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                    <text>SYMBOLIC HISTORY
Through Sight and Sound
20. Baroque Formulation

CHARLES G. BELL
ST. JOHN'S COLLEGE
SANTA FE, NEW MEXICO
or
1260 CANYON ROAD
SANTA FE, NEW MEXICO 87501
January 1993
Last Revised January ‘96

�Charles Greenleaf Bell, 1260 Canyon Rd., Santa Fe, NM 87501

SYMBOLIC HISTORY
Through Sight and Sound
20. Baroque Formulation

1)

Guercino, 1621, Aurora ceiling fresco, vertical section, Casino Ludovisi, Rome
(video, center-spread only)
Same, horizontal view of whole (video, horses only)
Same, detail of 1 (video then returns to the horizontal whole of 1a)

1a)
1b)

MUSIC:

Monteverdi, 1607, Orfeo, Toccata into Prologue, ARC-3035

If Baroque is to signify a period style (that, more or less, of the 17th century), its
character cannot be the faulted irregularity of the word's origin, whether from a strained
syllogism or a lopsided pearl; we must deepen our search for its quality, at the same time
allowing that no element, neither abandon nor control, tactile realism or ideal grandeur,
space, radiance, chiaroscuro, or in music monody, homophony, chromatics, can specify a
style, but only the ethos-bearing configurations in which such moments are combined.
(Music) It is by idea that we recognize, date, and name: as Guercino's Aurora, 1621,
Monteverdi's Orfeo, 1607.
Not only the space-crowding and shadowed passion of this Guercino render it
Baroque; (Fade music) since what it rivals,

2)

Guido Reni, 1610 ff., Aurora, Rospigliosi Palace, Rome; + V details

the 1610 Guido Reni,
MUSIC:

Monteverdi, Orfeo, cont., Lasciati i monti, ARC-3035

is of the same style-horizon, and yet two centuries would extoll its classical ordering —
as richly formal, as voluptuously academic as the Parnassus Milton evokes at the close of
Comus, 1634:

1/1993

Baroque Formulation

1

�C.G. Bell

Symbolic History
To the Ocean now I fly,
And those happy climes that ly
Where day never shuts his eye,
Up in the broad fields of the sky:
There I suck the liquid ayr
All amidst the Gardens fair
Of Hesperus, and his daughters three
That sing about the golden tree:
Along the crisped shades and bowres
Revels the spruce and jocund Spring,
The Graces, and the rosie-boosom'd Howres,
Thither all their bounties bring,
That there eternal Summer dwels,

a3)

Poussin, 1631, Realm of Flora, Gallery, Dresden: detail of group center-left
(first, a video detail of Flora, standing)
Same, whole picture

3)

And West winds with musky wing
About the cedar'n alleys fling
Nard and Cassia's balmy smels.
Iris there with humid bow,
Waters the odorous banks that blow
Flowers of more mingled hew
Than her purfl'd scarf can shew,
And drenches with Elysian dew
(List mortals, if your ears be true)
Beds of Hyacinth, and roses
Where young Adonis oft reposes,
Waxing well of his deep wound
In slumber soft, and on the ground
Sadly sits th' Assyrian Queen …
MUSIC:

Orfeo, continued: Mira deh Mira, and Ahi Caso acerbo, opening

A classic joy, complicit, as in the Orfeo or in Poussin's Realm of Flora,

4)
4a)

1/1993

Same, detail to the right, with Hyacinthus and others
Slide: closer detail of Hyacinthus alone; or video pan detail of 3: far left, the
suicide of Ajax

Baroque Formulation

2

�C.G. Bell

Symbolic History

with the ripe sob of grief. What these works share — in light and calm, in shade and
pathos — is the swell of heroic formulation, what stretches the Orfeo between flown
recitative and figured bass.
(Fade Orfeo.)

Va5) Annibale Carracci, c. 1603, Flight to Egypt, Doria, Rome, with frame arch
entire (CGB '86)
5)
Same, with part of frame arch (CGB '86)
5a) Same, detail of barge (CGB '86)
5b) Poussin, 1648-51, Landscape with a Snake, National Gallery, London
MUSIC:

Orfeo, Act III, Sinfonia III and Possente spirto, opening, ARC-3036

Indeed, a polar tension of the age we call Baroque — like every such, spectrumblended in artists who seem opposed — sets on one side the balance taught by the
Eclectics: this 1603 Carracci Holy Family come to Egypt, like Monteverdi's Orpheus, by
Charon's barque.
("Possente
spirto")
All his life Poussin would seek that dignity of landscape planes;

a6)

Claude Lorrain, 1645-6, The Judgment of Paris, National Gallery, Washington, D.C.; + V detail of landscape to the right
Claude Lorrain, c. 1655(?), Cephalus and Procris, National Gallery, London;
+ V detail

6)

Claude would suffuse its rural fact with Arcadian vision; while music from Monteverdi
(Fade violins) to the French Chambonnieres,
MUSIC: Chambonnieres, c. 1660(?), Chaconne (Landowska) V. 15180
wakes such strains as Virtue does in Comus:
At last a soft and solemn breathing sound
Rose like a steam of rich distill'd Perfumes,
And stole upon the Air, that even Silence
Was took ere she was ware, and wish't she might
Deny her nature, and be never more,
Still to be so displac't. I was all eare,
1/1993

Baroque Formulation

3

�C.G. Bell

Symbolic History
And took in strains that might create a soul
Under the ribs of Death …

(Fade Chambonnieres.)

Va7

Caravaggio, 1605-06, Death of the Virgin, Louvre, Paris (video: center detail
only)
b7) Same, closer detail of Mary (video: horizontal spread)
7)
Caravaggio, 1602-04, Entombment of Christ, detail, Vatican
7a) Caravaggio, 1600-01, Conversion of St. Paul, detail of Paul struck down;
Santa Maria del Popolo, Rome (cf. V7a)
V7b) Caravaggio, 1598-1600, Martyrdom of St. Matthew, S. Luigi dei Francesi,
Rome (video: center only)
Against that measured tread, Caravaggio, by 1600, had forged the counterpole of
Tenebrist passion.
But the same Orfeo which gave us classical parallels, darkens to chromatic pain.
MUSIC: Orfeo, from Act II, I languidi lumi and chorus, ARC-3035
The same Comus which twined Hesperian gardens, initiates the brooding
vindication of Paradise Lost:
(Chorus: Ahi caso acerbo)
But evil on it self shall back recoyl,
And mix no more with goodness, when at last,
Gather'd like scum, and setl'd to it self
It shall be in eternal restless change
Self-fed, and self-consum'd, if this fail,
The pillar'd firmament is rott'nness,
And earths base built on stubble.

a8) Same, Martyrdom of St. Matthew, detail of killer
Vb8) Caravaggio, 1609, Raising of Lazarus, detail, Mus., Messina
8)
Rembrandt(?), 1651(?), Descent from the Cross, National Gallery, Washington, D.C.
8a) Rembrandt, 1648, Supper at Emmaus, detail, Louvre, Paris (cf. V8b)
V8c) Rembrandt(?), 1657, Crucifixion, Clark Museum, Williamston, MA (video returns to a detail of 8, Rembrandt, Descent from the Cross)

1/1993

Baroque Formulation

4

�C.G. Bell

Symbolic History

Already the prophet scourging "The dark Idolatries/ Of alienated Judah," and "Moloch,
horrid King besmear'd with blood/ Of human sacrifice …"
The deepening of that naturalism of light and shade as it spreads from Caravaggio
to the solemn pity of Rembrandt, does not alter whatever conscious formulation flexed
the bow of the Great Baroque. Pagan and Christian, south to north, runs one groundswell of mighty style, as when Monteverdi's operatic song sires the Pietistic German of
Heinrich Schütz: "For you are my Helper, my Helper and my Saviour, my God …"
MUSIC:

Schütz, 1636, close of Cantata "Eile Gott" (Psalm 40), (Meili) AS-28 (end)

9)

German, c. 1030, MS 1640, f 117v, Christ on the Sea of Galilee, Hessische
Bibliothek, Darmstadt; + V detail
V9a) Regensburg or Salzburg, c. 1040, Christ on the Sea of Galilee, Staatsbibliothek, Munich (with video return to 9)
In six centuries we have come from the symbolic calligraph of this storm on the
Sea of Galilee, the boat of the world on the fallow waves (fealu wegas) of Germanic
wandering — Cynnewulf: "anxious the struggle/ To bring our barks to land over the dire
sea surges/ The Son of God our rescue." Here he sleeps in the presaged Leviathan of
death and hell.
MUSIC:

Catalan, 11th cent., from "In eadem quippe," Gerona MS, Musical
Heritage, OR-433

While the sequences and tropes of 1000 contract all things to the Dark Age center of
Gregorian voice and parallel melisma.
(Fade Catalan.)

10)
V10a)
V10b)
V10c)
V10d)

Rembrandt, 1633, Storm on the Sea of Galilee, Gardner, Boston
Schönfeld, c. 1640, The Flood, Mus. Kassel: two details only
v.d. Neer, River Town Ablaze, National Gallery, Dublin (CGB '74)
Details of 10: Rembrandt's Storm on the Sea of Galilee
Rembrandt (and Flinck), 1636, Sacrifice of Isaac, Alte Pinakothek, Munich
(CGB '59) (video: detail only)

MUSIC:

1/1993

Schütz, 1636, same Cantata, “Eile mich”, opening, AS-28

Baroque Formulation

5

�C.G. Bell

Symbolic History

The same scene in Rembrandt confronts the new physics with the life-imperative
of Protestant will: Schütz, Eile Mich, Gott zu erreten.
Fleming has such a storm poem ("Des Donners wilder Plitz schlug von sich
manchen Stoss"):
The lightning from its cloud struck endless blows;
Mortal men stood wan; the torn sky trembled
Resounding to the crash; earth under crumbled,
Sank below my feet; the cracked ground uprose
To meet my fall, yawned tomb-wide, to enclose
My pilgrim days. I took to the sea: tumbled
In rage it swelled cliff-high; my carrack, humbled,
Broke mast and split and settled to its close.
(Skip to "immer sagen")
Before, behind, on all sides round was fear;
Above destruction and beneath the grave;
There was no mother's son to help or save;
And yet I was unbowed, thought life as dear,
Nor fled impending death or when or where,
Safe in the arms of my Redeemer's care. (CGB)
(Close organ phrase.)

11)

Cologne, c. 1400, St. Veronica's Veil, Alte Pinakothek, Munich; + V detail

Within the shorter span, set Veronica's nakpin, Rhenish early 15th century — and
the Christe Eleison from Dufay's first mass —
MUSIC:

12)

Dufay, c. 1420, 3rd Christe Eleison, Missa sine Nomine, Lyrichord LLST7234
(Fade Dufay.)

Fetti, c. 1620, Veil of Veronica, National Gallery, Washington, D.C.; + V details

against Fetti's handling, about 1620 — with the Crucifixus from Carissimi's Mass for Five
and Nine.
MUSIC:

Carissimi, c. 1650(?), from Crucifixus, Missa a Quinque et a Novem,
MHS-1110

So Marino's Adone asserts the primacy of the tactile:
1/1993

Baroque Formulation

6

�C.G. Bell

Symbolic History

Every other sense can be deluded by false objects; this one only is true,
faithful minister and father of delights; the others possess parts of the
body; touch extends its power through the whole, and in universal act,
seizes on all things. (CGB)
(Fade Carissimi.)

13)

Michelangelo, 1513-16, Moses, detail, S. Pietro in Vincoli, Rome

No wonder the turn to Baroque was once assigned to Michelangelo. But the transpersonal might of his Renaissance ingathering is far

14)

Rubens, 1603-4, Judas Thaddaus, Prado, Madrid (video: detail only)

from the conscious rhetoric of the century of Rubens, or of Milton's blind touch:
In darkness, and with dangers compast round,
And solitude; yet not alone, while thou
Vist'st my slumbers Nightly, or when Morn
Purples the East … (Paradise Lost, VII)

15)
V15a)

Persian, c. 1400(?), Jonah and the Whale, Metroplitan Museum, NYC
Double: [A] Japan, 607 A.D., Bronze Buddha, Horgu-ji, Nara; and
[B] Kamakura, 1328, Shinto deity as Bodhisattva, Fine Arts, Boston (video
returns to 15, Jonah and the Whale

The spatial filling-in of the symbolic is not confined to the art-history of the West.
The whole current of the later world may have run that way, as in the Japanese garden
refinements of the Buddha. To pass from this 1425 Persian representation of Jonah, as
flat as Gothic,

16)

Iran (for Shah Tamasp), 1527-28, Rustrum Cleaves a Witch, Book of Kings,
Metropolitan Museum, New York City (video shows detail only)

to the adventures of the Book of Kings a hundred years later, is to parallel the Italian
Renaissance — as Gentile Bellini's sketch of a Turkish artist might remind us — in touch
with the Moslem East.

1/1993

Baroque Formulation

7

�C.G. Bell

17)

Symbolic History

Simone Martini, 1315-21, Madonna from the Maestas, Palazzo Publico,
Siena
Same, wider section

V17a)

But only Europe goes from thinness and ideality
MUSIC:

Jacobo da Bologna, c. 1340, Fenice fu, close, ARC-3003, or AS-59

(already in 14th century Ars Nova and Simone Martini exploring later modalities),
(Close Fenice fu.)

Va18)
18)

El Greco, 1577-79, The Trinity, upper detail, Prado, Madrid
Same, closer detail of Father and Son

through a dynamic crisis, both symbolic and physical — so Victoria and El Greco —
MUSIC:

Victoria, pub. 1605, from Kyrie of Missa Pro Defunctis, Vox DL-690
(Close)

19)

Francesco del Cairo, 1630-35, Herodias, detail, Metropolitan Museum, New
York City (CGB '74)
V19a) Same, whole, including frame (CGB '74)
19b) Bernini, 1668-70, Angel with Scroll and Crown of Thorns, S. Andrea delle
Fratte, Rome
MUSIC:

Frescobaldi, 1630, from Voi Partite mio sole, (Meili) AS-79

to an art of volitional command, as causally flexed as the moments of a Newtonian force
array. So the tragedies of Corneille turn on heroic obligation — family against king, love
against honor; as when the Cid discovers in the insulter of his father the father of his love:
Miserable vengeur d'une juste querelle —
Whichever way, fierce anguish follows me …
I draw the sword of pain,
To seek, alas, the father of Chimene. (CGB)
Frescobaldi's recitative plucks the reflective chords of the viscera.
(Close Frescobaldi.)

1/1993

Baroque Formulation

8

�C.G. Bell

20)
20a)
V20b)
For V20c)

Symbolic History

Rembrandt, 1629, Self Portrait, Alte Pinakothek, Munich (CGB '53)
Rembrandt, c. 1634, Self Portrait, Uffizi, Florence
Rembrandt, c. 1628, Self Portrait, Stattl. Kunstsammlungen, Kassel
Video goes here to a21 (see below)

At the center of the change lies the validating subjectivity of the infinite self, as
much a point of departure for Rembrandt, 1629, as for Descartes' "wonderful science" —
its 1619 discovery, in the famous "room with a stove", described in the Method, of 1637:
As for the opinions I had received up to that time, I thought it better to
make a clean sweep and throw them all away. … Thus, seeing that our
senses sometimes deceive us, I was ready to suppose that there was no
such reality as they give us images of; and because reason can err,
even in geometry, I rejected what before had seemed the surest proofs;
moreover, since such thoughts as come to us waking can also visit our
sleep, I resolved to treat all that had entered my mind as no more real
than the figments of my dreams. But in the act of thinking all was
false, it came to me as necessary that I, who did that thinking, must be
real. Thus observing that the truth: I think; therefore, I am, was so
certain that no extravagance of the skeptics could ever shake it, I took
it boldly for the first principle of the philosophy I was in search of …
[Discourse on Method]

a21)
21)

Rembrandt, 1630, Self Portrait, bareheaded, Aerdenhout, Holland (video
returns to a close detail of 20, 1629 Self Portrait, Munich)
Rembrandt, 1628, Man in a Window-lighted Room, National Gallery,
London; + V detail

By an axiomatic leap the self Descartes discovers is not merely the doubter, dreamer,
nightmarer (from whom little in the way of certainty could be deduced), but an eternal
thinking substance, clear and sufficient assurance of God and causality, with its
mathematical plotting of world, perception, and all, along equational abscissas of space
and time:
All points of those curves … which admit of precise measurement
must bear some rapport to all points of a straight line, a relation which
can be expressed by means of a single equation…
If then we should take successively an infinite number of values for
the line y, we should obtain an infinite number of values for the line x,
and therefore an infinity of different points, such as C, by means of
which the required curve could be drawn…
1/1993

Baroque Formulation

9

�C.G. Bell

22)
22a)
V22b)
22c)

Symbolic History

Rubens, c. 1638(?), Sunset with Cattle, Louvre, Paris
Ruisdael, 1660-70(?), Sunset in a Wood, Wallace Collection, London
Claude Lorrain, 1660, Juno, Io, and Argus, National Gallery, Dublin
(CGB '74)
Rembrandt, 1643, Etching: The Three Trees, Rijksmuseum

In ordered infinitude the landscape from this late Rubens through Claude,
Rembrandt, and Ruisdael matches the science from Galileo to Huygens, Leibniz, and
Newton. Descartes' System of the World must have been one of the proudest of these
constructions. He burned it when Galileo was condemned; but a guarded summary appears in Book V of the Methode:
I showed how the greatest part of the matter in the original chaos must,
in accordance with natural laws, dispose and arrange itself in such a
way as to present the appearance of heavens; how in the meantime
some of its parts must compose an earth and some planets and comets
and others a sun and fixed stars…
I next came to speak of the earth and to show how … mountains,
seas, fountains, and rivers might naturally be formed in it, the metals
produced in the mines and plants grow in the fields; and in general,
how … things purely material might, in the course of time, become
such as we at present observe them …
How far that looming space of thought takes us

23)

Jan van Eyck, 1435, Landscape detail from Madonna with Chancellor Rolin,
Louvre, Paris
For V23a - a24)
Video repeats 22c, Rembrandt's Three Trees
1st 24) Zurbaran, 1633(?), Cup and Three Vases, Prado, Madrid
from the naive delight observation had opened for Jan van Eyck, through a sacred loggia
beyond the Virgin and a donor's praying hands; or what giant intrepid will exchanged this
magic kingdom for that weighty republic of cause?

