues, for one thing, against regarding
language ability as being encoded simply in a spatial layout of some kind, say
a network of associations in the cerebral cortex. Subcortical areas are involved,
as well as cortex. The aphasias most frequently involve, not disruption of
associations, but rather disruption of temporal order, affecting either phonemes
in the production of words, as in spoonerisms, or words and phrases in the production
of sentences. The patient is unable to control properly the tempcral ordering
of these units, and as a consequence they tumble into the production line
uninhibited by higher syntactic principles. In general, the sympton is lack
of availability of the right thing at the right time.
Language is through-and-through an affair of temporal patterns and sequences.
The neurophysiological organization required for this cannot be simply that of
associations. In the making of speech-sounds, for instance, certain muscles
have to contract, the efferent nerve fibers innervating these muscles are of
different lengths and diameters, and as a consequence the times required for a

�-10-

nerve inpulse to go from brain to muscle differ for different muscles. Hence
the nerve im.pulses for the production of a single phoneme must be fired off
from the brain at different times, and the sequences of impulses for successive
phonemes must overlap in complex ways. In the simplest sequential order of
· events, it thus appears that events are selected, not in response to immediately
prior events, but in accordance with a hierarchic plan that integrates the
requirments for periods of time of several seconds' duration. All this patterning
in time is thought to depend on a physiological rhythm of about 6 cyles per
second, in relation to which other events are timed. Arrangements of this
complexity do not come about by learning. The evidence here, as well as the
observations I have already described as to the way voice-sounds develop in
children, points to the existence of an innate mechanism for the production of
phonemes, one which is activated by a specific input, the appearance of the
human face, and which matures in stages.
Could anything similar be argued for competence in syntax, the ability
to understand and produce grarn.~atical sentences? Here you will undoubtedly
be more doubtful, for surely the grammars of different languages are different.
Please recall that the sets of phonemes used in different languages are also
somewhat different. The universality of phonematization is compatible with
different languages employing different. subsets of the humanly possible phonemes.
The claim for universa~ity of grammar must be of similar kind. The grammars
of human languages are not of just any imaginable kind of ordered concatenation
of morphemes. Rather, they derive from a certain subclass of the imaginable
orders, a subclass involving phrase structure and what has been called "deep
structure". The production of grarrnnatical sentences turns out to pose requirements similar to those necessary for the temporal ordering of phonemes; a
serial order in which one element determines the next is insufficient; there has
to be hierarchical organization, in which elements connected with one a,.,other are
separated temporally in the production line.
Let me return now to the description of stages in the primary acquisition
of language by a child.
At about the end of the first year of life, the child normally utters his
first unmistakeable word. For a number of months, while the child is building
up a repertory of about 50 words, he utters only single-word utterances. He
frequently hears sentences like "Here is your milk", "Shall daddy take you by-by?",
and so on, but he will neither join together any two words he knows nor can he
be induced to do so on request. Does he lack the memory or the vocalizing
power to produce a two-word utterance? The evidence is against these suppositions.
Then, roughly between 18 and 24 months, he suddenly and spontaneously begins to
join words into two-element phrases: . "up baby", "baby highchair", "push car",
and so on. What explains the shift?
An important observation at the one-word stage is that these single words
are given the intonations or pitch-contours of declarative, interrogative, or

�-11-

hortatory sentences. The single-word utterances seem to function in meaning
in the same way as sentences will function later cm: "Doggie" might mean,
for instance, "There is a dog". When the two-word construction "push car"
appears, it is not just two single-word utterances spoken in a certain order.
As single-word utterances, both "push" and "car" would have primary stresses
and terminal intonation contours. But when they are two words programmed as
a single utterance, the primary stress and higher pitch come on "car"; and
the unity of the whole is indicated by the absence of a terminal pitch contour
between the words and the presence of such a contour at the end of the sequence.
What appears to be happening is that the child is by stages increasing
his span, his ability to plan or program longer utterances. Grammar is already
present in embryo. Further development will be a process of successive increases
in span or integration, on the one hand, and progressive differentiation of the
parts of utterances on the other.
Imitation plays a role in this process, but it is seldom mere parroting.
In Table IV I have listed some imitations actually produced by two children,
whom I shall call Adam and Eve; both were about two years old.
First note that the imitations preserve the word orderof the model, even
when not preserving all·the words. This is not a logical necessity; it is
conceivable that the child might reverse or scramble the order; that he does not
suggests that he is processing the utterance as a whole. A second fact to
notice is that, when the models increase in length, the child's imitation is
a reduction, and that the selection of words is not random. The words retained
are generally nouns, verbs, and less often adjectives: words sometimes called
"contentives", because they have semantic content; their main grammatical
function lies in their capacity to refer to things. The forms omitted are what
linguists call "functors", their grammatical functions being more obvious than
their semantic content. The omission of the functors leads to a kind of telegraphic
language, such as one uses in wiring home: "Car broken down; wallet stolen; send
money American Express Baghdad". In the child's telegraphic utterances, how
will the appropriate functors come to be introduced?
While the child engages in imitating, with reductions, the utterances
of the mother, the mother frequently imitates, with expansion, the utterances
of the child (see Table V). The mother's expansions, you will note, preserve
the word order of the child's sentences, she acts as if the child meant everything he said, and more, and it is the "more" that her additions articulate.
She adds functors. The functors have meaning, but it is meaning that accrues
to them in context rather than in isolation. The functors tell the time of
the action, whether it is ongoing or completed; they inform us of possession,
and of relations such as are indicated by prepositions like in; on, ~' down;
they distinguish between a particular instance of a class as in "the highchair",
and an arbitrary instance of a class, as in "a sandwich"; and so on.