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Symbolic History

Galileo best states the axiom of material validity which dignifies the new world,
and which lifts the still life to an apotheosis of the actual — Spinoza's "Reality and
Perfection … one and the same."

1st 25) Hugo van der Goes, 1476-78, Portinari Altar, detail of wheat and flowers,
Uffizi, Florence (CGB '59)
Sagredo, Galileo's priest of establishment, has expressed the old weightless geometry
"where mere size cuts no figure." But it does not explain the physical, leaves it to
Reason's antagonist, "the irrational imperfections of the material."

For Va2nd 24) Zurbaran, detail of 24, Cup and two of the vases
2nd 24)
Same, detail of the cup (to the left, with saucer)
Salviati saves us by incorporating the mathematical logos in the motions and forces of
things, converting bondage into glory. But he can only redeem the physical by its
idealization: "Since I assume matter to be unchangeable and always the same." It is that
incarnate axiom which haloes the tactility of a Zurburan goblet and bowl.

2nd 25) Memling, c. 1480, Chalice of St. John the Evangelist, National Gallery,
Washington, D.C.; + V detail
Where a 1480 Memling Chalice of St. John, as perfect in observation, abides in the
mystery of symbol, the cup of that snake-fallen body Christ drank as Second Adam — the
same snake Moses raised on the rod, to become the Rood.

For 1st 26) Tintoretto, 1548, St. Mark rescues a Saracen, detail, Accademia, Venice
(CGB '59)
At the climax of the whirl which led from spaceless hovering to material
formulation, Bruno, burned in 1600, as Inquisition sapped the terminal freedom of
Venice, acclaims himself Hermetic seer of a God-irradiated universe,

For 1st 27)

Tintoretto, 1550-3, Creation of Animals, Accademia, Venice (CGB '59)

daring as Tintoretto's charged effluvia of light:

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Behold now, the man who has pierced the air and penetrated the sky
… who has broken down those imaginary divisions between spheres
… and thrown wide the doors of truth … stripping the veils and coverings from the face of nature…

For 1st 28) Same: Expulsion detail of The Fall (CGB '59)
All those creatures who may not gaze upon the lights of heaven, but
are destined to dwell in the infernal circles of Pluto's dark prisonhouse, when they hear the dread summons of Alecton's furious horn,
spread wide their wings and veer away in rapid flight toward their
abodes.

For 1st 29) Tintoretto, 1577, Moses Strikes the Rock, ceiling, Scuola San Rocco,
Venice (CGB '48)
But those who were born to see the sun, full of thanksgiving at the end
of the loathsome night, dispose themselves to receive in the very center
of their eyes' crystal globe the long expected rays, and with unaccustomed gladness in their hearts, lift up hands and voices to adore the
East …

For 2nd 28-27)
Tintoretto, c. 1562, Removing St. Mark's Body from Alexandria, Accademia,
Venice (CGB '59) [V2nd 28 only, since V2nd 27 shows a view of the Sala del
Collegio, other than the CGB of 2nd 26, below.]
Such the confidence of Vieta's algebra, 1591: "This Universal Mathematics
enables us to attack the proud problem of problems … For there is no problem which
cannot be solved.”
In music that climax of late-Renaissance, everywhere exploring polychoral and
instrumental masses, chromatics, even recitative — what Monteverdi would establish as
conscious Baroque — attends Giovanni Gabrielli, Venetian teacher of 1600 Europe.
With the old Harvard performance of his "In Ecclesiîs," our slides advance through
Tintoretto to the final explosion of El Greco:
MUSIC:

1/1993

Giovanni Gabrielli (pub. 1615), In Ecclesiîs, Cambridge CRS 201
(accompanied by all of the following slides)

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2nd 26)
V2nd 26a)
Va3rd 27)
b3rd 27)
3rd 27)
3rd 28)
Va2nd 29)
Vb2nd 29)
2nd 29)
For 1st 30)
For 1st 31)
V1st 31a)
For 1st 32)
1st 32a)
1st 33)

Symbolic History

Venetian (da Ponte, Veronese, etc.), c. 1575, Sala del Collegio, Doge's
Palace, Venice (CGB '48)
Same, Sala dello Scrutinio, Ceiling, 1580 ff. (CGB '48)
Tintoretto, 1566, The Finding of the Body of St. Mark
From the same, detail: the Saint appears; Brera, Milan
Tintoretto, 1588-89, Sleep of St. Mark ("Pax tibi Marce"), Accademia,
Venice (CGB '59); + V detail: angel above
Same, detail of the lighted figures below (CGB '59)
Tintoretto, 1565, two pans from a crucifixion detail of the vast Scuolo di
San Rocco canvas, Venice (CGB '59)
Tintoretto, 1562-6, two pans from St. Mark Rescues a Saracen at Sea,
Accademia, Venice (CGB '59, of the whole; CGB detail of an oarsman
used above as 1st 26)
Tintoretto, 1581-84, Venice Queen of the Sea, Sala del Senato, Doge's
Palace, Venice (CGB '48); video: two details only
Tintoretto, 1592-4, The Last Supper, Church of San Giorgio Maggiore,
Venice
El Greco, 1570-75, Annunciation, Prado, Madrid
El Greco, 1579-84, Disrobing Christ, Munich (CGB '59)
El Greco, 1610-14, Opening of the Fifth Seal, detail, upper half,
Metropolitan Museum, New York City
Same, detail, center right (CGB '74, from 1600, 2nd 3)
El Greco, 1613-14, Betrothal of the Virgin, Museum Bucharest
(preceded by a video detail of the upper half)

(End Gabrielli)
This Betrothal of the Virgin is one of El Greco's last pictures. Here humanity has
been purged, as by Shakespeare's wheel of fire.

2nd 32 and 2nd 31)
El Greco, 1608-14, View and Plan of Toledo, upper detail, Museo del Greco,
Toledo
But the tragic alchemy of 1600 was accompanied, in the Spain of El Greco's
adoption, by an ultimate transcendence of the comic —
Cervantes there writing the strangest and wisest book of the Western world. Like every
ultimate, Don Quixote defies art-cognates; yet it is tied to the late Renaissance vast and
mysterious expansion of the value world.
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Symbolic History

2nd 30) Tintoretto, c. 1590(?), Crucifixion, Alte Pinakothek, Munich (CGB '59); + V
detail, left
Tintoretto's play of electric powers in a still symbolic space of dark portends the Don's
descent into the Cave of Montesinos, with his other dream adventures:
A vast lake of boiling pitch, in which an infinite multitude of fierce
and terrible serpents are swimming, from which a doleful voice is
heard: O Knight, who gazest on the dreadful Lake … make known thy
valour by casting thyself into the midst of these black burning surges
… or thou art not worthy to behold the wonder of the seven castles
seated under these gloomy waves.

2nd 30a) Tintoretto, 1592-94, from the Last Supper, detail, upper left, Flambeau
and Angels, San Giorgio Maggiore, Venice
— wonders actualized in the masquerades of Part II:
Now the night grew darker and darker, and several shooting lights
were seen glancing up and down the wood, like meteors or glaring
exhalations from the earth. Then was heard an horrid noise …

3rd 31)
3rd 32)
2nd 33)

El Greco, 1584-86, Burial of Count Orgaz, detail of the dead body, Santo
Tome, Toledo
Same, wider detail of the Burial Group and Mourners
Same, the whole: Burial below, Heaven-Arch above (Note: from these
three slide-show images, plus six others in the video file — a3rd 31,
3rd 31a, 3rd 31b, 3rd 31c, 2nd 33a, and 2nd 33b — the video draws a
sequence of twelve Orgaz visuals.)

Staggering, the transcendence by which a ground of resigned dying sustains the
vital fulfillment of Erasmus' High Folly, where Quixote's madness —
to offer my arm and person against whatever danger fate presents … in
this Age of Iron to restore the Age of Gold
en esta nuestra edad de hierro para resucitar en ella la del oro …
becomes, for all its uncertainty ("subject to the discipline of blows, hunger and thirst …
rags, want, and misery," and "I do not know what success I may have in this depraved
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Symbolic History

time"), the soul's calling: "the religious soldier to be preferred before the religious
monk"; so killing sheep as if they were armies, Quixote's grinders knocked out by the
slung stone, Sancho peering in when the Balm of Fierabras brings up the knight's gorge
and drowns them both in vomit, are raised to the loveable courage of the adventure of the
Lions — humanity past fiction, spirit above sainthood.
Yet, as in El Greco's Burial of Count Orgaz, nobility is swirled in another
judgment, so in Quixote the imperative of self-dedication breaks to a death-humbling —
the very sky-aspiring transvalued by return to the common ground of Christian (and
tragic) faith. Such human grandeur under dissolution of form peaks the Renaissance
watershed to the great Baroque.

34)
V34b)
34c)

Veronese, 1573, Feast in the House of Levi, Accademia, Venice; + V detail
(made from slide V34a)
Veronese, 1562-64, Wedding at Cana, detail of center: musicians, Louvre,
Paris
Same, Wedding at Cana, detail to the left

Conceive the expansive opulence of late Titian, Tintoretto, this Veronese, caught
up in the action, description, language of Don Quixote, most of all when Part II swells
incalculably beyond Part I — Camacho's feast a mere sign:
The first thing that blessed Sancho's sight there was a whole steer
spitted before a fire that seemed a flaming mountain; round it six
capacious pots or ample coppers, in which entire sheep seethed as
conveniently as pigeons …

35)

36)
V36a)

1/1993

Rubens, 1636-38, The Great Kermess, whole, Louvre, Paris (video draws two
details from this slide: right and left above)
And for drink Sancho told above threescore great skins of wine … The
scent of the fried meat put him in such a commotion he could hold out
no longer, but accosting one of the cooks, he begged leave to sop a
luncheon of bread in one of the pans … "Take a ladle, man, and skim
out a pullet or two." … "I see no ladle, sir," said Sancho. "Blood and
suet," cried the cook, "what a helpless fellow …"

Same, detail to the left; video: left-below (cf. CGB '80: V35-36)
Again, Veronese, Wedding at Cana, detail of far right (video here repeats 35,
The Great Kermess, whole)
Baroque Formulation

15

�C.G. Bell

36b)

Symbolic History

Again, The Great Kermess, detail of dancing figures
He soused into a pot with a kettle, fishing up three hens and a couple
of geese at a heave: "Here, friend, take this, and make shift to stay
your stomach with this scum until the time to eat …"

— conceive that abundance (called Mannerism, but to what a manor born) never again to
be paralleled in wealth of imagination, spilling over into the coagulations of Rubens'
Kermess; but the whole humorous outpouring

37)

El Greco, c. 1600, Portrait of a Bearded Man, Prado, Madrid

as if taking place in Inquisition and Colonial Spain, and through the dream-gate of El
Greco's dynamic idealism — in that image we almost feel the fitness of Cervantes,
stretched from the Venetians, through El Greco,

38)
V38a)

Rubens, 1603, Duke of Lerma, sketch, Louvre, Paris; + v detail
El Greco, 1603-07, Adoration of the Shepherds, detail, Prado, Madrid

toward the youthful proud consciousness of Rubens. And it was in the chivalric and
ecstatic Spain of 1603 that the painter-diplomat sketched this armed and mounted Duke
of Lerma — one of those nobles who by Cervantes' supreme invention of his fiction's
coming to life as read, might have entertained the actual Knight of the Woeful Figure.
Though Lerma and Rubens seem of the new age, across the formulating divide, where
Don Quixote, like English Shakespeare, had clung to the dream transitions of the Platonic
past.

39)

Carlo Maderno, 1607-14, Façade of St. Peter's, Rome

Rubens was traveling from Rome, center of the histrionic concretion of Baroque:
the 1612 façade of St. Peter's, which like all conscious gestures may protest too much.
MUSIC:

40)

1/1993

Anerio, c. 1600(?), from Introit, Requiem Mass, G-DB 1572 ("et tibi")

Bernini, 1624-33, Baldachin, looking up to Michelangelo's 1546-64 Dome, St.
Peter's, Rome (Video inserts upper part of 2nd 40, Baldachin and Choir, and
from slide 41, detail of a Baldachin bronze angel, Bernini, 1624-33)

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Symbolic History

But in the complementarity between the Baroque force of Bernini's Baldachin and
the solemn Renaissance of Michelangelo's dome — which was the Sistine Choir
invoking, 50 years ago, when they stretched the motets of Palestrina and his school, here
Anerio?
(Fade
Anerio.)

2nd 39) Again, St. Peter's Façade: a Papal Blessing (CGB '48)
Surely the forging of Baroque (as of Cartesian thought, or of tonality from the
church modes) must reduce, under billowing might, complexities of nuance.
So Benevoli's 53-part Festive Mass of 1628, for six contrasting choirs with
instruments and basso continuo — against the dynamic weft of Gabrielli — heaps up
merely harmonic voices in columnar masses of sound.
MUSIC:

Benevoli, 1628, Mass for Saltzburg Cathedral, from the Qui tollis, Epic
LC-3035

2nd 40) Again, Bernini's Baldachin: from the Nave, to the Choir
41)
Slide: Bernini, 1624-33, Bronze angel from the Baldachin. Video: detail of
1st 40: Column of Baldachin, looking up to Dome; and just before it, a
detail of V1st 40, variant of the same (CGB '86)
42)
Pietro da Cortona, 1633-39, Glorification of Urban VIII, whole ceiling,
Barberini Palace, Rome; (CGb '86) + V detail
42a)

(Fade Benevoli.)

Same, closer detail, with Barberini heraldic bees (CGB '86)

In painting, the deployment of Renaissance techniques for cumulous assertion
crowns the stair hall of the Barberini Palace with Pietro da Cortona's praise of its Urban
VIII — flattery not the least conspicuous brilliance of the Baroque. Cortona's model

a43 and Vb43)
From Correggio, 1526-30, Assumption of the Virgin, angel details, Cathedral,
Parma
43) Same, detail, including the Virgin (video divides into two details.)

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Symbolic History

was Correggio. But the Correggio ceiling breathes the fresh discovery of 1530. So the
polyphonic swirls from Fevin and Gombert to Victoria's "O Magnum Mysterium"
etherealize the pomp they mediate.
MUSIC: Victoria, pub. 1572, from O Magnum Mysterium (Allelluya), HMV-L1017
(Close)
What of Palestrina?

44)

Raphael, 1513-14, Sistine Madonna, Gallery, Dresden

Is his tie to the Sistine perfection of Raphael, from eleven years before he was born?

45)

Titian, 1516-18, Assumption of the Virgin, I Frari, Venice

Or does his taking up the rhetoric of the century, from Titian's 1518 Assumption,

46)

El Greco, 1577, Assumption (with frame), Art Institute, Chicago

to the always more swelling ascents of his own time (Baroccio, this 1577 El Greco),
anticipate the Baroque?

For 1st 47) Guido Reni, 1616-17, Assumption of the Virgin, Vatican (In slide show,
this goes to 2nd 47; 1st 47 becomes Guido Reni, c. 1607, Coronation of the
Virgin, National Gallery, London)
Yet not even these have the conscious mass and assertion, which first appear after
Palestrina's death, as in Guido Reni.

For 2nd 46)
Choir of I Frari, 1330-1417, with Titian's Assumption of the Virgin
Altarpiece, Venice (in slide show, also 2nd 45)
With such proclamation altars, spread over a hundred years,

V for 2nd 45)
Baroccio, Night Nativity, Ambrosiana, Milan
we seek the affinities of the Sanctus of Palestrina's most famous mass, mythically
associated with the Council of Trent and the vindication of polyphony.
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Symbolic History

2nd 44) Again, Raphael, Sistine Madonna; video: two details only
MUSIC:

3rd 45)
V3rd 45a)

Palestrina, by 1555, Sanctus, Missa Papae Marcelli, ARC-3182

Again, Titian, Assumption; video: center of picture
Correggio, 1523-28, Madonna called "Il Giorno," detail, Galleria,
Parma
Correggio, 1530, Nativity called "La Notte," detail, Gallery, Dresden
Again, Baroccio, Night Nativity, detail of V for 2nd 45
Again, El Greco's Assumption of the Virgin (from nearer)
Detail of Reni's Coronation of the Virgin (slide: 1st 47)
Reni's Assumption of the Virgin [cf. V1st 47] (video shows two
details)
Michelangelo and others, 16th cent., St. Peter's from the Janicula
(south side), Rome (CGB '86)
Michelangelo, 16th cent., Dome-vaultings, St. Peter's, Rome

V3rd 45b)
Va3rd 46)
3rd 46)
Va2nd 47)
2nd 47)
1st 48)
V48a)

(Close Palestrina Sanctus)

For 3rd 47)

Guido Reni, c. 1627, Immaculate Conception, Metropolitan Museum,
NYC (CGB '74); video: detail only

That hosanna, even in formal triumph, less suggests Guido Reni's Miltonics —
So maist thou be translated to the skies,
And give resounding grace to all Heav'ns Harmonies —

Va2nd 48) Vignola and della Porta, 1568-84, Façade of Il Gesu, Rome (CGB '86)
2nd 48)
Same, interior (variant views for video and slide show)
than the Counter-Reformation solemnity Michelangelo passed to Vignola and della Porta.
The barrel vaults and dome of Il Gesù, reared 1568-84, in the lifetime of Palestrina, draw
late-Renaissance to a gravitating center of the Baroque, and a shrine of its 17th century art
—

1st 49) Palladio, c. 1550, Villa Rotonda, Vicenza, Italy, (CGB '59)

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Symbolic History

models of the future fulfilling the style of the past. So with Palladio's mid-century villas
or Tasso's heroic Conquest of Jerusalem:
Floods clap their hands, on mountaines dance the
pines,
And Sions towres and sacred temples smile,
For their deliv'rance from that bondage vile. (Fairfax)

1st 50) Palladio and Veronese, 1561-62, Villa Barbaro (called Maser), Fresco, Lady
and Nurse, as on a Balcony, Northern Italy
So too with Veronese's 1561 decoration of Palladio's Villa Maser. Later Baroque
imitation cannot obscure the free dynamic of its Venetian Renaissance.

1st 51) Raphael, 1511, Galatea, Farnesina, Rome; video: detail only
MUSIC:

Seb. Festa, pub. 1526, Se'l pensier, close, Nonesuch H-71097

Set the pagan recovery of Raphael, with the Frottole emergence of the Festas,

1st 52) Pietro da Cortona, 1637, The Age of Gold, Pal. Pitti, Florence
V1st 52) Fresco with frame (CGB '48); + V details (52 &amp; V52 are used alternately
here and below, for video and digital)
MUSIC:

Monteverdi, 1632, Zeffiro torna, opening, Boulanger, VM-496 (or LP)

against Pietro da Cortona's Age of Gold, more than a century later. The history of the
madrigal is encompassed between them, from clear dawn, to the proclaimed wreathing of
earth-moods, as Monteverdi turns the form to operatic duet and chaconne.
(Fade Zeffiro.)

2nd 51 and for 2nd 50 slide)
Again, Raphael, Galatea, whole
Yet the 1590 madrigals from Monteverdi's inspired youth — this to the words of
Tasso, "Ecco mormorar l'onde," and in the always unsurpassed Boulanger performance,
recall the pure ease of high Renaissance.

V for 2nd 50)
Again, a detail of V1st 52: Cortona, The Age of Gold
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With which style, which century, do they compare?

Va2nd 49) Palladio, c. 1558, Villa Foscari, called "Malcontenta," Italy
2nd 49)
Palladio, c. 1550, Villa Rotonda, down entrance lane (CGB ‘59); video
also repeats, from 1st 49, that view of the Rotonda (CGB '59)
MUSIC:

3rd 50)
V3rd 50a)
V3rd 50b)
3rd 51)
2nd 52)
53)
54)

Monteverdi, pub. 1590, Ecco mormorar l'onde, MV-496, or Ser. 60125

Veronese, 1561-62, Salon, a frescoed corner, Villa Maser, Asolo
Same, Maser, frescoes, Sala di Bacco, landscape detail
Same, fresco from a side room, Hunter at a door
Again, Raphael, Galatea, detail (video: above and below)
Again, Cortona, Age of Gold, detail (video takes two details, above
and below from V1st 52)
Domenichino, c. 1610(?), The Chase of Diana, detail of the hunt,
Borghese Gallery, Rome
Same, foreground detail of bathing nymphs (CGB '48)
(Close Ecco mormorar l'onde)

For 2nd 53-54)
Again, Domenichino, Diana's Hunt, whole; + V detail: bathing nymphs
If Palestrina looked back, Monteverdi's sequence over a descending bass swells
toward Domenichino's heightened Baroque: Diana's nymphs of the chase, and of the
pool.

55)
V55a)

Tintoretto, 1578, Ariadne, Bacchus and Venus, Anticollegio, Doge's Palace,
Venice
Titian, 1556-59, Diana and Acteon, National Gallery of Scotland,
Edinburgh

We have said no element defines a style. The change in music might seem to be
from free polyphony to the harmonic binding of figured bass. When the inwrought play
of Tintoretto's 1578 Ariadne, rich as the Tasso that flowed into Spenser's Bower of Bliss:
Two naked Damzelles (in the fount he spied) …
As that faire Starre, the messenger of morne,
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Symbolic History
His deawy face out of the sea doth reare:
Or as the Cyprian goddesse, newly borne
Of th' Oceans fruitful froth, did first appeare:
Such seemed they… —

Va56)
56)

Caravaggio, c. 1600, Amor Victorious, detail, Staatliche Museen, Berlin
Caravaggio, c. 1596, Lute Player, Hermitage, St. Petersburg

shifts to Caravaggio's light-centered seduction of touch, is it like the tightening into
recitative? And does Ben Jonson's ripest lyric parallel that conscious moulding?
Slow, slow fresh fount, keep time with my salt teares;
Yet slower yet, O faintly, gentle springs;
List to the heavy part the musick beares,
Woe weeps out her division, when she sings…
Where the debt to Tasso is already through the baroque of Marini.

Va2nd 55)
2nd 55)
MUSIC:

Titian, 1560, Diana and Callisto, Kunsthist. Mus., Vienna (CGB ‘59)
Again, Tintoretto, Ariadne, Bacchus and Venus, detail
Luzzaschi, c. 1580(?) (pub. 1601), O Dolcezze, SAWT-9466-B

But what do we mean by a shift from the polyphonic? There had been lute songs
throughout the Renaissance. The accompanied madrigals of Luzzaschi, performed at
Ferrara in the '70s and '80s, push toward the Dowland style-verge of the century to follow.
(Fade Luzzaschi.)

Va2nd 56) Caravaggio, 1591, Sick Bacchus, detail, Borghese Gallery, Rome
Vb2nd 56) Caravaggio, 1591-94 (?), Musicians, detail, Met. Mus., New York City
2nd 56)
Again, Caravaggio, The Lute Player, detail, Hermitage
Yet the Florentine continuo experiments of 1600 had still to forge a reductive
concentration, stretched on the rack of heroic recitative. Caccini:
MUSIC:

Caccini, pub. 1601, Amarilli (close) MIA 1

(End)

Peri:
MUSIC:

1/1993

Peri performed 1601, Gioite al canto mio, (refrain) from Euridice, MIA 1
(Fade.)

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Symbolic History

Like everything in the Baroque, Caravaggio's shadowing

Va57)
57)

Leonardo da Vinci, 1503-06, Madonna of the Rocks, detail to the right,
with the Angel, National Gallery, London
Same, Madonna of the Rocks, detail of the Angel's head

has Renaissance parentage. But how far the inner-glow of Leonardo's twilight is from
Caravaggio's logic of the physical. As far as Caccini from his lute-song origins — Cara:
MUSIC:

a58)
b58)
Vc58)
Vd58)
58)

M. Cara, c. 1500, from S'io siedo a l'ombra, Candide CE-31017

(Fade)

Double: [A] El Greco, 1603-05, Madonna, detail, Hospital de la Caridad,
Illescas; and [B] Caravaggio, 1605, Madonna of the Serpent, detail,
Borghese Gallery, Rome
Double: [A] El Greco, 1608-14, Angels from Baptism, Hospital de S.
Juan, Toledo; and [B] Procaccini, c. 1610, Magdalen, Brera, Milan
El Greco, 1608-14, Assumption over Toledo, detail, El Greco Museum,
Toledo
El Greco, 1603-05, Coronation of the Virgin, detail, Hospital de la
Caridad, Illescas
El Greco, 1608-14, Baptism of Christ, detail of Angels, Hospital de San
Juan Bautista, Toledo (cf. [A] of a58)

Even with the chromatics of 1600, as revolutionary as El Greco's astigmatism or
Caravaggio's chiaroscuro, it is not half-tone progression which differentiates (any more
than it was monodic song), but rather the formal method of its handling — how changed
from late Mannerist to Baroque (both about 1610) — from Gesualdo, with El Greco —
MUSIC:

Gesualdo da Venosa, 1600-10(?), Ora pro nobis close of Ave, dulcissima
Maria, (Deller), VICS 1364
(End)

from that frenzy of spirit,

59)
V59a)

1/1993

Procaccini, c. 1610(?), Magdalen, Brera, Milan; video: detail only
Gentilleschi, c. 1610, Saint Cecilia and the Angel, National Gallery,
Washington, DC (CGB '75)

Baroque Formulation

23

�C.G. Bell

V59b)

Symbolic History

Guercino, c. 1620-25, Angels Weeping over Christ, detail, National Gallery,
London (detail of duplicate from Mozart 51)

to the swooning flesh of Procaccini, with a phrase from Viadana, also to "dulcissima
Maria":
MUSIC:

L.G. Viadana, pub. 1615, O dulcissima Maria, opening, ARC 3217 (Fade)

As that Italy radiates to the North,

1st 60) Elsheimer, c. 1598-1600, Baptism of Christ, National Gallery, London
(Video uses whole, then detail, of angels above; slide show, for 1st 60,
substitutes Elsheimer, c. 1599, Rest on the Flight, Berlin-Dahlem Museum
— a detail of which becomes V60a.)
or northerners are drawn to the peninsula, artists like Elsheimer create transitional
Baroque from Gothic line and Renaissance ideal. So Kepler's Epitome of Astronomy
blends mathematical induction with speculative overreach …
If Earth was to move like a planet, what was required (against Aristotle's ethereal
bodies perfecting their circles by angelic intelligence) was a physics of the heavenly built
on the inertia of earthly mass. Such an earth-physics would first be published by Galileo
in 1638. By that time, Kepler had based his astronomy on God-given wheels, invoking
Gilbert's magnetism only to squeeze them to the ellipses his calculations had revealed.

For 1st 61)
Rubens, c. 1610(?), Annunciation, Dublin Gallery (CGB '74) (Video adds the
original 61, now 2nd 61 in the slide-show: Rubens 1609-10, Annunciation,
Kunsthist. Mus., Vienna (CGB '59)
A wild Rubens blend of the ideal and empirical, Kepler staggeringly reckoned
from Brahe's observations the three enduring laws, meanwhile juggling the ratios, roots,
and powers of planetary size, mass, intercept, motor virtue (of which he could know
nothing) trying to bring the orbits and archetypal reason into line: "stamped with the
adornment of harmonic proportions."

1/1993

Baroque Formulation

24

�C.G. Bell

Symbolic History

In music, Praetorius effects such a vast synthesis of Gothic and Venetian,
polyphony and recitative. We take a phrase from his setting of Luther's "Vom Himmel
hoch":

2nd 60)

Slide show has the original 60: Elsheimer, Baptism, from which the video
makes a closer detail of the angels above

MUSIC:

M. Praetorius, pub. 1619, from the Polychoral Vom Himmel hoch,
Nonesuch H 71242

2nd 61) Rubens, 1608-09, Annunciation, Vienna, (CGB '59); video: detail only
62)
Same, Rubens, Annunciation, detail of Angel (CGB '59)
(Close "sagen will")

Rubens rapt angel of 1609 marks the divide to inertial mass.

63)
V63a)
63b)

El Greco, 1570-75, Boy Lighting a Candle, Capodimonte Museum, Naples
Same, detail
El Greco, 1612-14, Adoration of the Shepherds, detail: Head of a shepherd,
Prado, Madrid (closer detail of V38a)

Up to that point, the material search itself had swirled with trans-reality: — El
Greco's 1570 boy lighting a candle, the night climax of Bruno's Candelaio, or even the
porter in Macbeth:
If a man were porter of hell-gate, he should have old turning the key.
Knock, knock, knock. Who's there in the name of Beelzebub…
Drink, sir, is a great provoker of three things …
Marry, sir, nose-painting, sleep, and urine …
So Bruno's compatriot, Nola, choir-master at Naples, limns three blind beggars
singing for alms:
MUSIC:

64)
V64a)

1/1993

Giov. Domenico da Nola, c. 1560(?), Tre Ciechi siamo, close, Everest
3179

Caravaggio, c. 1594, The Fortune Teller, Louvre, Paris
Same, detail of hands

Baroque Formulation

25

�C.G. Bell

V64b)
64c)
64d)

Symbolic History

Le Valentin, 1620(?), The Cheat, Dresden Gallery, detail (first videod
backward: revised ‘94 — preceded by 64c below, + V detail — and
followed by 64d)
Caravaggio, 1594-95, Cardsharps, Kimbell Museum, Fort Worth
Georges de la Tour, The Cheat, Kimbell Museum, Fort Worth

By the turn of the century, Caravaggio has put such realism on the shore where
Ben Jonson's Fox and Alchemist make it lawful prey — Volpone's clever Mosca to the
doddering deaf Corbaccio:
Mosca:
Corb:
M:
C:
M:
C:
M:
C:
Volp:
M:
C:
M:
C:
M:
C:

65)

Georges de la Tour, c. 1620(?), Fortune Teller, Met. Museum, New York City
(The slide of the whole, CGB '79, with details, four in the slide show, two
more in the video file, provide nine video images, varying the a65, b65, 65, 65a
and 65b order of the slide show.)
M:
C:

1/1993

You're very welcome, sir.
How does your patron?
Troth, as he did, sir; no amends.
What! mends he?
No sir, he is rather worse.
That's well. Where is he?
Upon his couch, sir, newly fall'n asleep.
… I have brought him an opiate here, from mine own
doctor, 'tis but to make him sleep.
[Playing sick] Ay, his last sleep, if he would
take it.
He has no faith in physic … I often have
Heard him protest that your physician
Should never be his heir.
— Not I his heir?
Not your physician, sir.
— O no, no, no.
I do not mean it … How does his apoplex?
Is that strong on him still?
— Most violent.
His speech is broken and his eyes are set,
His face drawn longer than 'twas wont.
— How? how?
Stronger than he was wont?

Drawn longer than 'twas wont.

Baroque Formulation

— No sir; his face
— O, good!
26

�C.G. Bell

Symbolic History
M:
C:
M:
C:

MUSIC:

Is ever gaping, and his eyelids hang.

— His mouth
— Good.

A freezing numbness stiffens all his joints
And makes the colour of his flesh like lead …
Good symptoms still … sure I shall outlast him!

Orl. Gibbons, Fantasy on the Street Cries, "New Mussels," ARC-3053

Marvellous, the comic vigor, as that delight in the actual and its castigation strikes
root in the North: Fantasies on Street Cries, Weelkes, Deering, this Gibbons; the
overflow of the Jacobean stage up to the Puritan closure: A Chaste Maid in Cheapside, A
trick to Catch the Old One, the boiling Kermess of Jonson's Bartholomew Fair (1615) —
though with vignettes as sharply focussed as this La Tour Fortune Teller, locket cutter,
Gypsy thieves. "I would fain see that cutpurse you talk of," says Jonson's silly Cokes in
the play; while Nightingale the Ballad Singer draws the crowd — Trash ("Will your
worship buy any gingerbread"), Leatherhead the toy-man, fat Ursula, Mooncalf, and all
— so that Edgworth, his accomplice, can pluck the dandy clean. As in the picture: "A
man might cut out his kidneys and he never feel 'em."
(Fade Gibbons.)