�-12How or to what extent these adult expansions of the child's utterances help
the child to learn grammatical usage is uncertain. It has been found that
inunediate imitations by the child of just uttered adult sentences are less
frequently well-formed than spontaneously produced utterances. The view that
progress toward adult norms arises merely from practice in overt imitation of
adult sentences is clearly wrong. The child rather appears to be elaborating
his own grammar, making use of adult models, but constantly analogizing to produce
new and often mistaken words or forms.
Take pluralization (see Table VI) . In English there are a few irregular
plurals, as of mouse, foot, man. The child normally regularizes these plurals:
mouses, foots, mans.
Instead of foot vs. foots, some children give feet for the
singular, feets for the plural. One does not get an initial fluctuation between
foot and feet, such as one would expect if only imitation of adult forms were
a _ work.
t
Most English plurals are regular and follow certain formal rules. Thus we
have mat vs. mats, but ~atch vs. matches. Words ending in sibilants, such as
match, hors e , b o x, add a vowe l before the..§_ of the plural. Children have difficulty
with pluralizing these words, and tend at first to use th e singular form for
both singular and plural. Sometime s a child will analogize in such a way as to
remove the sibilant, substituting for instance, for box vs. boxes, the singularplural pair bok vs. boks. Then at some point the ch~ld produces the regular
plural of a sibilant word, say, boxes. Frequently when this happens he may
abandon temporarily the regular plural for non-sibilant words, so that one gets
foot vs. footses. What is happening? Overlaid on the child's systematic analogic
forms, there is a gradual accumulation of successful imitations which do not fit
the child's system. Eventually these result in a change in the system, often
with errors due to over-generalizing.
Consider also the past tense inflection, which in English bears considerable
similarity to the plural inflection (see Table VI again). There are regular
forms like walk-walked, and irregular ones like go-went. Among the regular verbs,
the form of the past d e pends on the final phoneme of the simple verb:
so we have
pack-packed and pat-patted. In the case of past-tense inflection in contrast
with pluralization, however, the most fre q uently used forms are irregular, and the
curious fact is that the child often starts regularizing these forms before having
been heard to produce any other past-tense forms.
Thus goed, doed, corned appear
among the first past-tense forms produced.
The analogizing tendency is evidently
very strong.
· The occurrence of certain kinds of errors on the level of word construction
thus reveals the child's effort t.o induce regularities from the speech he is
exposed to. When a child says, "I buyed a fire car for a grillion dollars,"
he is not imitating in any strict sense of the term; he is constructing in
accordance with rules, rules which in adult English, are in part mistaken. At
every stage, the child's linguistic competence extends beyond the sum total of
the sentences he has heard. He is able to unders tand and construct sentences

�-13-

which he cannot have heard before, but which are well-formed in terms of general
rules that ar·e implicit in the sentences he has heard. Somehow, genius that
he is, he induces from the speech to which he is exposed a latent structure of
rules. For the rest of his life, he will be spinning out the implications of
this latent structure.
By way of illustration of this inductive process, and .of a fur~her stage in
the achievement of grarrunatical competence, let me indicate some aspects of the
development of the noun phrase in children's speech (see Table VII). A noun
phrase con~.ists of a noun plus modifiers of some kind, which together can be
used in all the syntactic positions in which a single noun can be used: alone
to name or request something, or in a sentence as subject, object, or predicate
nominative. The table at the top gives a number of noun phrases uttered by Adam
or Eve at about two years of age. Each noun phrase consists of one word from a
small class of modifiers, M, followed by one word from the large class of nouns,
N. The rule for generating
these noun phrases is given below in symbols: NP ·
is generated by M plus N.

The class M does not correspond to any single syntactic class in adult
English; it includes indefinite and definite articles, a possessive pronoun, a
demonstrative adjective, a quantifier, a cardinal number, and some descriptive
adjectives. In adult English these words are of different syntactic classes
because they have very different privileges of occurrence in sentences. For the
children, the words appear to belong to a single class because of their common
privilege of occurrence before nouns; the lack of distinction leads to ungranunatical
combinations, which are marked in the table by an asterisk. Thus the indefinite
article should be used only with a · comrnon count noun in the singular, as in
"a coat"; we do not say "a celery", "a Becky", "a hands". The numeral two we use
only with count nouns in the plural; hence we do not say "two sock". The word
"more" we use before mass nouns in the singular, as in "more coffee", and before
count nouns in the plural, as in "more nuts"; we would not say "more nut". To·
avoid the errors, it is necessary not only that the privileges of occurrence of
words of the class M be differentiated, but also that nouns be subdivided into
singular and plural, common and proper, count nouns and mass nouns.
Sixteen weeks after Time I, at Time II, Adam and Eve were beginning to make
some of these differentiations; articles and demonstrative pronouns were now
distinguished from other mewbers of the class M. Articles now always appeared
before descriptive or possessive adjectives, and demonstrative pronouns before
articles or other modifiers.
Twenty-six weeks after Time I, the privileges of occurrence had become
much more finely differentiated. Adam was distinguishing descriptive adjectives
and possessive pronouns, as well as articles and demonstrative · pronouns, from
the ' residual class M; Eve's classification was even more complicated, though she
was a bit younger. Also, nouns were being differentiated by both children:
proper nouns were clearly distinct from common nouns; for Eve, count nouns were
distinct from mass nouns.

�-14Simultaneously with these differentiations, further integrations were
occurring: the noun phrases were beginning to occur as constituents in longer
sentences; the permissible combinations of modifiers and nouns were assuming
the combination privileges enjoyed by nouns in isolation. Thus the noun phrase,
for Adam and Eve, was coming to have a psychological unity such as it has for
adults. This was indicated by instances in which a noun phrase was fitted between
parts of a separable verb, as in "put the red hat on". It was also indicated
by substitution of pronouns for noun phrases in sentences, often at first with
the pronoun being followed by the noun phrase for which it was to substitute,
as in "mommy get it my ladder", or "I miss it cowboy boot".
Whether any theory of learning at present known can account for this sequence
of differentiations and integrations is doubtful.
The process is more reminiscent
of the development of an embryo than it is of the simple acquisition of conditioned
reflexes or associations. What is achieved is an open-ended competence to comprehend sentences never before heard, in terms of a hierarchical structure, that
embeds structures within structures.
To illustrate, let me use, not a child's sentence, but an example that Chomsky
excerpts from the Port Royal Grammar of 1660 (see Figure II). The sentence is:
"Invisible God created the visible world".
The sentence may be diagrammed as
shown in the figure; Chomsky calls these diagrams phrase markers. There is a
phrase marker for what he calls surface structure; this has the function of
determining the phonetic shape and intonational contour of the sentence. And
there is a phrase marker for what he calls deep structure; this shows how prior
predications are embedded in the sentence, and determine its meaning.
Are formal structures like the one indicated by this diagram really operative
when linguistic competence is being exercised? There are a number of indications
that this is so. One indication is the extent to which the understanding of language
involves resolution of ambiguities, or disambiguation as it is sometimes
massively put. Consider the sentence "They are boring ' student~" (see Figure III) .
This has two different interpretations, which are represented by the diagrams
on the screen.
In interpretation A, the word "boring" is linked with the word
"students"; the students are thus characterized as boring.
In interpretation B,
the word "boring" is linked with the word "are", which thus becomes the auxiliary
verb in the present progressive tense of the verb "to bore", it is the students
who are being bored, by certain other persons designated by "'.:he pronoun "they",
but otherwise mercifully unidentified.
In an actual conversation, the context
of meaning would have led us to apply, as quick as a thought or perhaps more
quickly, the correct phrase marker to the interpretation of the sequence of uttered
sounds.
Other examples show how deep structures are essential to understanding
(see Table VIII). Consider the two sentences:
John is eager to please
John is easy to please.

�-15-

These sentences have the same surface structure. But a moment's thought shows
that the word "John" has two very diffe·r ent roles to play in the two sentences.
John in the first sentence is the person who is doing the pleasing; in the second
sentence he is the person who is being pleased. John is the underlying subject
in the first case, and the underlying object in the second case. Deep structure
or grammar is involved in understanding the difference in meaning of the two
sentences.
An opposite sort of case occurs when the surface granunars of two sentences
are different, although the meaning is essentially the same. Consider this
sentence in the active mode: "Recently seventeen elephants trampled on my
summer home".
Now consider the following sentence in the passive mode: "My
summer wa.s trampled -on recently by seventeen elephants." A native speaker of
English feels that these sentences are related,that they have the same or very
similar meanings. Yet their surface structures are very different. Recognition
that both sentences are describing the same event presupposes that speaker anJ.
hearer refer them both to a single deep structure embodyin~ the single meaning.
Something similar happens in recognition of similarity between visual patterns,
where there is no point-to-point correspondence between them.

Now all of this is unlikely to . seem astonishing, for it is' very familiar,
You and I, like the bourgeois gentilhomme, have been speaking and listening to
more or less grammatical prose for a long time now. People living at the seashore
are said to grow so accustomed to the murmur of the waves that they never hear
it. Aspects of things that could be important to us may be hidden by their
familiarity. The point I have been seeking to make is one that is due to Noam
Chomsky, a linguist I have been depending on more than once this evening. The
grammaticality of human languages involves properties that are in no sense
necessary properties of a . system that would fulfill the functions of human
communication. A grammar, for instance, in which statements would be generated
· word-by-word, from left to right, so to speak, so that any given morpheme would
determine the possible classes of morphemes that might follow it, is a kind of
grammar that might have been used, but was not. Instead, human speech involves
dependencies between non-adjacent elements, as in .the sentence "A.Tlyone who says
that is lying", where there is a dependency between the subject noun "anyone"
and the predicate phrase "is lying". All operations in human languages,
transforming, for instance, an active into a passive sentence, or a declarative
into an interrogative sentence, operate on and take account of phrase structure.
Example: we form the1nterrogative of the English.sentence, "Little Mary lived
in Princeton",. by introducing an auxiliary to the verb ("Little Mary did live
in Princeton"), then inverting the order of the auxiliary and the noun-phrase
which is the subject, to get "Did Li.ttle Mary live in Princeton?" It would be
entirely possible to form interrogatives in a different way independently of
phrase structure. There is no apriori reason why human languages should make
use exclusively of structure-dependent operations. It is Chomsky's conclusion
that such reliance on structure-dependent operations must be predetermined for
the language learner by a restrictive initial schematism of some sort, given
genetically, and directing the child's attempts to acquire linguistic competence.