66)

El Greco, c. 1610-14, View and Plan of Toledo, detail, Greco Museum, Toledo
(Video begins with Va66, a wider detail)

Again the 1610 transition: from El Greco's giddy perspectives, or in Shakespeare,
"the dread summit of the chalky bourn" imagined from the flat stage of Lear:
Gloucester:
There is a cliff whose high and bending head
Looks fearfully in the confined deep;
Bring me but to the very brim of it …
Edgar

How fearful
And dizzy 'tis, to cast one's eyes so low …
I'll look no more
Lest my brain turn, and the deficient sight
Topple down headlong …

67)

1/1993

François de Nome, called "Monsu Desiderio," 1623, Ruins with St. Augustine
legend, Private Collection, London
Baroque Formulation

27

�C.G. Bell

Symbolic History

— through the visions of the so-called Monsu (eddies of nightmare formed under the jets
of Baroque reality; yet reality takes the lead)

68)
V68a)

Rubens, 1618-20, Landscape: Ruins of the Palatine, Louvre
Poussin, c. 1629-30, Narcissus and Echo, Louvre; + V detail

— to Rubens' ruins of the Palatine. So Webster's Duchess congeals the electric malice of
Lear to a brooding earth-presence — summoning the echo with which Monteverdi had
answered Orfeo's "ahi, pianto" and "guai."
MUSIC:

Monteverdi, 1607, from Orfeo, Act V, two echoes, ARC 3036
(Fade.)

For 2nd 67) Variant, Monsu, Ruins, National Gallery, London; + V detail
Webster:
—

2nd 68)

Yond's the cardinal's window. This fortification
Grew from the ruins of an ancient abbey;
And to yond side o' the river lies a wall,
Piece of a cloister, which in my opinion
Gives the best echo that you ever heard,
So hollow and so dismal, and withal
So plain in the distinction of our words,
That many have supposed it is a spirit
That answers.

Detail of Rubens, Palatine; + closer V detail

—

I do love these ancient ruins.
We never tread upon them but we set
Our foot upon some reverend history:
… but all things have their end:
Churches and cities, which have diseases like to men,
Must have like death that we have.

—

"Like death that we have."

—

Now the echo hath caught you.

—

It groaned, methought, and gave

1/1993

Baroque Formulation

28

�C.G. Bell

Symbolic History
A very deadly accent.

1st 69) Caravaggio, 1607-08, Beheading of St. John the Baptist, whole, Cathedral,
Valletta, Malta
V69a) Same, detail to the right, men behind bars
—

"Deadly accent."

—

I told you, 'twas a pretty one: you may make it
A huntsman, or a falconer, a musician,
Or a thing of sorrow.

—

"A thing of sorrow."

—

Ay, sure, that suits it best.

—

"That suits it best."

Va70 Left of same picture: video details, above and below
70) Same, detail of the face of the old woman
—

'Tis very like my wife's voice.

—

"Ay, wife's voice."

—

… I would not have you go to the cardinal's tonight:
Do not.

—

"Do not." …

—

Echo, I will not talk with thee,
For thou art a dead thing.

—

"Thou art a dead thing."

—

My duchess is asleep now,
And her little ones, I hope sweetly: O Heaven,
Shall I never see her more?

—

"Never see her more."

—

I marked not one repetition of the echo
But that; and on the sudden a clear light
Presented me a face folded in sorrow …

1/1993

Baroque Formulation

29

�C.G. Bell

Symbolic History

This Caravaggio face

2nd 69 and 2nd 70)
Same: Beheading group (of which video shows also a detail);
while V for 2nd 70 returns to the whole picture (from 1st 69)
is from his 1608 Beheading of John, where the villainy which had fascinated the
Renaissance assumes the weight of body. So the tragedy of revenge, from Kyd — "O
life! no life, but lively form of death" — to Webster — "My soul, like to a ship in a black
storm,/ Is driven, I know not whither."
Let the content and structure of the sonnet attest that upheaval of values:

71)
71a)

Parmagianino, 1535-37, Portrait called Antea, Capodimonte Museum, Naples
Same, upper detail; + V: two more details

Nothing was ever simple, but one pole of Mannerism was the balance treasured from
Renaissance, the fitting of matter to form, perfect in this Parmagianino as in Surrey,
Spenser, early Shakespeare — the end-stopped claspings of sonnet rhyme:
Shall I compare thee to a summer's day?
Thou art more lovely and more temperate:
Rough winds do shake the darling buds of May,
And summer's lease hath all too short a date:
Sometime too hot the eye of heaven shines,
And often is his gold complexion dimm'd;
And every fair from fair sometime declines,
By chance, or nature's changing course untrimm'd;
But thy eternal summer shall not fade,
Nor lose possession of that fair thou ow'st,
Nor shall death brag thou wander'st in his shade,
When in eternal lines to time thou grow'st;
So long as men can breathe, or eyes can see,
So long lives this, and this gives life to thee.

72)
72a)
72b)
72c)
1/1993

Beccafumi, c. 1524, Fall of the Rebel Angels, Pinacoteca, Siena
Same, detail below
Same, middle detail (video makes two: right and left)
Same, upper detail (digital then repeats the whole)
Baroque Formulation

30

�C.G. Bell

Symbolic History

The other Manneristic pole is the outbreak of wild alchemical force, Beccafumi's
1524 Fall of the Rebel Angels, Renaissance-Gothic aimed through El Greco at Blake.
While Shakespeare's crisis wrenches the syntax of the sonnet almost to the sprung stress
of Hopkins:
The expense of spirit in a waste of shame
Is lust in action; and till action, lust
Is perjured, murderous, bloody, full of blame,
Savage, extreme, rude, cruel, not to trust;
Enjoy'd no sooner, but despised straight;
Past reason hunted; and no sooner had,
Past reason hated, as a swallow'd bait,
On purpose laid to make the taker mad:
Mad in pursuit, and in possession so;
Had, having, and in quest to have, extreme;
A bliss in proof, and prov'd, a very woe;
Before, a joy propos'd; behind, a dream.
All this the world well knows, yet none knows well
To shun the heaven that leads men to this hell.

1st 73) Rubens, c. 1620, Small Last Judgment, Alte Pinakothek, Munich (CGB '59;
of which the slide show uses a middle detail)
In Rubens, the fire-frenzy conglomerates, a saturation point, as earthly
engrossment heightens the violence of salvation.

Va2nd 72)

Michelangelo, 1536-41, Last Judgment, struggling figures from the
lower right, Sistine Chapel, Vatican
For 2nd 72) Same, Saved souls; video: detail only
Michelangelo had felt it: "Rend the veil, break down the wall" — Squarcia'l vel tu
Signior, rompi quel muro"; even Ariosto had toyed with the fallen need of force:

2nd 73)

1/1993

To render pity to hearts penitent
Is ours below, to draw them up with love,
Maugre their own will, is God's, above. (CGB)

Again, Rubens, Small Last Judgment (CGB '59); slide show now presents
it whole, video in three spreads: upper, middle, and below

Baroque Formulation

31

�C.G. Bell

Symbolic History

Now as world-nature thickens toward Descartes, the impossible stretch for a God
whelmed in bulk — "As though heav'n suffered earthquakes, peace or war" (Donne) —
curdles in Judgment paradox:
At the round earths imagin'd corners, blow
Your trumpets, Angells, and arise, arise
From death, you numberlesse infinities
Of soules, and to your scattred bodies goe;
All whom the flood did, and fire shall o'erthrow,
All whom warre, dearth, age, agues, tyrannies,
Despaire, law, chance, hath slaine …
(conscious rhetoric, buckling the pentameter)

74)
74a)

Rubens (or copy), 1619-1620, Crucifixion sketch (for the Church of the
Recollets, Antwerp), Aachen Gallery (CGB '74); + three video details
Procaccini, 1618-20, Raising of the Cross, National Gallery of Scotland,
Edinburgh (video: detail only)
As at the forge of Rubens, Donne violates the sonnet for a salvation conceived as

rape:
Batter my heart, three person'd God; for, you
As yet but knocke, breathe, shine, and seeke to mend;
That I may rise, and stand, o'erthrow mee, 'and bend
Your force, to breake, blowe, burn and make me new.
I, like an usurpt towne, to 'another due,
Labour to 'admit you, but Oh, to no end,
Reason, your viceroy in mee, mee should defend,
But is captiv'd, and proves weake or untrue,
Yet dearely 'I love you, 'and would be loved faine,
But am betroth'd unto your enemie,
Divorce mee, 'untie, or breake that knot againe,
Take mee to you, imprison mee, for I
Except you 'enthrall mee, never shall be free,
Nor ever chast, except you ravish mee.

1st 75) Rembrandt, c. 1660, Self-portrait with palette, Kenwood House, London;
video: large detail and face detail only
75a)
Rembrandt, 1661, Homer Dictating, Mauritshuis, The Hague; + v detail

1/1993

Baroque Formulation

32

�C.G. Bell

Symbolic History

MUSIC:

Mathew Locke, c. 1665, Fantasy 5, G Minor, chromatic opening,
Westminster WGS 8242

By mid-century the chromatic, in Mathew Locke, moves under brooding control.
While with blind Milton the sonnet has passed its crisis; Renaissance articulation
convolves into the vaulted reach of consciousness:
(Skip to chromatic rise.)
When I consider how my light is spent,
E're half my days in this dark world and wide,
And that one talent which is death to hide,
Lodg'd with me useless, though my soul more bent
To serve therewith my Maker, and present
My true account, lest he returning chide;
Doth God exact day-labour, light deny'd
I fondly ask. But patience to prevent
That murmur, soon replies,

1st 76) Rembrandt, c. 1656, The Artist's Son Titus reading, Kunsthistorisches
Museum, Vienna (CGB '59); video: detail only
God doth not need
Either man's work or his own gifts; who best
Bear his milde yoak, they serve him best, his state
Is kingly. Thousands at his bidding speed
And post o're land and ocean without rest:
They also serve who only stand and waite.

(Fade Locke.)

V2nd 75) Again, 1660, Self-portrait with palette (here, whole, from 1st 75)
2nd 75a) Rembrandt, 1669, detail of the last Self-portrait, Mauritshuis, The Hague
— as darkened as Rembrandt, neglected in gathering age; yet as deeply sure of self,
ordered earth, and causal God — Descartes' lonely doubter, who closes his meditations:
"qu'il y a un Dieu … et qu'il n'est point trompeur" —
And I ought not to doubt the truth of these presentations … for since
God is no deceiver, it follows necessarily that I am not herein
deceived …
Under the great assertive thrust

1/1993

Baroque Formulation

33

�C.G. Bell

Symbolic History

2nd 76) Again, Titus reading, a closer detail
by which the faith postulates have moved into time, making their peace with thinking self
and causal world, an entire realm of human and earthly good is as quietly assured as the
lights on Rembrandt's Titus, reading.

1st 77) Elsheimer, c. 1609(?), Tobias and Raphael, National Gallery, London
Perhaps Elsheimer, in Caravaggio's Rome, first took the glow of that
transcendental paradise, where Tobias is guided by the angel — a promise Gibbons
harmonizes in a 1623 Song of the Church: "Oh, my love, how comely now":
MUSIC:

O. Gibbons, 1629, Oh, My Love (a phrase) ARC-3053

a78)

Elsheimer, c. 1610(?), Two Childhood Guardians (from a set of six),
Petworth House; with V details
1st 78) Poelenburg, c. 1620(?) (after Elsheimer), the same Guardian Saints, Pitti,
Florence (CGB '48)
How humbly Poelenburg takes it up — twin guardians of natural childhood, angel
and saint. While Herbert, from his rural parish, sounds the quietest benediction.

V2nd 77) Two video details from slide 77: Elsheimer, Tobias and Raphael
V2nd 78) Poelenburg, two other Guardian Saints from the Pitti set of six (these,
CGB '86); + V detail ; digital, double only; after Domenichino
(While the slide show, for 2nd 77 and 2nd 78, uses Domenichino, c. 1612,
Tobias Landscape, National Gallery, London; see Va1st 80, below)
Sweet day, so cool, so calm, so bright,
The bridal of the earth and sky;
The dew shall weep thy fall to-night
For thou must die.
Sweet rose, whose hue angry and brave
Bids the rash gazer wipe his eye;
Thy root is ever in its grave,
And thou must die.
Sweet spring, full of sweet days and roses,
A box where sweets compacted lie;
1/1993

Baroque Formulation

34

�C.G. Bell

Symbolic History
My music shows ye have your closes,
And all must die.
Only a sweet and virtuous soul,
Like a seasoned timber, never gives;
But though the whole world turn to coal,
Then chiefly lives.

79)

Bernini, 1657-66, Cathedra Petri or High Altar, St. Peter's, Rome (video:
lower detail only)

The Baroque arose out of Renaissance and humanism. However the grand
manner vaunt the inflations of creed and court, its chordal and spatial loyalties were to the
temporal good. Beyond the mammoth holies Bernini applied to St. Peter's, lay the Rome

Va1st 80)
Domenichino, c. 1612, Tobias Landscape, National Gallery, London (detail of
slide 2nd 77-78, above)
For 1st 80)
Claude Lorrain, 1631, Flight to Egypt, Belvoir Castle, Leics. (better the whole of
2nd 80)
where the landscape of recovery spread from Elsheimer and Carracci to Domenichino,
Poelenburg, this early Claude. So the fortissimo of Monteverdi's Exultent caeli cradles
his tenderest "O Maria," in an epiphany of power and heart.

a2nd 79) Again, Bernini, Cathedra Petri, upper detail, St. Peter's, Rome; video uses
the top of 1st 79
2nd 79) Same, Cathedra Petri, detail of the Dove window and Angel Glory; video
details the center of this slide
MUSIC:

2nd 80)

Monteverdi, 1629, from Exultent Caeli, Decca SDD 363

Claude Lorrain, c. 1631, Rest on the Flight, Clark Institute,
Williamstown, Massachusetts; video and digital detail
(with "O Maria" — fade.)

1/1993

Baroque Formulation

35

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                    <text>The Battle of the Gods and the Giants

Joe Sachs
Spring, 1992

Dedicated to the memory
of J. Winfree Smith

�The difficulties that confront a reader of Aristotle's Physics begin with the title, and
it is worth thinking about why. If you picked up for the first time a book that had the word
mathematics in the title, and saw that it contained no algebraic equations, you might be
surprised but you wouldn't be confused. You know that there is more than one kind of
mathematics.

You probably learned a lot of perfectly good arithmetic and geometry,

perhaps even trigonometry, before you ever had to solve for an unknown. But when you
pick up a book that claims to be about physics, and find no algebraic equations in it, you
might wonder who is trying to kid you. Physics, after all, is the study of matter and energy,
and these are only known through relations like "force equals mass times acceleration," or
"the integral of force through distance is one-half the product of the mass and the square
of the velocity." I have added nothing whatever to these two statements by saying them in
words. I might have saved my breath by saying them in symbols, because the things I am
talking about are not translatable into English, or any other language humans speak, but
have their whole meaning within algebraic relations. But why should there be diverse kinds
of mathematics, but only one thing that has a .right to be called physics, and why is physics
the narrower of the two?
These are not questions about how we use words, but about what we believe
knowledge is, and what activities we recognize as instances of knowing. In the second Book
of the Physics, just as also in the second Book of the Metaphysics, Aristotle has to explain
why he is not going to treat his subject mathematically. His choice is not a matter of taste
or preference, but a reasoned conclusion. We will consider his reasons in a few moments,
but first let's think a bit about what mathematics is. You probably all know that in Greek
ta mathemata are the leamable things, and therefore the understandable things. In some

eminent way, mathematics is the place where understanding is achieved and displayed. But
what is it that gives mathematics this special position?
The seventeenth-century philosopher Descartes, in Part II of his Discourse on Method,
gives an answer.

Of all those who have ever sought for truth, he says, only the

mathematicians have found any that was evident and certain, because only they have

�2

constructed methodical demonstrations.

Start with truths that are simple and evident,

proceed step-by-step with inferences that are certain, and everything knowable, however
remote and obscure it may seem to begin with, will eventually be trapped in a net of
certainty. Knowledge is built like houses, streets, and cities, brick by brick, set parallel and
at right angles, without choice, without flair, and without risk. How much of this Descartes
really means is a question I can't help you with, and this is not going to be a lecture about
Descartes. He has an ancient prototype, to whom I will soon turn. But if it is true that it
is proof that makes mathematics what it is, what are we to say of the following example?
In this century there was a mathematician named Ramanujan, who blossomed in India
without benefit of an education. He was considered to have the highest mathematical genius
and originality, but to have no idea of proof. How is such a thing possible?
The connection between knowledge and mathematics is artfully presented in Plato's
Theaetetus. It is with mathematicians that Socrates asks the question, what is knowledge?

And with the same art, Plato indicates that the question about knowledge is bound up with
the question of what it is that makes mathematics the eminent example of knowledge. The
latter question is never formulated in the dialogue, but it is put in front of us dramatically,
in the two people, Theaetetus and Theodorus.