�-16Put differently, one does not so much teach a first language, as provide a
thread along which linguistic competence develops of its own accord, by processes
more like maturation than learning.
The Chomskian analysis requires that we take one more step. The fact that
deep structures figure in the understanding and use of language shows that grammar
and meaning necessarily interpenetrate. The child's grammatical competence
matures only along with semantic competence, the organization of what can be
talked about in nameable categories and hierarchies of categories. This process,
like the development of grammatical competence, involves successive differentiations.
Sensory data are first grouped into as yet global classes of gross patterns,
and then subsequently differentiated into more specific patterns. The infant who
is given' a word su.ch as "daddy", and has the task of finding the category labelled
by this word, does not start out with the working hypothesis that a specific,
concrete object, say his father, uniquely bears this name. Rather, the word
initially appe ars to be u s ed as the labe l of a general and open category, corresponding
to the adult category of people or men.
Infra-hwnan animals are taught with
difficulty, if at all, to make the generalizations involved in naming, whereas
children fall in with the ways of names automatically.
Name s, other than proper
names, refer to ope n and flexibl e c l a s ses, which are subj e ct to e xte nsion and
differentiation in the ~ourse of languag e usage.
Catego rization and naming
involve relations between categories; nothing ever resides in a single term;
~ means nothing without £ and probably ~ and ~; £ means nothing without .5:..
and c and d. Children go about assimilating the relations that are embodied
in language, not me rely imitatively, but in an active, inventive, and critical
way.
They are full of impossible questions:
"How did the sky happen? How did the sun happen?
like a lamp? Who makes bugs?"

Why is the moon so much

At first, they are ultra-literal in their reactions to idioms and metaphors.
When grandmother said that winter was coming soon, the grandchildren laughed
and wanted to know: "Do you mean that winter has legs?" And when a lady said "I'm
dying to hear that concert", the child's sarcastic response was, 11'Then why don't
you die?" Sometimes reconciliation of adult requirements requires genius.
Chukovsky reports that a four-year-old Muscovite, influe nced both by an atheist
father and by a grandmother of orthodox faith, was overheard to tell her playmate:
"There is a god, but, of course, I do not believe in him." The active analogizing
and generalizing of 4- and 5-year olds is discernible in the odd questions they
can put:
"What is a knife -- the fork's husband?"
"Isn't it wonderful? I drink milk, water, tea, and cocoa, but out of
me pours only tea."
"What does blue look like from behind?"

�-17For a certain period, there is a special, heightened sensitivity to the strangeness
of words and their meanings; by age 5 or 6 this talent begins to fade, and by
7 or 8 all traces of it have disappeared. The need has passed; the basic principles
of the child's native language have been mastered.
What is it that has in fact been gained? We say, knowledge of a language.
But what is a language, my language? Thoughtfully considered, this is a wellnigh impossible question, because a language is .not a simple object, existing
by itself and capable of being grasped in its totality. It exists in the
linguistic competence of its users; it is what Aristotle would call an actuality
of the second kind, like the soul, or like knowing how to swim when you are
not swirruning. Through it I constitute myself a first-person singular subject,
by using this short word "I", which everyone uses, and which in each seems to
refer to something different, yet the same. And through it I am brought into
relation with others -- the ubiquitous "you" -- and with the public thing that
is there for both you and me, a treasury of knowledge and value transmitted
through and embedded in language.
We hear language spoken of as "living language", and there is evidence
enough to make it more than a metaphor. Language reproduces itself from generation
to generation, remaining relatively constant, yet with small mutations, enough
in fact to account for-its growing and evolving, leaving vestiges and fossils
behind, and undergoing speciation as a result· of migrations,, like Darwin's
finches on the Galapagos Islands. A change here provokes an adjustment there,
for the whole is a complex of relations, mediating between a world and human
organisms that are a part of it. The way a word is used this year is, in
biological lingo, its phenotype; the deep and more abiding sense in it is its
genotype.
It is we, of course, who are accomplishing all this; but we do not know
how we accomplish it. It is mostly a collective, autonomic kind of doing, like
the building activities of ants and termites, or the decision-making of bees.
It takes generation after generation, but we are part of it whenever and however
we utter words or follow them in the sentences th.at we hear or read, whether
lazily or intently, whether with habitual acceptance or active inquiry. Always
the words are found for us, and fitted with meanings for us, by agents in the
brain over which we exercise no direct control. We can either float with the
stream, sometimes a muddy tide of slang and jargon and cliche, or struggle cross
stream or upstream. Sometimes we can, sensing the possible presence of a meaning,
attempt a raid on the inarticulate; we can launch ourselves into speech, discovering what it is that we mean as we proceed. We "articulate"; the word once
meant division into small joints, then, by an effortless transition, the speaking
of sentences. There are unexpected qutcomes. We may find that our utterance is
ungrarrunatical or illogical; or we may discover that the connection of ideas
leads in directions we had not previously considered. In any case, phonetic,
syntactical, and semantic structures are being actualized in time, without our
quite knowing how. Yet we can strive after that lucidity and precision which,
when achieved, make language seem transparent to what there is.

�-18I have already been carried beyond the two propositions I set out to defend,
and in doing so, I have moved into a region of ambiguity. The question as to
what is determined by nature, independently ofus, and what is man-made, is an
ancient and disturbing question, embedded in old etymologies and myths.
(See Table IX). In more than one language, the word "man" is derived
from "earth". So it is in Hebrew: Adam, "man", comes from the word for "ground".
As shown in the upper diagram, the IndoEuropean root for "earth" gives us "man"
and "human" as well as "humus". The notion here is that of the autochthonous
origin of humans, their origination from the earth itself; it is a notion found
in early cultures all over the world. An implication would seem to be that man
is like a plant in his naturalness. On the other hand, as shown in the lower
diagram, the IndoEuropean root "wiros", "man" or "the strong one", leads not
only to virile but, staggeringly, to world, suggesting that man makes himself
and his world.
The dicho~omy, the tension, emerges in the Theban cycle of myths (see Table X).
Following a suggestion of Levi-Strauss, I am listing elements of it in chronological
order from left to right and from the top downward, but in columns, to show the
repetition of similar elements. Cadmus is sent off to seek his sister; he
kills a dragon, a chthonic monster, that will not permit men to live, and sews
the teeth of the dragon in the earth; from the teeth sprout up armed men who
kill one another, all except five who become the ancestors of the Thebans. In
column I are listed events of the myth in which blood relations seem to be given
too much importance. In colu..~n II are listed murders of brothers by brother,
of a father by a son: here blood relations are brutally disregarded. Column I is
thus opposed to column II. In column III, chthonic monsters that were killing
off humans are themselves killed by men; we can interpret this as a denial
of the autochthonous origin of man, an assertion that man has now become selfsufficient, himself responsible for his continued existence. In column IV .a re
listed the meanings of the names of the Labdacidae, including Oedipus; the
etymologies all indicate difficulty in walking or in standing upright. In myths
throughout the world, this difficulty in walking or standing is characteristic
of the creature that has just emerged out of the earth; the names given in column
IV thus constitute an assertion of the autochthonous oYigin of man. Column IV
contradicts column III, just as column I contradicts column II. The myth
de?ls with a difficulty of one sort, not by resolving it, but by juxtaposing
it to another, parallel type of opposition. Neither man's rootedness in nature
nor his transcendence of nature is unproblematic:
The study of language and its acquisition by children indicates that our
language has genet~c foundations or roots. These, however, have their fruition
only under appropriate conditions, only through culture. Man is by nature
a cultural animal. He does not fabricate his linguistic culture out of whole
cloth.
On the one hand, it becomes conceivable that a universal grammar and semantics
might be formulated, describing the species-specific features and presuppositions
that characterize human linguistic behavior universally. On the other hand,
nature's gift of language brings with it an apparent freedom from deterministic
necessity not previously present. Most of our sentences are quite new; it is

�-lguncommon for one sentence to come out the same as another, though the thoughts
be 1;.he same. Our utterances are free of the control of detectible stimuli.
The number of patterns underlying the normal use of language, according to
Chomsky, is orders of magnitude greater than the seconds in a lifetime, and
so cannot have been acquired simply by conditioning. While the laws of generation
of sentences remain fixed and invariant, the specific manner in which they are
applied remains unspecified, open to choice. The application can be appropriate.
Articulate, structurally organized signals can be raised to an expression
of thought.
Achievement here is subject to change and old laws, and it depends on a
sensitivity to old meanings as well as new possibilities. It requires both
strength and submission.

�TABLE I

Respiratory Adaptation in Speech

Breathing
Quietly

During Speech
3

3

Tidal volume

·soo-600cm

Time of inspiration
Time of
inspiration + expiration

about 0.4

about 0.13

Breaths per minute

18-20

4-20

Expiration

Continuous &amp;
unimpede d

Periodically interrupted, with increase
in subglottal pressure

Electrical activity in
expiratory muscles

Nil or very low

Nil or very low at
start of phonation;
then increases rapidly
and continues active
to end of expiration

Electrical activity in
inspiratory muscles

Active in inspiration &amp; nil during
expiration

Active in inspiration
&amp; in expiration till
expiratory muscles
become active

Musculatures involved

Chest &amp; abdominal,
closely synchronized

Mainly chest; slight
de synchronization
between chest and
abdominal muscles

Airways

Primarily nasal

Primarily oral

1500-2400cm

�FIGURE I

ROUND DANCE

..,.,,,.
/

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I

l~
1 "'-;

/"'-

-

t

/

-/~:
--./...:

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I

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I

I

~

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~.,.......::....-

.....:..

......... ........ .

.

TAIL-WAGGING DANCE

-· - -.....

. .
..,&amp;'"
, .

lrn/

...._
.-.,.

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�TABLE II

Species-specific Features of Human Speech

1.

Phonematization
"Morphemes":

the smallest meaningful units into which an
utterance can be divided.
Examples:
water
spick and span
"er" in "whiter", "taller", etc.

"Phoneme":

the smallest distinctive unit of sound functioning
within the sound system of a language to make a
difference.
Examples:

/p/ vs. /b/

/t/ vs. /d/
Phonematization: all morphemes in all natural human languages
are divisible into phonemes.

single morphemes are strung together into sequences,
rather than being used in isolation.

2.

Concatenation:

3.