The student and teacher are both

mathematicians, but there is a world of difference between them, and the unanswered
question about knowledge is reflected in that difference.
Theodorus once proved (147D) that if a square has an area of three square feet, its
side is incommensurable in length with the foot. And he proved the same thing again about
the square of five square feet, and again and again and again with six, seven, eight, ten,
eleven, twelve, thirteen, fourteen, fifteen, and seventeen. This is a man who believes in
proofs. If one proof is good, twelve are better, because certainty is achieved every time.
Theodorus is a man who doesn't like controversy. His strongest expression of feeling in the
dialogue comes when Socrates asks him (170D) whether people disagree with all his
opinions. He swears an oath to Zeus, quotes Homer, and says that tens of thousands of

�3
people always disagree with him, and surround him with troubles that are more than human
beings can bear. In fact, in his younger days, Theodorus had turned away from philosophy
and toward mathematics (165A). He says it was because philosophic talk consists of bare
words, but what does he mean by bare? He shows immediately that he means that they are
lacking in certainty; in one of his many refusals to take part in the discussion with Socrates,
he says that he fears the shame of being overturned in argument. Mathematics is for
Theodorus a haven of certainty. Because it has proofs, it is foolproof knowledge.
But the picture of Theodorus at work proving things contains a contrasting picture
of Theaetetus at work seeing something. Dissatisfied with an infinitely repeatable procedure,
Theaetetus looks for and finds a single image by which he can see at glance whether any
number of square feet will have a side that is incommensurable with the one-foot length:
the image of the oblong rectangle. For any number, one need only see whether it can be
produced by an equal times an equal; if it cannot, then as a square it will have a side that
is neither any number of feet nor any fraction of a number. Theaetetus' proof of this is not
given by Plato, but it appears in Euclid's proposition X,9. It is roughly this: one shows frrst
that the squares on any two commensurable lines have areas in the same ratio as some pair
of square numbers. Then if any square does not have a number of square feet equal to a
square number, it cannot be on a side commensurable with the foot. As a proof, it is not
very interesting. As an insight it is remarkable, and Socrates calls it "most beautiful" (148A).
This might remind us that Theodorus began the dialogue by telling Socrates that Theaetetus
is not beautiful, in fear that someone might suspect that he loved him, but is so far from
being beautiful that he resembles Socrates.

Theodorus fears that the integrity of his

judgement would be compromised if what is known as true is also lovable as beautiful.
Once one has noticed the picture Plato has drawn, it is unforgettable. What is the
mathematician aiming at? Theodorus has found safety in certainty; Theaetetus stretches out
to see the true in the beautiful. In the dialogue, Theaetetus repeatedly fails to see the image
of knowing in his own seeing, but he is miles ahead of Theodorus, who must be prodded,

�4

nagged, flattered, shamed, and roused to anger before he finally begins to take the risks that
might lead to knowing. Mathematics is an example of knowing worthy of imitation not
because it is so safe, but because it sees what it is thinking. In mathematics, things that are
present to the intellect and understanding alone are present in such a way that the language
of seeing must be used to descnbe it. I am sure you have all had the experience of learning
a proof, but not seeing the conclusion. Was there ever a time after such an experience when
you said, "Now I see"? If so, then you also see, now, what I mean. You see that in
mathematics, a truth might be something that you not only think, not only understand, but
encounter in the act of contemplation.
The answer to the question, what is knowledge?, is never formulated in words in the
Iheaetetus, but it is set in front of us, in pieces, to be seen. We are invited to recognize
what knowledge is in such a way that by doing so we must enact it, engage in the act of
knowing. Knowing resembles sense-perception in its immediacy, its first-hand, eyewitness
character, but it cannot be sense-perception because the objects of the senses are fluctuating
things that have no identity. Knowing must belong to some power of the soul other than
sensing. But Theaetetus overshoots this other power when he calls it opinion. Socrates
shows him that opinion is the residue that remains when thinking stops (190A). But the live
thinking that permits the formation of an opinion might be the very activity of the soul that
sees the evident intelligible things just as the eyes see the evident visual things. The last part
of the dialogue, in which a logos is taken to mean an analysis into parts, keeps running into
the difficulty than an intelligible whole must already be present as a whole before any
analysis can be judged complete or correct. For example, in order to know that two times
three is the same as four plus two, we must know six in some way that is independent of
both analyses. In this humble example of knowing what six is, we can see the point that
Theaetetus kept missing, just as he saw the point that Theodorus kept missing in his endless
proofs about squares.
On this way of looking at things, the glory of mathematics is not its procedure, and

�5
certainly not its subject matter, but the fact that it makes the experience of contemplation
readily available to us. The two authors with whom our math tutorial begins know this well.
In I, 47, Euclid sets in front of us a construction in which almost everything that has

preceded it is present in one image, and in Book XIII, in a five-fold image, he achieves the
feat of bringing together most of the most striking things that have been shown in the
previous twelve books. Ptolemy also constructs the Almagest to lead up to a high moment
of seeing, in Book XII, in his common, composite diagram, which shows how, on either of
two hypotheses, a ratio produces the appearances of planetary retrogradation. It goes
without saying that the same picture reveals the causes of planetary progression, so that one
image lays bare the intelligible heart of the cosmos. When Ptolemy speaks of contemplating
the things that are always as they are, he does not mean bending the neck backwards at
night. These three examples of objects of contemplation are not meant to be flashes of
intuition, but are prepared for by long and disciplined work. But in them, what thinking has
encountered successively in time reassembles itself in simultaneous presence. Active thinking
still has to be going on, or the object will collapse, but it is not one-thing-after-another
thinking. It is the kind of thinking we intend when we speak not of propositions but of
theorems. What is proposed must be judged, and is at best adopted as a secure opinion, but
a theorem is beheld. It belongs to the theater of the intellect. In Greek, this contemplative
activity is called theoria.
The examples I have given may make it seem that the theater of the intellect is the
imagination, but this cannot be true. Just as the triangle drawn on the blackboard, on paper,
or in the sand, serves only to direct the imagination to make a more adequate image, so the
triangle in the imagination serves only to direct the intellect. Triangles are made of lines,
and lines are breadthless, so anything we can see in the imagination cannot be the triangle
about which we reason. But the picture in the imagination is a stepping-stone to seeing what
is invisible. In the diagram of I, 47, the eye can follow an area between parallels to see it
reappear in a different place and shape, yet as the same. The eye can do this because it is

�6

informed by the intellect which has learned the elementary properties of parallel lines in
Book I. But just as the intellect can inform the eye, in this case the eye of imagination, the
eye can supply content to the intellect. The lines that form one construction, present all at
once, mark out also one complex of interrelated properties of the triangle, on which the gaze
of the intellect itself can rest.
But does this mean that anything that is present in imagination can become content
for the contemplation of the intellect? Aristotle says no. We might imagine that a human
being is bigger than a city, or bigger than the universe, but nothing follows from that about
what is true or even what is possible. This argument, at the end of Book III of the Physics,
applies directly to the proof Lucretius gives of the infinity of the world. Lucretius asks what
would happen to a javelin thrown outward from the supposed edge of the world, and his
fantasy supplies an answer. But I could make a counter-fantasy that preserves the finitude
of the world: the thrower swings his arm in a mighty arc, and the javelin flies backward
toward the earth. The imagination is compatible with two pictures that are not compatible
with each other. Either one can provide content for an opinion, but contemplation can only
be directed at what is true. So there are things in the imagination that cannot become
present in any way in the intellect.
But suppose we ask the opposite question. Can everything that is in the intellect
become present in imagination? It would seem that the highest, imageless kind of thinking
must go beyond what the imagination is capable of, but Aristotle does not agree. In Book
III, Chapter 8, of De Anima, Aristotle makes the surprising claims that whenever the
intellect contemplates, it also beholds some image, and that, though the primary objects of
the intellect are not themselves imaginable, they always have images. To understand what
Aristotle is saying, one must distinguish the immediacy of contemplation from the successive
making of connections. The kind of step-by-step thinking that we ordinarily do is obviously
possible without images; we think, if all A is B, and all B is C, then all A must be C, and the
necessity of the conclusion is only obscured by images. This kind of thinking is called

�7

dianoia in Greek, and proceeds by assertions and denials, which Aristotle explicitly rules out
in the passage we are considering. It is only nous, the contemplative intellect, that is
guaranteed to be imbedded in images.
But the necessity that every object of intellect have an image must have some cause.
What can it be? I am sure that some of you are there ahead of me. After all, everyone
knows that Aristotle rejected Plato's belief in separate forms, and taught that the universals
that the intellect deals with are produced by th.e act of abstraction. If the universals came
out of the sensible particulars in the fist place, then the images of those particulars would
also be images of the corresponding abstractions. There is only one problem with this
solution. Like most of the things that everyone knows about Aristotle, this one is not true.
It is not even close. It is so spectacularly wrong that it blocks the understanding of anything
Aristotle thought. It is not a tenable doctrine in the first place, as I will try to show. But
worse than that, the belief that Aristotle held such a view makes the Physics a closed book,
and that in turn deprives us of the most powerful alternative we might consider to the
physics we are accustomed to. The idea of abstraction, as we use it and as we tend to
impose it on Aristotle, abolishes the idea of nature.
What, then, do we mean by abstraction? On the first day of your freshman math
tutorial, when you or someone else said that points and lines are abstractions, what did you
or she or he mean?

In your Plato seminars, when people called justice and beauty

abstractions, what did they mean? We do not need to examine the immense and diverse
medieval and modern philosophic literature about the topic to be sure of certain things. An
abstraction is a second-class citizen in the realm of beings. The first class citizen is whatever
is not abstract but concrete. And what is concrete? Anything we can hold or touch is
undeniable, genuine, and concrete. In Plato's Sophist, the Eleatic Stranger compares certain

.

people to the mythical giants who tried to pull everything down to the earth. (246A-B)
These are people who aggressively insist that what is is always a body; when anyone says
otherwise, they are contemptuous and won't listen. In the Theaetetus, Socrates has called

�8
them the uninitiated, who believe that there is nothing except what they can clench in their
hands (155E), but the word meaning uninitiated also means unsealed, leaky, or unsound, and
suggests that the clenched fists of these hard-headed realists are really sieves, letting all sorts
of things slip through. Socrates introduces these people as those who have not experienced
wonder, and the Stranger places them among those whose way of talking is vague. They are
comic characters, rigid in the way they hold their opinions but vague in the content of them,
grasping things tightly while being slips through their fingers. Who are they? As Socrates
tells Glaucon of the people in another strange image, they are like us.
I suspect that there is one of these giants in every one of us, who is uncomfortable
with the possibility that anything invisible or intangible could be anything at all. But it is so
obvious that such things must somehow be something, that we take the shortest route to
make ourselves comfortable again and call them abstractions. We make them up, and they
are only in the mind. But to be so appealing to us, the word abstract must mean a little
something, and our other uses of the verb mean things like to boil down, to remove, to
extract. So here, in two sentences, we have already found a self-contradiction. Abstraction
was supposed to make the objects of thought unmysterious by producing them.

But

whatever the process of abstraction is, it cannot have any product that is not already present
beforehand. If we are abstracting from tangible bodies, then they must in the first place be
made, in part, out of objects of thought. This is what I meant by saying that our usual idea
of abstraction is not tenable. It makes the thinkable things unmysterious only by doing just
the opposite to the visible things. It ends up claiming that our eyes see the invisible and our
hands hold the intangible, because it tells us that when we think one of those invisible and
intangible things, we have extracted it out of a body like a tooth. The idea of abstraction
answers no question, but only goes around in a circle and gets dizzy. Anything it gives us,
we already have; anything we don't already have, it can't give us.
So what about the well-know fact that Aristotle said the forms are only abstractions?
The Greek word aphairesis, which is translated as abstraction, is the ordinary word for

�9
subtraction. It is used a few times in the Physics, and only in this ordinary sense. But the
word does have our modem sense as well, and this is usually regarded as Aristotle's
invention. This seems to me to be unlikely. I am aware of three places where Aristotle
speaks of certain ideas as abstractions, and in two of the three he calls them the so-called
abstractions. This use of the word is rare in Aristotle's works, and never, I repeat never,
refers to anything but the objects of mathematics. In the Metaphysics (1061a 28ff.), Aristotle
says that what the mathematician does is peel away (periairein) all the sensory attnbutes of
things, and contemplate the quantities that remain. In De Anima he says that the intellect
thinks these so-called abstractions, such as straightness, as separated things, even though they
are not separated. (429b 18-19, 43 lb 16-18) In the Posterior Analytics he tells us what
faculty these so-called abstractions actually depend on (81a 40-b 9), and I will return to this
in a moment. In the Physics, Aristotle leaves out the word abstract, and simply uses the
more revealing word separated.
In Book II, Chapter 2, of the Physics, Aristotle says that the mathematician treats as

separate what is not separate. This does not make his conclusions false. In fact, as Aristotle
says in the Metaphysics (1078a 21-23), it is the best way to study anything. But they are not
conclusions about nature.

By separating the attributes of quantity and position from

everything else, the mathematician loses nature, for three reasons. He leaves behind motion,
material, and ends. Now you may not mind the loss of ends, and you may count it a gain
to set aside the effects of material, such as friction, but the claim that mathematical
abstraction gets rid of motion may seem puzzling. For Aristotle, though, this is the most
emphatic reason for the unsuitability of a mathematical approach to nature. What does he
mean?
First of all, Aristotle does not banish mathematics from physics when it has something
to offer. Optics, for example, can recombine what it has separated, using the mathematical
line only as a temporary detour toward understanding a natural path. And several important
arguments throughout the Physics are entirely about ratios. And the most important of the

�10
branches of mathematics that Aristotle says surely belong to physics as well is astronomy,
in which the whole point is to consider motions. But within mathematics, only one kind of
motion is possible: change of position in a neutral, homogeneous, unlimited medium. We
call it motion in space. According to Aristotle, such a thing never takes place in nature and
never could.
One might be tempted to think that pure spatial motion does not occur in the world,
just because it is pure. The paths things follow are not exactly straight lines or parabolas,
and the things that move are not points or spheres, but still, behind all the qualifications and
complexities, there is something clear and simple that we can focus our attention on.
Descartes says that the mathematician knows inotion better than anyone else (Le Monde,
Ch. 7). Galileo tells us that the world is a book, written in mathematical characters; if we
know how to read, we need not stare stupidly at marks on a page, but can grasp the
meaning within. (The Assayer) And most wonderfully of all, Newton says that everyone
knows what time, space, and motion are, but the vulgar--that's us--have a prejudice that such
things bear some relation to sensible bodies. (Principia, scholium to definitions) These
thinkers do not describe the world mathematically, they describe mathematics and say that
it is the world. As their heirs, we now have not only the vulgar prejudices they attack: we
have along with them a whole new array of sophisticated prejudices, at the center of which
is the belief that we live and move in space.
The idea of space is so firmly embedded in our thinking that it is hard to see that
there is any alternative to it. According to Aristotle, though, space is an idea that arises only
by self-deception. Since bodies are extended, we can think of the extension without at the
same time thinking of the bodies. (211b 16-19, 212b 25-27) This is the separation or
abstraction characteristic of mathematics, and Aristotle has no quarrel with it. But in order
to get from mathematical extension to the idea of space, we have to pretend that what we
abstracted was in the first place present in the world. We experience bodies, separate their
extension from them, imagine it as

space, and declare that it is the world. Now that we

�11
have invented space, we are free to put things into it, in our imaginations, and set them
moving along any path, at any speed that we please. Once we have replaced the world we
live in with this invented world of space, this is in fact the only kind of motion possible, and
we are apt to think that it really is all that motion could be.
This is the fork in the road. If we can set this idea of motion in space aside for a
while, we can enter Aristotle's Physics. If we cannot, we might as well set the book aside,
for the central topic of Aristotle's Physics is motion, and he means what he says when he
tells us the mathematician must leave motion behind. Change of place is one of the kinds
of motion Aristotle considers, but change of place presupposes places, and there are no
places in space. Spaces are all alike and are all together infinite. How do I know? I
consult my imagination. That ought to give me a clue as to what kind of thing I am talking
about. What Lucretius presents as a proof of the infinity of the world is in fact only a proof
of the infinity of space, and I know in the same way that no part of space has any power or
potency that would make it any more or less appropriate than any other for any inhabitant.
But the things we encounter all have places. Trees don't grow in the air, human beings
don't breathe in the sea, and stars don't circle underground. When things change place, we
can't understand what is going on unless we know what kind of thing is moving, and whether
it is going toward, away from, or through a place in which it can remain and sustain itself.
The placeless realm of mathematical physics already makes the natural kinds to which things
belong invisible. It is a de-natured realm.
But the natures of things are not accessible to us through a simple turning to
imagination. If we take Aristotle's road toward nature, on what power of knowing can we
rely? I mentioned earlier that Aristotle does not say that we get at universal ideas by
abstraction. The most important of those ideas, he says we get at by epagoge. This is
usually translated as "induction," but that is misleading. We use that word to refer to the
process of generalizing from many examples. In many places, Aristotle says unmistakably
that one example is sufficient to give us the universal present in the particular (e.g. Posterior

�12

Analytics 71a, 7-9, Physics 247b 5-7). Epagoge means "coming face-to-face with" something,
and it belongs not to the dianoia, by which we make connections and figure things out, but
to the nous, the contemplative intellect. The ultimate aim of the Physics is the contemplative
knowledge of nature, and the inquiry depends all along on the presence of the contemplative
faculty.
Aristotle describes completed knowledge as a contemplative insight into ultimate
things, combined with reasoned conclusions from them. His word for this is episteme, which
comes to us through its Latin equivalent as science, and most commentators call the Physics
a science, the science of moving things. Nothing could be further from the truth. Like all
Aristotle's books, the Physics ascends toward the ultimate source of the appearances it
studies. The ultimate source of natural motion is only uncovered in the last pages of the
book. Aristotle calls this order of inquiry dialectical. It begins with experience, seeks to
uncover its universal character, and reasons from effects to causes with the aim of bringing
into presence that which makes its subject whole. It begins and ends in the faculty of nous,
and consists in the progressive unfolding of its contemplative activity. If this road toward
knowledge sounds familiar to you, there is a good reason. In the Meno, Socrates uses the
myth or metaphor of recollection to describe how inquiry is possible. In Book VII, Chapter
3, of the Physics, Aristotle says straightforwardly that knowledge cannot come into being in
us because it has always already been present in us all along.