Grammar or Syntactical Structure:
in no human language are
morphemes strung together in purely random order.
Examples (Chomsky) :
Grammatical:
furiously"
Ungrammatical:
colorless"

"colorless green ideas sleep

"furiously sleep ideas green

�TABLE III

Comparative Weights of Brain and Body in Humans,
Including Nanocephalic Dwarf, Chimpanzees, and Monkeys

Body Wt.
(kg)

Brain Wt.
(kg)

Human (male)

2-1/2

13-1/2

1.100

12.3

yes

Human (male)

13-1/2

45

1.350

34

yes

Human (male)

18

64

1.350

47

yes

INanocephalic
dwarf

12

13-1/2

0. 400

34

ye_s_u_

Chimp (male)

3

12-1/2

·o.4oo

34

no

47

0.450

104

no

0.090

40

no

I

Chimp (female)

adult

Rhesus monkey

adult

3-1/2

Ratio
(Bcdy : Brain)

Speech
Acquisition

Age

I

�TABLE IV

Imitations by Adam and Eve, Two years of Age

Model Utterance (parent)

Child's Imitation

Tank car

Tank car

Wait a minute

Wait

Daddy's brief case

Daddy brief case

Fraser will be unhappy

Fraser unhappy

He '.s going out

He go out

That's an old-time train

Old-time train

It's not the same dog as Pepper

Dog Pepper

No, you can't write on Mr. Cramer's
shoe

Write Cromer shoe

a minute

Contentives
Nouns:

Daddy, Fraser, Pepper, Cromer;
tank car, minute, brief case, train, dog,shoe

V~rbs:

wait, go, write

Adjectives:

unhappy, old-time

Functors:
the possessive inflection 's
the modal auxiliary will
the progressive inflection -ing
the contraction of the auxiliary verb is
the preposition on
the articles the and an
the modal auxiliary can

�TABLE V

Adult Expansions of Child Pronouncements

Utterances of Child

Mother's Expansions
(Additions circled)

Baby highchair

BabyE in the ) highchair

Mommy eggnog

Mommy(£ad herleggnog

Eve lunch

Eve~ having1lunch

Monuny sandwich

Mommy

Sat wall

~sandwich

~sa~wall

Throw Daddy

Throw\it t~ Daddy

Pick glove

Pick(!he'j glove

&amp;J

�TABLE VI

Plural Inflection

Regularization of irregular fonns:
Singular

vs.

Plural

mouse

mouses

foot

foots

feet

feets

man

mans

or:

Words ending in sibilants
First Stage:

(as well as horse, match, judge, etc.)
treated as both singular and plural

~ox

bok vs. boks, in analogy with normal
Possible Second Stage:
"s" pluralization, replaces box vs. boxes
Third Stage:

after box vs. boxes is produced, then we also
get foot vs. footses, hand vs. handses

Past Tense Inflection

goed

corned

/

come
went

~came
buyed

doed
do

---------

~did

/

buy"-....

~bought

�TABLE VII
TIME I:

Noun Phrases with Generative Rule
A coat

That Adam

Big boot

*A celery

That knee

Poor man

*A Becky

More coffee

Little top

*A hands

*More nut

The top

· *Two sock

Dirty knee

My Monuny

· Two shoes

My stool

*Two tinker toy
NP ~ M +

N

M

a, big, dirty, little, more, my, poor, that, the, two

N

Adam, Becky, boot, coat, coffee, knee, man, Monuny, nut, sock,
stool, tinker toy, top, etc.

TIME II:
A.

Subdivision of Modifier class with Generative Rules
Privileges peculiar to articles
Obtained

Not Obtained

A blue flower

*Blue a flower

A nice nap

*Nice a nap

*A your car

*Your a car

*A my pencil

*My a pencil

Rule:
B.

NP -7.

Art + M + N

(Not:

NP --7 M + art + N)

Privileges peculiar to demonstrative pronouns
Not Obtained

Obtained
*That a horse

*A that horse

*That a blue flower

*A that blue flower
* Blue a that flower

Rule:

NP --7 Dem + Art + M + N

*Ungrammatical in adult English

�FIGURE II

Chomskian Phrase Markers
"Surface Structure"

Sentence (S)

~

Subject
(Noun Phrase)

Predicate

/~

/~
Noun

.

. Adjective

t

.Invisible

t

God

Verb

Object

\

the visible world

created

"Deep Structure"

Sentence (S)

·~

1~

Predicate

Subject

/\

God

/~
Object

Verb

S

/l~

Subject

J,

God

Copula

J
is

Pred . Adj.

-}

invisible

J

Created

l~ S
//~
Subject Copula Pred.

the world

J..

the world

"' .

is

\.

Adj.

visible

�FIGURE III

"They are boring Students ... :

Two Interpretations

Interpretation A

Sentence

Predicate ,

Subject

~ Nominative
Predicate

j

I

Verb

I

I

Adjective

Copula

Pronoun

students

boring

are

They

\

J

I

j

~Noun

Interpretation B

Sentence

/~
Predicate

subject

I~

verb

Pronoun

j
They

Object

I~
Progressive

Aux

j
are

\

boring

\

Noun

\

students

�TABLE VIII

Evidence For "Deep" Structure

Surface structures the same,
deep structure different:

John is eager to please.
{ John is easy to please.

Surface structures different,

Recently seventeen elephants
trampled on my summer house.

deep structures the same:

My summer home was recently
trampled on by seventeen elephants.

Visual patterns recognized as similar,
although no point-to-point correspondence exists between them.