Our thinking becomes

knowing when it calms down out of its native disorder. The physics familiar to us does
violence to nature, by experiments to be sure, but more deeply and radically by turning
natural things into mathematical ones. The act of abstraction cuts nature down to a size we
can handle. Aristotle, on the contrary, says that we can let nature remain intact and still
come to know it, because we are already in a living relation with it.
We are finally in a position to see why the contemplative intellect always has images
available to it. The object of nous has a name that will be familiar to you. Aristotle says
it is the eidos. But he also says that nature is form. The nature of anything comes to it not

�13
from its material but from the internal activity that forms it, and it is this same activity that
is at work upon the human intellect whenever it contemplates.

The content of

contemplation is given to it by the activities that are always at work, forming the things in
the world. That is why each single object of sense-perception has its universal character
immediately present in it. The universal in question is the eidos at work, holding it together
as the thing that it is. The intellect is present in every act of perception, and the imagination
is available to every act of the intellect, because all three faculties are directed at the same
being. Aristotle agrees with Plato that the forms of things are not abstract ideas, but are
beings. They are not dependent on us, but rather everything that is is dependent on them.
The great fact, evident everywhere around us, is the continual emergence and reemergence of things in accordance with kinds. Being is, first and last, living being. That is
the meaning of Aristotle's claim that being is energeia, being-at-work, and always has the
character of entelecheia, being-at-work-staying-itself. Everything that exists at all is or is part
of some self-maintaining whole. Every living thing lives within the orderly and self-renewing
whole that supplies its material needs, and everything that is not living has its nature within
this organized cosmos. Does the rain fall so that crops may grow? (Bk. II, ch. 8) Not so
that one man's crops may thrive while another man's wheat is spoiled on the threshing floor,
but always, over and over, the waters that evaporate in the hot months return to earth in the
cold months to sustain the earth not as a region of space but as a place in the cosmos
appropriate to the life of plants and animals. When Aristotle says that nature acts for ends,
he explains this by saying that the end is the form. Things have natures because they are
formed into wholes. The claim is not that these natural wholes have purposes but that they
are purposes. Every being is an end in itself, and the word telos, that we translate as end,

means completion.
When we try to judge Aristotle's claim that nature acts for ends, we tend to confuse
ourselves in two ways. First, we imagine that it must mean something deliberates and has
purposes. Second and worse, we begin with our mathematically conceived universe, and

�14
can't find anything in it that looks like a directedness toward ends. But Aristotle indicates
that it is just because ends are present in nature that a physicist cannot be a mathematician.
We have seen that even change of place becomes impossible in mathematical space. But
there are three other kinds of motion, from which the mathematician is even more
hopelessly cut off, without which activity for the sake of ends would be impossible. Things
in the world are born, develop, and grow. Genuine wholes, which are not random heaps,
must be able to come into being, take on the qualities appropriate to their natures, and
achieve a size at which they are complete.

But mathematical objects can at most be

combined, separated, and rearranged. If we have first committed ourselves to a view of the
world as being extended lumps in a void, there is no way to get wholes or ends back into the
world. That means in turn that the question of ends has to come first, before one permits
any choice to be made that empties the world of possibilities.
Why are we so likely to adopt the picture of the world that mathematical physics
gives us, before even asking whether it requires us to give anything up? It is surely not a
rational procedure to paint ourselves into a corner, and then ask whether there is someplace
other than that corner that we really want to be. I think the answer to this question might
emerge if we think about causes. The first thing Aristotle says in the Physics, which he says
repeatedly in many other places as well, is that we do not know something until we know
its cause. This may sound strange at first. I want to know one thing, and I am told that
knowing it means knowing something else. But if I attach a predicate to a subject, I have
at most made judgment or formed an opinion. If I can see through what, or on account of
what, the predicate belongs to the subject, that third thing has given my thought a dimension
of depth.
But something stranger still happens when the new physics of the seventeenth century
takes shape. Galileo tells us that investigating the causes of natural motions would be a
waste of time. (Two New Sciences, NE p.202) Newton makes no hypotheses about the cause
of the properties of gravitation, and says they would have no place in his science. (Principia,

�15
general scholium) Descartes, as usual, gives us the clearest view of what is going on. He says
that matter has no attributes that are not perfectly known to everyone. "You could not even
pretend not to know it," he says. And, "you must necessarily conceive of it or you can never
imagine anything."

(Le Monde, Ch. 6)

Suddenly the world needs no explanation.

Everything in it is pre-explained. To exhibit any of the properties of mathematized matter
is to see through it all the way to the bottom, because it is conceived as having no properties

other than the ones that are being exhibited.
We have already seen Aristotle's criticism of the idea of space. The extension of
body is separated from body, and declared to exist by itself. The corresponding idea of
matter depends upon it. It is filled space, the bearer of a few properties that are completely
determined when they have been measured. Bodies, that had natures to begin with, were
turned first into space and then into masses, and along the way the world became much
easier to explain. Aristotle's approach to explanation is to let things be what they are, and
inquire into the causes responsible for their being as they are. The alternative approach is
to reduce the world to things that are so poor in properties and do so little that no
explanation is required. In fact matter, understood as mass, doesn't do anything at all. It
is the passive seat of motions that no more belong to it than do any other motions, or than
to any other masses. It is not only Newton's first law, but all three of his laws that say that
matter is inert. In his Opticks, Newton calls them passive laws of motion that all result from
a force of inactivity. (Question 31) Aristotle says that being is being-at-work. Newton says
that being is being so hard that nothing can cause it to change.
Just as motion in space is not the same as change of place, matter conceived of as
inert masses bears no relation to what Aristotle called hule or material. Nothing in the
natural world is simply matter, but everything that is belongs to some living thing or to the
organized whole of the cosmos. Everything is already formed in some way, and bursting with
potency toward activity. Motion is understood by Aristotle always to be the result of the
spilling over of the potentialities that belong to the material in any being. The opposite of

�16

activity, passivity or inertia, is not present anywhere in Aristotle's account of things.

Dunamis is nascent activity, striving to emerge, or dormant activity, awaiting its moment in
the rhythm of life. From the standpoint of mathematical physics, such potentialities are
occult qualities, and are not permitted to exist. The dream of this physics is to give back all
the appearances of the world as determined by mere mechanism.
Now the strangest fact is that this mechanistic approach to the world failed, and failed
at the very moment that it was fully realized. The three laws of Newton's Principia embody
and perfect the mechanistic picture of the world, but the Principia as a whole shows that the
world does not fit into that picture. Masses are not just inert lumps that interact only when
they happen to bump, but are sources of a mysterious gravitational pull, and the spaces
between masses are not empty but in some way serve as the medium by which this attraction
acts at a distance. The conception of matter and space produces a pleasing picture, in which
the question, why?, need not ever be asked, but that picture does not account for any event.
The inadequacy of the ideas of inert bodies and empty space surfaces again when light is
shown to be wave motion, and then to be incapable of having any material medium for the
waves to be in. Twentieth-century physics completes the destruction of the ideas that serve
as its own foundation, when it shows that every particle of matter must also be an immaterial
wave, and every wave must also be a particle. Not only can matter and space not give an
account of anything, they cannot even hold on to the determinacy that makes them distinct
from one another.
What makes this failure of mechanistic explanation so strange is the fact that its
failure doesn't seem to be regarded as a flaw. Mechanism continues as a dream, and as the
guiding vision of an enterprise that keeps marching forward, producing ever more complex
mathematical descriptions of events, and giving rise to ever more effective ways of
controlling the world. It fails only as knowledge. The trouble is not that the mechanist
account is incomplete. One cannot add a power of attraction to an inert mass, or tack a
distribution of energies onto empty space. Things have to be conceived in the first place in

�17
such a way that they might intelligibly be the bearers of such active states. But the whole
point of the ideas of matter and space is that they be devoid of all hidden powers. Many
true conclusions might follow from a set of false premisses, and one might be content to live
with a certain number of loose ends, but the human desire to know will ultimately have its
way.
Some twentieth-century physicists have recognized the need to rethink the way the
world is, from the bottom up. One has suggested that the true beings are potencies, of
which particles and waves are only appearances. (Heisenberg) Another has suggested that
the world is a seamless whole, in which nothing exists in isolation. (Bohm) A third has even
studied Aristotle's definition of motion, in the hope that it might open some way out of the
dead end of modern physics. (von Weizsacker) These issues are wide open. All that is
agreed is that the physics of Galileo and Newton is "classical," which means untrue, and that
current physics has found no way to articulate what it is talking about.
One source of trouble may be that the world cannot be understood from the bottom
up. It may be that physicists are looking for the right way to understand points, so that they
can put them together and make lines. Everywhere on a line one can find a point, but only
if the line is first given as a whole. The central ideas of Aristotle's physics are wholeness and
continuity. In the first chapter of Book I, he argues that we have nowhere to begin an
inquiry except with the wholes we encounter in experience. The task is not to replace them
but to understand them. Throughout the Physics, the picture of the world is of living things
in a cosmos, as opposed to matter in space. And no genuine whole can be understood by
reducing it to its parts. How can it be understood? We have come back to the question of
cause.
Aristotle says that causes are of four kinds, and understanding anything requires
knowing all four of its causes. But just as with the four kinds of motion, we have lost the
meaning of three of the causes, and diminished the fourth beyond recognition. What we call
the "efficient" cause makes some sense to us, because it corresponds to the transferences of

�18
motion in a mechanical system.

But Aristotle uses no word or phrase that could be

translated as "efficient cause." The only cause external to a being that interests him is that
which origi,nates motion. By efficient cause, we mean some motion earlier in time, that
results in another motion by way of a push or a pull. But Aristotle argues at the beginning
of Book VIII that there can be no first motion in time, but before any motion some prior
one was necessary. These sequences of events are infinite, are casual only in a derivative
and incidental way, and explain nothing. But there is another kind of sequence, not of
events but of beings, not backward in time but upward in responsibility, that Aristotle says
leads from any motion to its origin.
He gives an example that is the same as that of a baseball flying off a bat. (256a 6-8)
The origin of the motion is not the bat, but neither is it the hand or the arm, and it is
certainly not the passage of an electron across a neural synapse. Only the human being as
a whole can hit a baseball, and he does so as an origin of motion. The pitcher had to throw
the ball first, but the batter does not re-act, as dead matter, but has to act, as a source with
its own integrity, and can hold back from acting. The example illustrates two things that are
at the heart of Aristotle's physics. First, the responsibility for any event has a place where
it begins. Mechanical events form a homogeneous string of bumps and exchanges, but in
the true, non-mathematical world, some events are incidental or instrumental, while others
are causal because they are the sources of the rest. And second, the sources of motion are
never themselves motions. (257b 9) Newton's third law says that motions are only caused
by motions, but that means that the cause is always exactly the same kind of thing as the
effect, and cannot provide an explanation of it. The corresponding principle in Aristotle's
account is that where there is a motion, there is a being that is its origin. This means in turn
that motion is never an explanation of anything, because it always leads back to something
that is what it is not by motion but by activity. Mechanistic explanation starts at the bottom
of things with inertia. Aristotelian explanation starts at the top of things with activity,

energeia, being-at-work.

�19
But being-at-work is what Aristotle says the form is, and the potency, or straining
toward being-at-work is the way he characterizes material. Finally, the end, or telos, of a
natural thing is so inseparable from its being-at-work that Aristotle fuses the two names into
one: entelecheia, being-at-work-staying-itself.

That is, the three causes other than the

external source of motion work in just the same way that it does, except that they are all
internal.

The formal, material, and final causes are the what-it-is, of-what-it-is, and

completeness-for-the-sake-of-which-it-is, which are responsible not only for motion but for
any thing's being at all. If you have been thinking of them as a static blueprint, a heap of
inert matter, and a distant, external purpose, you may be excused for wondering why they
should be called causes. They are instead three ways of looking at the ceaseless working
without which beings would indeed collapse into inertness. They are responsible for the
motions which cannot be drawn on a blackboard, the birth, development, and growth to
maturity of each being. More important still, the form, material, and end are responsible
for the kind of rest into which the mature and complete being settles. This state of rest is
not the cessation of motion, but the organization of motion into active equilibrium, the
transformation of motion by which it is no longer change but just its opposite, stability.
Aristotelian physics is not about how bodies fall and collide, but how bodies are.
Mathematical physics tries to look behind the world, to a realm where being is simply given.
Aristotle looks at the world and sees that in it being is always an achievement. The simplest
examples of being as being-at-work are eating and breathing. But beings do not simply
survive. All of them are at work in the lives they live, and in which alone they are complete.
My dog, for example, lives in and for the chase. I have no sheep for her to herd, and
squirrels and cats are not very co-operative, but rubber balls and plastic frisbees are
adequate substitutes, because the ever-renewed chase is an end in itself. How do I know
this? I think it is by the power of nous, applied in an attentive and patient looking in which
what is important becomes foreground, and what is incidental recedes into the background.
Her dunamis is apparent in the tense and concentrated stance characteristic of border

�20

collies, her eidos is most evident in the swoop, capture, and return, and her telos is
recognizable in the perfect fusion of desire and satisfaction in the same activity.
There are physicists of an Aristotelian kind around us today.

They are called

ethologists or animal behaviorists. Their activity seems to me to be contemplative, since a
life must take shape and unfold before them. Another kind of biologist seeks to reduce
living things to the behavior of DNA molecules, to make their study finally a branch of
mathematical physics. But while DNA is certainly part of the material basis of life, it doesn't

explain anything. Two thousand years or so of breeding were involved in getting my dog her
DNA, but only as a means to an end. All those breeders were looking at dogs at work. No
account can begin with DNA. Even blue eyes can only be explained by someone who knows
what eyes are and what blue is. Eyes live in the world and blue appears in the light, and no
amount of inspection can find them in any molecule.

One could imagine Theodorus

contentedly working out genetic maps for species he had never seen, but Theaetetus would
know something was missing.
We deliberately stupefy ourselves when we first cut off from the living world all traces
of wholeness and activity, then declare that they are not present because we cannot find
them in the residue. We feel driven to conclude that life is only an offshoot of blind chance
and necessity, because we have reduced our field of view to one in which nature cannot
enter. The crowning irony is that the matter-and-space explanation at which molecular
biology aims has already failed in physics itself. Still worse, many people are groping to
recapture an idea of nature, only to be frustrated by a misguided respect for mathematical
physics. Respect for living things is not a sentimental attachment, undercut by the way
things really are, and the desire to see the natural world less disfigured by human
encroachments is not a nostalgic longing for a lost way of life. The idea of natures as active
causes is a live alternative to mathematical physics. A first step toward re-opening ourselves
to the question of how things are would be to see the mathematical reduction of the world
as something that limits and falsifies it. Looking at the world that way reveals a lot of

�21

connections that help us manipulate things, but also conceals other things that might be at
least equally important to us. Material might have an innate directedness toward certain
complete wholes. Motion might be more than rearrangement of positions in a void.
Aristotle's Physics could teach us how to keep our eyes open to possibilities. It might
even convince us that it is possible to know something without destroying it. Things might
be more, not less, than they first appear to be, with an interior depth of activity and an
exterior richness of connections, just in being what they are.
But most important of all, Aristotle might open our eyes to what knowing is. It is not
a possession, but an activity. It is not a corporate activity of the human race, but yours
alone, because no one can do it for you. Mathematics is one of its humbler manifestations,
and all knowing is akin to mathematics in the sense that it is achieved when one beholds the
way things are, together with its evidence, all at once in living thinking. But knowing is not
limited to mathematics, or dependent on it. And it is not subject to progress, apart from the
progression of each person's learning. As contributions to that kind of progress, the most
recent books and pronouncements might be the most stale and barren, and Aristotle's

Physics might have the inexhaustible freshness of nature itself.

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                    <text>Baudelaire's Swan Song
A lecture by Jonathan Tuck
Delivered at St. John's College, Annapolis-October 13, 2006

This lecture is dedicated to the memory of Brother Robert Smith.

The late Reverend J. Winfree Smith, a long-time Annapolis tutor, a historian of
the New Program, an Anglican priest, a scholar and a Virginia gentleman of the old
school, used to assert that Charles Baudelaire was a greater poet than Homer. Winfree's
view counts for quite a lot with me, but I would not go that far. I am willing to say that
Baudelaire is the greatest poet of the last two hundred years or so, the first and most
essential of"modern" writers and the one who best articulates our own feelings of what it
is to be modern. And I think that Le Cygne is Baudelaire's greatest poem, although
perhaps not his most typical one. This valuation sets the bar quite high enough for me,
for this evening at least. Thus, for about the last twenty years, I have held the writing of
this lecture before me as a daunting but imperative task. I have a further reason for
trepidation:

I believe that it's indispensable, before discussing any poem, first to read it

aloud. But I am keenly aware that, unlike some of you, I am very far from a native or
even a fluent speaker of French,. My hope is that in enunciating the poem aloud, I can
bring out some of its metrical features through a kind of exaggeration; that may
compensate you for having to hear my accented reading. So here it is-those without
French can follow along on the right-hand side of the handout. [The handout, with
French text and translation, is appended.]

�The poem begins abruptly; let that be my excuse for doing so as well.

Andromaque,je pense avous-in spite of the formal vous, the tone is oddly familiar,
almost a postcard salutation. The abruptness comes partly from a metrical feature: Most
of the poem will be written in classical alexandrines, twelve-syllable lines with a caesura
or break in the middle-the most common meter in traditional French poetry. But this
line is a "vers romantique," or "trimetre": Instead of 6+6, the syllables divide in three
groups of four:
I

2

3

4

I

2

3

4

I

23

4

Andromaque, lje pense avous! I Ce petitfleuve ...
The trimetre adds rapidity to the opening as well as a less conventionally "poetic" tone.

It is a startling opening, memorable in the same way as, say, the first line of John
Donne' s "The Canonization":

For God's sake hold your tongue, and let me love.

Andromaque, je pense avous. "Andromache, I'm thinking of you!" Despite the
apparently simple directness of this address, there are complications and contradictions
almost immediately. For example, in the phrase ce petitfleuve, ce could mean "this" or
"that." Where is the speaker? Is he pointing to a little stream in Paris (perhaps the
swan's waterless spring, or even the Seine itself), or is he remembering Andromache's
stream far away? This latter seems more likely; but then how can that stream have made
his memory fertile so as to make him think of her? Wouldn't he already have had to be
thinking of her, in order to be thinking of the false SimoYs so as to have it fertilize his
memory? And if his memory is already.fertile, why must it be feconde? The majesty of
her widow's griefs is immense, etymologically, "unmeasurable"- and I should say at the
outset that with Baudelaire, as with Milton in English, we should always be mindful of
2

�the Latin or Greek, or sometimes even the English etymology of a French word. The
grief is immeasurable-yet the comparison of the size of the griefs mirror, that is the
stream, before and after it is swelled by her tears, suggests the possibility of
measurement. Paradoxically, the word majeste (etymologically, "greatness") is applied
to Andromache's widowhood, when she is no longer a queen. Although the mirror is
"poor" and "sad," the majesty of the sorrows has some sort of splendor: resplendit is a
strong word. A mirror should give back a faithful replica of the original; but this mirror
seems to enhance what it contains. In all these ways and probably more, the
conversational simplicity of the opening is deceptive; when we look carefully, the details
of the first stanza qualify and complexify the apparently casual trimetre of the first line.
I would like to add here that it is an enduring mystery to me, and I think it should
be to all of us, that a great poem is an inexhaustible source of new insights. The more we
look at the stanza, the more intricate and interesting it becomes. How is it possible to go
on finding more, even after the fiftieth or five hundredth reading? Does the poem change
because each reading of it changes us? In this way, the poem itself may be like
Andromache's little river: We water it with our tears, it grows for us, and more splendor
shows through it.
The use of the trimetre is primarily identified with one romantic poet, the most
important literary figure in France at the time of the poem's writing: Victor Hugo, who is
also the object of the poem's dedication. I say "the most important figure in France," but
in fact at that time Hugo was not in France. He was on the isle of Guernsey, in political
exile-a fact which is crucial for the poem. Perhaps the meter of the first line obliquely
implies that the speaker is "thinking" not only of Andromache, but also of Hugo. Does
he mean to suggest some sort of identification between them? We shall see this kind of
3

�indirection repeated in the poem; to think of one thing is to think of another, or of many
others. Apparently distinct images are conflated, and each one seems to awaken a series
of connections that is finally open-ended.
The speaker is "thinking of' a literary character; in the course of the poem, this
act of thinking will be extended to countless other characters, people, and animals.

We

will have to wonder what kind of thinking it is. Should we consider the poem a specimen
of the stream of consciousness, an exercise in the association of ideas, or a Proustian
study of involuntary memory? Can we reconstruct the order that leads the speaker to
think of Andromache? We learn almost immediately that he refers not to the
Andromache of the Iliad, nor to the Andromaque of Racine's great play. In its first
publication, Baudelaire's poem bore a Latin epigraph: falsi Simoentis ad undam, "to the
wave of the false Simols" (Aeneid III. 302); but even without the epigraph, several of the
details of this first stanza make it clear that we are to think of an episode in Book III of
Vergil's Aeneid. Aeneas and his followers have fled from burning Troy and wandered
for an unspecified period of time in the Eastern Mediterranean. They land at Buthrotum,
on the western coast of the Greek peninsula, near the island of Corcyra. There they learn
that Andromache has come, after her enslavement by Pyrrus (also known as
Neoptolemus), the son of her husband's slayer Achilles. She has been cast off and given
to a new husband: Helenus, a militarily undistinguished son of Priam who has also been
made a slave. Together they have built a miniature replica of Troy there on the coast of
Epirus, and there they stay, almost in suspended animation, mourning the past that is
gone. In Vergil's poem the episode serves as one of a number of false starts for Aeneas
and the Trojans. They too must build a new city, a home to replace the Troy from which
history has exiled them; but successive prophecies make it clear that they cannot simply
4

�dwell in the past. It is their fate and their burden to create a city that is both old and new,
inaugurating a new era in human history. The pathos of Andromache, brooding over her
memories, is a kind of trap; she is stuck in a false replica of her past happiness.
The theme of building, or rebuilding, recurs in Vergil's poem. Before he flees
from Troy, Aeneas is shown a mysterious vision of the gods tearing down the city's
walls: He sees that the city's destruction is an unalterably fated historical necessity.
After he leaves Epirus, Aeneas is driven by storm to the coast of Carthage, where he sees
Dido's Tyrians building a new city. In longing for his old home and the new one so far in
the future, Aeneas exclaims, 0 fortunati, quorum iam moenia surgunt! ("Fortunate those
whose walls are already rising," Aeneid I.437). Later, in Book IV, Jupiter through his
emissary Mercury will scold Aeneas for helping to build those same walls, the citadel of
what will be Rome's arch-foe. Once again, as in Troy, he must forsake what he loves and
abandon Dido in favor of the grim uncertainties of his Roman future. Again in Book VIII,
when Aeneas and King Evander visit the site where Rome is destined to be, the poet
shows us a vision of the new city, glorious in shining marble, rising in speech from its
present humble origins. The present is almost illusory; what is more real is the beauty of
Rome's idealized future. Yet for Aeneas, that future is impossibly remote; we are told
that he will not live to see the walls of his true city rise. Part of the mood of grave
melancholy that suffuses Vergil's great poem comes from the sense that fulfillment is not
possible in the here and now; it is an ever-receding goal, a memory of what is lost or a
glimpse of an unattainable future.
Clearly it is a matter of some importance in the Aeneid what walls are built, when
and where and by whom. So we must wonder when the speaker of Baudelaire's poem
moves from the Vergilian Andromache to the subject of cities being destroyed and
5

�reconstructed. The new Place du Carrousel of line 6 is a part of Baron Haussmann' s vast
project of urban renewal in the Paris of the 1850's. "The old Paris is no more!" In the
third stanza we are given a vivid picture, in the mind's eye, of the fragmentation and
dislocation during the building process. Rough-hewn capitals and shafts, the neoclassical
pillars of the new Paris that will be, are heaped among the debris of the old. Little
neighborhoods, huddled cozily together, must give way to imposing new squares and
boulevards, wider and more vast, built in a neoclassical style reminiscent of the
rebuilding of Rome by Augustus in Vergil's own time. (Augustus, it was said, "found
Rome clay and left it marble.")
There is much that may seem attractive about this building project. Like
Washington, D.C, rising majestically out of a malarial swamp, Haussmann's building
plan radiates all the confidence of the Enlightenment in the possibility of new beginnings.
We remember Descartes, in the Discourse on Method, claiming that the spontaneous
jumble of the old city of the mind must be razed to the ground in order to start over in a
truly rational way. The Parisian project had been commissioned by Louis Napoleon, who
had taken the title of Emperor Napoleon III. One of his first statements, after assuming
the imperial throne, was that he wanted to be a new Augustus-to leave Paris marble.
Yet many contemporary observers spoke negatively of the Haussmannisation - the
Haussmannization--of Paris. Psychologically, its effect was to make the city less of a
community, more depersonalized, more alienating, more of a spectacle. As might also
have been said of the Augustan building plan, Louis' intentions were materially
progressive but politically reactionary. Part of the point was to get the volatile,
politicized poor people out of the city center, and by widening the streets to make them
harder to barricade, as had been done in recent uprisings. Then, as now, "urban renewal"

6

�was also "urban removal." Apart from the political aspects of Haussman's project, the
Emperor hoped to inherit some of the imperial grandeur of his great-uncle Napoleon I,
the real Emperor. Louis, like the false SimoYs, is only a simulacrum, an inadequate
substitute; among other protesters, Victor Hugo was exiled for saying so. In spite of all
the neoclassical architecture, or perhaps because of it, there is a modem tawdriness to the
new Paris, at least for Baudelaire. How would he have reacted if he could have known
that in the first few years of our twenty-first century, that same Place du Carrousel would
become the site of an underground shopping mall?
At this point in our reading, we may think that the building theme is the precise
associative link that causes the speaker to think of Andromache. Like Andromache's
replica of Troy, Haussmann's building offers a false image of the past. Paris is not
Rome, as the replica is not Troy; the sterility of Haussmann's neoclassicizing does not
meet our human needs:
La forme d 'une ville
Change plus vile, helas! que le coeur d 'un mortel.

(lines 7-8)

But tonally, the analogy is not quite right. Andromache mourns over a likeness that seeks
to preserve what is past and gone. Haussman's old/new constructions do not seek to
preserve the speaker's precious memories; rather, they have displaced and supplanted
them. Andromache's building project, while misguided, is an act oflove and of
solidarity with the past; the same cannot be said for Haussmann. The poem carries us
further in search of the image that prompted the thought of Andromache. And thus,
circuitously, we arrive at the swan.

7

�At one place later in the poem-lines 36-7-the speaker seems to make it explicit
that his thought of Andromache had been prompted by the image of the swan:

Aussi devant ce Louvre une image m 'opprime:
Je pense amon grand cygne, avec ses gestes fous,
Comme des exiles, ridicule et sublime
Et range d'un desir sans treve! et puis avous,
Andromaque ...

And before this Louvre, an image oppresses me:
I think of my great swan, with his crazed gestures,
Ridiculous and sublime, as exiles are,
And gnawed by a ceaseless desire! And then of you,
Andromague ...
[emphasis mine]

If we take this statement as definitive, perhaps we could reconstruct the sequence of
associations somewhat like this: The speaker is crossing the Place du Carrousel, the area
between the Louvre and the Tuileries Gardens, sometime in the late 1850's. As a selfstyled "dandy" andjldneur, he is a habitue of the streets and the squares of Paris. The
Louvre too is a familiar haunt for him; he is an art critic-when he is working, that isand his descriptions in this poem bespeak a painterly eye. The Carrousel is "new"
because it was newly rebuilt as the very first part of Haussmann' s project (begun in 1853,
though the dismantling of the buildings on the old square had begun even in the 1830's).
The poem's speaker remembers, without much fondness, the intermediate period of
construction, as he recounts in the third stanza. Even before then, more than ten years
before, when "the old Paris" still was, the area had been filled with the booths of petty
tradesman. The little zoo from which the swan escaped was part of the motleyness of
that landscape. It was then, on a cold clear morning, that he saw the swan; and that
pathetic vision prompted the thought of Andromache then, or prompts it now.
8

�Visually, Andromache and the swan have little in common: She is bent
downward, "hunched in ecstasy" over Hector's cenotaph, weeping into the little stream of
the false Simors. Though normally a swan's head would curve gracefully downward, this
swan twitches nervously and stretches his head upwards, "like the man in Ovid." In
Book I of the Metamorphoses, Ovid tells us that at the creation, man was made with
upright posture, in the gods' image, so that he could look up and view the heavens. It is
notable that Ovid's man looks up in proud recognition and praise; the passage was much
admired by the Renaissance Humanists as an emblem of human dignity. In contrast, the
swan looks up frantically in an attitude of desperation and reproach. But elsewhere in
Ovid's poem, there is no lack of figures that reproach the gods for injustice-and some of
them are talking animals, or humans metamorphosed into animals. No fewer than three
of Ovid's characters are named Cygnus or Cycnus, "swan" in Latin from the Greek
KUKVoc;, and are eventually transformed into that bird. The first of these (in Met. IL36780) is a dear friend of Phaethon who pines away in grief after the boy's fall from the sun
god's chariot. After graphically describing the transformation of Cygnus into an ugly,
ungainly new bird, Ovid comments:
fit nova Cygnus avis nee se caeloque Jovique
tradit, ut iniuste missi memor ignis ab illo;
stagna petit patulosque lacus ignemque perosus
quae colat elegit contraria flumina flammis.

He becomes a new bird, a swan; nor does he entrust himself to
the sky and Jove, remembering the fiery thunderbolt unjustly
hurled by him (at Phaethon); he seeks out ponds and wide lakes,
and hating fire, he chooses water, fire's opposite, for his abode.
(Metamorphoses II. 377-380)

Although Baudelaire is unambiguous about his source in Ovid's Book I, several of the
details in this passage in Book II seem to fit well with the description of the swan in the

9

�French poem-not only the grotesquerie, the pathos, and the profusion of vivid details in
the physical description, but the connection of the swan with water, and his implied
reproach of a god's injustice. So Baudelaire seems to have made a rather complex
literary allusion: The local reference to Metamorphoses I.85-6 blurs into the passage
from Book II, and thence into a more general recollection of the poem and even of its
author-for Ovid too was an exile. Perhaps that is why he is mentioned by name, unlike
Vergil and the other authors alluded to in the text. Or perhaps Baudelaire's leamedsounding footnote reference to Ovid is ironic; we should be suspicious ofall this
literariness.

If the swan does not look like Andromache, he resembles her in other ways. He
has "escaped from his cage" but he is still a captive of his new environment, far from his
natural home. Andromache has been freed from immediate servitude by the death of her
captor Pyrrhus, but she is still a prisoner of her widowhood and the loss of Troy. The
swan is referred to as la bete (line 20); in spite of his apparent possession of logos, he is a
brute beast. Andromache's slavery has made her into a vii betail, a lowly chattel-an
English word related to "cattle," as betail is related to bete. Her mute misery has made
her into something like a dumb animal. We remember the speaker's passing comment:
"The form of a city changes more quickly, alas! Than the heart of a mortal" (II. 7-8, my
emphasis). There are mortals who are not humans, the swan for instance. Later in the
poem, we see other animals: The list of exiles alluded to includes Romulus and Remus,
who were cast out as infants and supposedly suckled by a benevolent she-wolf (line 49),
as Livy and Plutarch tell us. Other orphans dry out like flowers (l. 48), while there are
those who are watered with tears (l.46). Evidently the metamorphoses of sorrow can
even make us into plants, as well as animals.
10

�Judging from Part II, we have been supposing that the association of ideas has led
the poem's speaker from his recollection of seeing the swan to thinking of the literary
figure of Andromache. But the opposite movement-from Andromache to the swanseems to be implied in the very first stanza: The little stream of the false Simols has
quickened, made fecund, the already fertile memory of the speaker. This act of
insemination seems to introduce the recollections of the construction site of a few years
before and of the old Paris, a few years before that. The poem goes out of its way to take
us from Andromache to the swan, rather than the other way around. It is only in the
second part that we go from the Louvre to the swan to Andromache.
Does the sequence of associations matter? It does seem to matter to Baudelaire;
he emphasizes it, even though he seems to contradict himself. The swan is at the center
of the poem, a mythe etrange et fatal, and the sight of him makes interpretive demands on
the speaker and on us. There is a grand rhetorical build-up leading to the bird's
appearance. Starting from line l 3:
Las 'etalaitjadis une menagerie;
La je vis, un matin, a l 'heure OU sous !es cieu:x:
Froids et clairs le Travails 'eveille, ou la voirie
Pousse un sombre ouragan dans I 'air silencieux
Un cygne ...