--

-7

~-

�TABLE IX
Some Etymologies

_/7

gum an
(Germanic)

dhghem
------------~----------.-:.-gumen
'
(IndoEuropean)
(Old English)
= "earth"

= "man"

homo, humanitas ·
(Latin)
humus
(Latin)
="mould", "ground"

chthon
(Greek)
= "earth"

human
(English)
humus
(English)

chthonic ----,...autochthonous
(English)
= "fromthe earth
itself"
= . "of the earth"

vir---(Latin)
= "man"

---&gt;- virile
{English)

wiros
(IndoEuropean)
= "man"
we.r
(Germanic,
Old English)
="man", "the~
strong one"
~
weorold ~ world
(AngloSaxon)
(English)
= "age of man",
"world"
alt, old
(AngloSaxon)
= "age"

�TABLE X

I
Blood relations
overemphasized

II

IV

III

Blood relations
underemphasized

Chthonic monsters
that would not
permit men to live
are slain by men

Difficulties in
walking straight
and standing
upright

Cadmus seeks
his sister
Europa,
ravished by Zeus
Cadmus kills
the dragon
The Spa rti (the
sown dragon's
teeth) kill one
another
Labdacus (Laius's
father) = "lame"
Laius (Oedipus' s
father) =
"left-sided"

Oedipus kills
his father,
Laius
Oedipus kills
the Sphinx

Oedipus "swollen-foot"
Oedipus marries
his mother,
Jocasta
Eteocles and
Polyneices, brothers,
kill one another
Antigone buries
her brother,
Polyneices,
despite
prohibition
Column I

Column II .. Column IV

Column III

�Bibliography

(In the preparation of this lecture I made use of the following books: the book
by E. H. Lenneberg, as well as the book edited by him, was particularly useful.)

Benveniste, Emile, Problems in General Linguisitcs (Coral Gables, Fla.: University
of Miami Press, 1971)
.,

Chomsky, Noam, Aspects of the Theory of Syntax (Cambridge, Mass.: M.I.T. Press, 1965)
-------------, Cartesian Linguistics (New York:
-------------

Language and Mind (New York:

Harper &amp; Row, 1966)

Harcourt, Brace, and World, 1968)

CrYstal, David, Linguistics (Penguin, 1971)
Frisch, Karl von, The Dance Langua ge and Orientation of Bees (Cambridge, Mass.
Belknap Press of Harvard, 1967)
Goldstein, Kurt, Language and Language Disturbances (New York, 1948)
Lenneberg, E. H., The Biological Foundations for Language (New York:
&amp; Sons, 1967)

John Wiley

Lenneberg, E. H. (ed.), New Directions in the Study of Language (Cambridge, Mass.:
M. I. T. Press, 1966)
Lindauer, Martin, Communication Among Social Bees (New York:
Lyons, John, Noam Chomsky (New York:

Atheneum, 1967)

Viking Press, 1970)

Saussure, Ferdinand de, Course in General Linguistics (ed. Bally &amp; Sechehaye; tr.
Baskin; New York: 1959)
Skinner, B. F., Verbal Behavior (New York:

Appleton-Century-Crofts, 1957)

�</text>
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              <text>01:03:15</text>
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            <name>Title</name>
            <description>A name given to the resource</description>
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                <text>&lt;em&gt;The Student&lt;/em&gt;, by Anton Chekhov: A Story About Us Told and Glanced At</text>
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            <name>Description</name>
            <description>An account of the resource</description>
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                <text>Audio recording of a lecture delivered on November 3, 2017, by Louis Petrich as part of the Formal Lecture Series.</text>
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            <name>Creator</name>
            <description>An entity primarily responsible for making the resource</description>
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                <text>Petrich, Louis</text>
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            <name>Publisher</name>
            <description>An entity responsible for making the resource available</description>
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                <text>St. John's College</text>
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            <name>Coverage</name>
            <description>The spatial or temporal topic of the resource, the spatial applicability of the resource, or the jurisdiction under which the resource is relevant</description>
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                <text>Annapolis, MD</text>
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            <name>Date</name>
            <description>A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource</description>
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                <text>2017-11-03</text>
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            <name>Rights</name>
            <description>Information about rights held in and over the resource</description>
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              <elementText elementTextId="49520">
                <text>A signed permission form has been received stating, "I hereby grant St. John's College permission make an audio recording of my lecture, and retain copies for circulation and archival preservation at the St. John's College Greenfield Library. Make an audio recording of my lecture available online. Make typescript copies of my lecture available for circulation and archival preservation at the St. John's College Greenfield Library. Make a copy of my typescript available online."</text>
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                <text>mp3</text>
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            <name>Language</name>
            <description>A language of the resource</description>
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            <name>Identifier</name>
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        <name>Friday night lecture</name>
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        <name>Tutors</name>
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        <src>https://s3.us-east-1.amazonaws.com/sjcdigitalarchives/original/b4c8cf160d212f19ef6557c0ee686648.jpg</src>
        <authentication>f67b7516f61c942e4f98ce66020f6089</authentication>
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              <name>Title</name>
              <description>A name given to the resource</description>
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                  <text>Image Collection—Annapolis</text>
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              <name>Description</name>
              <description>An account of the resource</description>
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                  <text>&lt;p&gt;The Greenfield Library Image Collection houses over 5,000 photographs, postcards, drawings, and other graphic materials.  The images in the collection document the history, academic, and community life of St. John’s College. &lt;/p&gt;
To learn more about the Greenfield Library's archives use policy or to obtain high-resolution images, please see the &lt;strong&gt;&lt;a title="Image Collection Use Policy" href="http://www.sjc.edu/academic-programs/libraries/greenfield-library/policies/#photographicarchivepolicy" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener"&gt;Library’s Image Collection Use Policy&lt;/a&gt;&lt;/strong&gt;.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Click on &lt;strong&gt;&lt;a title="Photographic Archives" href="http://digitalarchives.sjc.edu/items/browse?collection=7"&gt;Items in the Image Collection—Annapolis Collection&lt;/a&gt;&lt;/strong&gt; to view and sort all items in the collection.</text>
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              <name>Publisher</name>
              <description>An entity responsible for making the resource available</description>
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                  <text>St. John's College</text>
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              <name>Contributor</name>
              <description>An entity responsible for making contributions to the resource</description>
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                  <text>St. John's College Greenfield Library</text>
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              <name>Coverage</name>
              <description>The spatial or temporal topic of the resource, the spatial applicability of the resource, or the jurisdiction under which the resource is relevant</description>
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                  <text>Annapolis, MD</text>
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              <name>Identifier</name>
              <description>An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context</description>
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                  <text>imagecollectionannapolis</text>
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    <itemType itemTypeId="6">
      <name>Still Image</name>
      <description>A static visual representation. Examples include paintings, drawings, graphic designs, plans and maps. Recommended best practice is to assign the type Text to images of textual materials.</description>
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        <element elementId="7">
          <name>Original Format</name>
          <description>The type of object, such as painting, sculpture, paper, photo, and additional data</description>
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            <elementText elementTextId="120356">
              <text>Photograph</text>
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        <element elementId="10">
          <name>Physical Dimensions</name>
          <description>The actual physical size of the original image</description>
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            <elementText elementTextId="120357">
              <text>20.5 x 25.5 cm&#13;
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          <element elementId="50">
            <name>Title</name>
            <description>A name given to the resource</description>
            <elementTextContainer>
              <elementText elementTextId="120345">
                <text>&lt;span&gt;Dwight D. Eisenhower Speaking at a Podium at the Opening of the Francis Scott Key Auditorium and Mellon Hall, St. John's College, Annapolis, Maryland&lt;/span&gt;</text>
              </elementText>
            </elementTextContainer>
          </element>
          <element elementId="41">
            <name>Description</name>
            <description>An account of the resource</description>
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              <elementText elementTextId="120346">
                <text>&lt;span&gt;Dwight D. Eisenhower speaking at a podium at the opening of the Francis Scott Key Auditorium and Mellon Hall, St. John's College, Annapolis, Maryland, May 22, 1959.&lt;/span&gt;&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Eisenhower's speech is reprinted in &lt;a href="https://babel.hathitrust.org/cgi/pt?id=miua.4728423.1959.001&amp;amp;seq=462"&gt;Dwight D. Eisenhower, 1959: containing the public messages, speeches, and statements of the president, January 1 to December 31, 1959. Washington: Office of the Federal Register, National Archives and Records Service, General Services Administration, pages 416-419&lt;/a&gt;.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;A recording of Eisenhower's speech is available from the &lt;a href="https://catalog.archives.gov/id/329120284"&gt;National Archives&lt;/a&gt;.</text>
              </elementText>
            </elementTextContainer>
          </element>
          <element elementId="39">
            <name>Creator</name>
            <description>An entity primarily responsible for making the resource</description>
            <elementTextContainer>
              <elementText elementTextId="120347">
                <text>Warren, Marion E.</text>
              </elementText>
            </elementTextContainer>
          </element>
          <element elementId="38">
            <name>Coverage</name>
            <description>The spatial or temporal topic of the resource, the spatial applicability of the resource, or the jurisdiction under which the resource is relevant</description>
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              <elementText elementTextId="120348">
                <text>Annapolis, MD</text>
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            </elementTextContainer>
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          <element elementId="40">
            <name>Date</name>
            <description>A point or period of time associated with an event in the lifecycle of the resource</description>
            <elementTextContainer>
              <elementText elementTextId="120349">
                <text>1959-05-22</text>
              </elementText>
            </elementTextContainer>
          </element>
          <element elementId="47">
            <name>Rights</name>
            <description>Information about rights held in and over the resource</description>
            <elementTextContainer>
              <elementText elementTextId="120350">
                <text>St. John's College owns the rights to this photograph.</text>
              </elementText>
            </elementTextContainer>
          </element>
          <element elementId="51">
            <name>Type</name>
            <description>The nature or genre of the resource</description>
            <elementTextContainer>
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                <text>Still Image</text>
              </elementText>
            </elementTextContainer>
          </element>
          <element elementId="42">
            <name>Format</name>
            <description>The file format, physical medium, or dimensions of the resource</description>
            <elementTextContainer>
              <elementText elementTextId="120352">
                <text>jpeg</text>
              </elementText>
            </elementTextContainer>
          </element>
          <element elementId="49">
            <name>Subject</name>
            <description>The topic of the resource</description>
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              <elementText elementTextId="120353">
                <text>Eisenhower, Dwight D. (Dwight David), 1890-1969.</text>
              </elementText>
              <elementText elementTextId="120354">
                <text> Weigle, Richard Daniel 1912-</text>
              </elementText>
            </elementTextContainer>
          </element>
          <element elementId="43">
            <name>Identifier</name>
            <description>An unambiguous reference to the resource within a given context</description>
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              <elementText elementTextId="120355">
                <text>SJC-P-2469</text>
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            </elementTextContainer>
          </element>
        </elementContainer>
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    <tagContainer>
      <tag tagId="54">
        <name>Honorary Alumni</name>
      </tag>
      <tag tagId="51">
        <name>Presidents</name>
      </tag>
    </tagContainer>
  </item>
</itemContainer>