(ll.13-17)

Notice the sound effects of the first line. The word etalait, "displayed" or "spread out,"
is itself splayed,_spread out by the metre, as are the four-syllable words menagerie and
silencieu:x:. (Baudelaire, like so many other great poets, is a virtuoso at using polysyllabic

words. An analogous case in English would be Marvell's wonderful lines, "My
vegetable love would grow" and "Deserts of vast eternity.") The wordjadis, which was
also used in the first stanza, is a fancy, literary word, an old-fashioned word. I rendered
11

�it as "long ago," but perhaps a better translation might be "in days of yore"; we think of
Villon's great poem, "Balade des dames du temps Jadis," with its famous refrain, "Where
are the snows of yesteryear?" The archaic diction gives a kind of narrative dignity to the
occasion. (C.S. Lewis was playing on these connotations when he used the wordjadis as
the proper name for the White Witch ofNamia; unfortunately, in Anglicized
pronunciation, it tends to come out sounding rather like "Gladys.") After this first line,
we get the anaphoric repetition of La, and thenje vis, "I saw," using the passe simple, the
past definite or the historical past, a formal tense not used in conversation. Other than
here, the poem uses this tense only in the first stanza, in recounting Andromache's plight.
The tale of seeing of the swan has become a momentous narrative, even a heroic one. The
elaborate parenthetical characterization of the time of the day becomes almost like one of
Homer's long-tailed similes. Travail is capitalized to drive it home that we are in the
realm of allegorical personifications; and the road-gang, the early morning streetsweepers, are given an epic dignity with their dark hurricane of dust. Yet the prosaic
word voirie strains against the ostentatious literariness of its context. (Walter Benjamin
uses voirie as an example in claiming that Baudelaire was the first French poet to use the
lowly, anti poetic diction of urban grunge, of the humbler parts of the life of the city.) All
this while, the syntax of the sentence has been put on hold: We are still waiting, even
into the enjambment between the stanzas, for an object for the verb vis. Finally and
melodramatically, the swan appears.
As we are told at the beginning of Part II, tout pour moi devient allegorie. These
sudden, visionary encounters in the streets of Paris are meaningful-they signify things
beyond themselves. Hence the notorious pun in the poem's title: cygne, C-Y-G-N-E,
"swan," is indistinguishable, when pronounced, from signe, S-1-G-N-E, "sign." If Paris is
12

�a wilderness in which exiles wander, it is full of symbols and signs, like the temple of
nature in Baudelaire's poem Correspondances. The narrator is like a prophet in the
desert; an image is imparted to him which "oppresses" or even obsesses him, and he must
give it voice. The swan, too, seems to be seeking for a sign in asking for the rain to rain
and the lightning to roar. Signs are fertile; they evoke imaginings and memories. They
have a private or hidden symbolic significance. Yet the words "myth" and "allegory"
implicitly give a public character to the meaning of the sign of the swan.

Le Cygne is one of a series of poems, in the larger volume of Les Fleurs du ma!,
that have the subtitle, Tableaux Parisiens- "Parisian sketches," "scenes," "landscapes,"
"portraits," or "pictures." Within that subsection, it is the first of a group of four poems
that focus on figures that are part of the street life of Paris. The first three are all
dedicated to Victor Hugo. The second one tells of a nightmarish, visionary encounter
with seven identically hideous, diabolical old men. It is this poem that begins with the
lines that so fascinated T.S. Eliot:

Fourmillante cite, cite pleine de reves,
Ou le spectre en pleinjour raccroche le passant!
Teeming city, city full of dreams,
Where spectres in broad daylight accost the passerby!
The city, where we walk alone and anonymous, presents spectacles that are wonderful
and terrible. Baudelaire is the quintessential poet of the city, which accounts for much of
his uncanny modernity. Like Dickens, the great novelist of urban life, he portrays the
vast metropolis as an infernal region whose denizens lose their humanity; they become
machines or monsters. At times the speaker of these poems seems to be a voyeur or a
sensationalist, seeking out degradation, pathos and despair. The third and fourth poems
that are grouped with Le Cygne show us their speakers seeking out grotesques to gaze
13

�upon in fascination: Little old ladies who walk alone, each with a story that we will
never know, or blind men, sleepwalking their way through spaces that remain inscrutable
to them. In these cases, the signs remain untranslated; their power lies in their very
otherness, their mystery. But this poem goes beyond sensationalism or voyeurism: the
other must not remain alien. We must take ownership of it, interpret it, identify with it.
Hence we are offered a number of possible ways to make some translation, some public
sense of the sign of the swan.
First, and inevitably, it must be said that birds in general and the swan in
particular provide a venerable image of the poet. In Republic X, the Myth of Er, the archpoet Orpheus chooses for his next life the form of a swan (620 A). (It's true, however,
that at Phaedo 84E Socrates uses the swan's song to represent prophecy, rather than
poetry.) Vergil was often referred to as "the swan of Mantua," and Ben Jonson
apostrophizes Shakespeare as "sweet swan of Avon." Both birds and bards sing, of
course, and perhaps equally importantly, they both fly. Socrates says in the Ion that a
poet is a light thing and a winged and holy one (534B). Poetic inspiration must seem to
be like flying, taking the singer closer to the heavens; perhaps this resemblance is the
source of Baudelaire's poem Elevation. We might also think of Milton's
adventurous song,
That with no middle flight intends to soar
Above the Aonian mount, while it pursues .
Things unattempted yet in prose or rhyme.
(Paradise Lost, I. 13-16).

For the swan in particular,we may refer, among other ancient sources, to Horace's Ode
11.20. Here, in the climactic last ode of the second book, the poet prophesies that he will
never die; rather he will be transformed into a swan, soaring across vast distances.

14

�All of these literary swans assert the power of poetry to triumph over time and
even death. They are images of ideality, pure and beautiful. And it is an indication of
poetry's power over us that we do often, even usually, think of swans as beautiful birds,
elegant and dignified, suited to poetic elevation. Baudelaire's great successor Mallarme
appeals almost exclusively to this tradition in a famous sonnet (Le vierge, le vivace, et le
bel aujourd 'hui) which is an obvious hommage to his master, Baudelaire. In it Mallarme

portrays a doomed swan as frozen in a beautiful, clear, reflective lake of ice. Valery, too,
among many other poets, uses the figure of the swan repeatedly to represent the ideal of
la poesie pure, "pure poetry". Sometimes that ideal is challenged by the physical world;

not all bird-poets are presented to us as soaring in flight. In one of his best-known
poems, Baudelaire offers a memorable picture of the poet as an albatross trapped on the
deck of a ship, where his huge awkward wings and ungainly gait make him an object of
derision for the sailors. His native element is the air; there he is sublime (he "haunts the
tempest"), but when earth-bound he is ridiculous.

But once again, there seems to be a certain cognitive dissonance between literary
tradition and our actual, concrete experience. As everyone knows, real swans are not
particularly known for their prowess either in singing or in flying, as Ovid points out in
his tale of Cygnus. Baudelaire's swan can do neither. Reminiscent of the albatross, he is
described as comme les exiles, ridicule et sublime (line 35). His native element is not air
but water, his beau lac natal (line 22). The unfriendly environment in which he is
trapped is dry above all; the only tempest is a hurricane of dust raised by the sweepers.
In that same dust he nervously "bathes" his wings, next to a stream without water. Here
is another dissimilarity with Andromache: Her false Simoi"s is a real stream, at least, one
which is swollen by her tears. That same stream makes fertile the speaker's memory: Is
15

�there a suggestion here of poetic inspiration? Not only do poets fly; they drink from the
sacred springs of Parnassus and Helicon. The swan, ironically, is inspired to speech, if
not to song, by the absence of water: Eau, quand done pleuvras-tu? Quand tonneras-tu,
foudre? ). That line of speech-the swan's swan song, if you will-is metrically ugly,

for dramatic purposes, but almost frantically over-rhetorical, as well as meteorologically
confusing: It becomes ridiculous by straining towards the poetical sublime. Baudelaire
is an ironic risk-taker here, mocking his own classical and formal bent.
Perhaps it is important that despite our experience, we normally think of swans as
beautiful birds, Even though there is little of this dignity in the bird that we see in
Baudelaire's poem, we are meant to feel that his awkwardness here does not fully define
him. How different the poem would feel if it were entitled "The Duck" or "The Goose"!
The image that we actually see of the swan here is conflated with a literary tradition of
sublime swans, and both images are Le Cygne. In this sense too, the swan points beyond
himself, as the punning title says. The beautiful, poetically traditional swan is both
present and absent. Baudelaire both affirms and subverts that tradition, and the power of
poetry itself.
I hope no one is surprised or disappointed to find that this poem, like most poems,
is at least partly about poetry. It is as a poet that Baudelaire identifies with the albatross.
May it not be as a poet that the speaker identifies with the swan? Both are exiles, like
Andromache, Ovid and Victor Hugo. But unlike the swan, the speaker seems to be
inspired and nourished by his sorrow. The thought of Vergil's poem makes him fertile.
Perhaps he is one of those who are suckled by Sorrow, the good she-wolf. Like
Andromache, too, he is an imitator: His memories make sad little replicas of his

16

�cherished past, little mirrors held up to nature. For Baudelaire as for Hesiod, recollection
is an image of poetic inspiration; Memory is the mother of the Muses.
In the second part of the poem, the speaker's "thinking" moves from the Louvre
to the swan to Andromache. The movement seems to be away from physical experience,
toward the recollection of poetic allusions; the poem is on the verge of becoming merely
litterature. And indeed, the most flowery and self-consciously poetic moment in the
poem comes at the third stanza of the second part (lines 37-40), with its classical
parallelisms and theatrical declamation: Veuve d'Hector, helas! et femme d'Helenus!
Many of the more old-fashioned commentators on Le Cygne, especially the French ones,
have singled this stanza out for special praise, as a kind of emotional climax of the poem.
But they are misreading it, I think. The true climax is in the shock of the real, in the next
stanza. The speaker's "thinking" moves from Andromache to the unforgettable portrait
of the tubercular black woman-apparently another chance meeting in the Paris streets,
like the swan. In one limited way, this stanza is another literary quotation-not of Virgil
or Ovid, but of Baudelaire himself. Just as the swan is a recension of his earlier image of
the albatross, the portrayal of the black woman revisits an earlier poem entitled A une
Malabaraise- "To a Girl of Malabar." In it, Baudelaire extols the grace and ease of the
Malabar girl as she appears in her native country, lazily sensuous and devoted to her
master. He implores her not to want to go to visit France, where she will only find cold,
fog and isolation. Now, in Le Cygne, he imagines the fulfillment of that prophecy of
future deracination and exile. Baudelaire may be quoting himself, but the picture we see
does not feel like a literary stereotype or an exercise in intertextuality:
Je pense ala negresse, amaigrie et phtisique,
Pietinant dans la boue, et cherchant, l 'oeil hagard,
Les cocotiers absents de la superbe Afrique
Derriere la muraille immense du brouillard.
17

�The harsh, brittle alliterations of pense, pietinant, and phtisique recall the jerky motions
of the swan. The black woman searches "with haggard eye"-etymologically, an image
drawn from falconry. As Othello says of Desdemona,

If I do prove her haggard,
Though that her jesses were my dear heartstrings,
I'd whistle her off and let her down the wind
To prey at fortune.
(IIl.3.260-3)

The black woman's eye is keen, but wild-either because it is not domesticated,
in the older sense of the word, or because it has been made wild by suffering and
deprivation, in the modern, transferred usage. The object of the eye's search is expressed
in a magnificent line of classic balance and self-containedness: /es cocotiers absents de

la superbe Afrique. The chiastic structure-noun-adjective-adjective-noun-seems to
wall the beautiful coconut palms off from the haggard, searching eye. The nouns are
specific: not just palms but coconut-palms, not just the tropics but Africa. But both the
adjectives are oddly abstract: And why "proud Africa"? The same epithet was given to
Pyrrhus in just the previous stanza. The trees are called absents, but in context the epithet
does not quite make sense. The black woman does not seek the palm trees as "absent";
her hope is to find them as present. The metrical caesura after the word gives us this
paradox; but if we run through the caesura and take de as "from," governed by absents,
we get a different possibility: The trees she is seeking would be absent from Africa in
order to be present in Paris. This makes a certain kind of sense, even if farfetched; except
that it is surreal to think of the trees as having moved from Africa to Paris. Nonetheless,
we seem to see the trees even though they are absents: Memory and longing give a
presence even to absence. The imagination has this power to give a being to nothing.
18

�The last line of the stanza is astonishingly onomatopoetic: Derriere la muraille

immense du brouillard There are three "y" sounds, each a semivowel acting as a bridge
between vowels that have been crammed into a woozy, destabilizing vowel-hiatus. Like
many Europeans, the French do not like two vowel sounds in succession; normally the
French language avoids vowel hiatus by the practices of elision and liaison. Like the fog,
the line is palpable, yet shapeless-it lacks consonantal definition. Almost all the
consonants we do have are liquids-r's, l's and nasals. They make us feel the dank
moisture of the vast fog bank. The wall of fog is more literally immeasurable-

immense-than the majesty of Andromache's grief in the first stanza. For Baudelaire, as
for T.S. Eliot or Arthur Conan Doyle, fog and smoke make the modem city-dweller
isolated and anonymous, trapped in his lonely modem consciousness, moving through the
dark, infernal regions of Paris or London. We remember the somber hurricane of the
street sweepers, at line 16. But there, for the swan, the city was too dry and dusty-Here,
for the black woman, it is too wet and chilly. (Ice, as well as fire, appears in Dante's
hell.) Each of these elements-earth, air, and water-serves as a kind of prison for an
exile far from home. Dryness might seem to be the more primal, archetypal image-a
lack of fertility or nourishment, as in Eliot's Waste Land. But the example of the black
woman shows us that absence and exile can be either wet or dry, hot or cold.
The themes of moisture and nourishment are developed in the next stanza, the last
but one in the poem. The speaker thinks of those who "nourish themselves with tears"
and "suck the breasts of Sorrow." How can tears and sorrow nourish them? The milk
from the breasts of sorrow might be thought to make us even dryer-sadder, more
desolate, exiled in more of a waste land-just as a wolf would seem to be an unhealthy
wet nurse for human infants. Yet, through some homeopathic mystery, Sorrow is its own
19

�solace and salt tears fertilize the dry ground. The speaker of the poem seems to welcome
the sorrow that he shares, vicariously, with Andromache, the swan and the black woman.
For him, at least, the role of "exile" seems almost to be assumed voluntarily. There is an
ambiguity in the use of the reflexive at line 49:

Ainsi, dans la Jaret ou mon esprits 'exile ...

[ emphasis mine]

Although the normal reading would be as I have translated it, in the passive sense ("my
mind is exiled"), it is possible to read this phrase as "my mind exiles itself." Victor
Hugo, by this time, was actually a voluntary exile; he had contemptuously refused an
amnesty offered him by Louis Napoleon. And Baudelaire himself often seems to be selfexiled, to be his own victim. When he speaks in longing of a tropical paradise now lost,
we remember in spite of ourselves that in life rather than art, his only exposure to the
tropics was far from idyllic. At the age of twenty, having already shown himself to be a
wastrel and an idler, Baudelaire was packed off by his stepfather to India, to serve in the
colonial administration. But he got off the boat at the first available island, Mauritius,
and took the next ship he could get back to Paris. So much for his longing for the sun on
the sea. The tropics for which he yearned were not to be found in this world.
This image of Baudelaire as a self-indulgent romantic, choking on his own selfpity, may be the one that some students take away from their sustained encounter with
Les Fleurs du Mal. At his worst, he can certainly seem this way. But it seems important

that in his unremitting self-scrutiny, he was fully and ironically aware of the indignity of
his romantic stance. In Le Cygne, for example, the speaker associates himself with the
exile of the swan after having characterized exiles as both ridicuous and sublime.

20

�Baudelaire presents himself as resembling the nervous, convulsively twitching swan or
the ungainly albatross, a grotesque figure indulging in incongruously lofty flights of
rhetoric. He might even claim that the duality of ridiculous and sublime, of Spleen and

Ideal, is a general human trait, common to all those who long for beauty or who pine for
home.
Perhaps the clearest statement of Baudelaire's aesthetic theory is in Le Peintre de

la vie moderne ("The Painter of Modem Life") an essay on the work of the artist
Constantin Guys. Here Baudelaire asserts:

Beauty is always and inevitably of a double composition.
although the impression it produces is single ... [It] is made up
of an eternal, invariable element, whose quantity it is excessively
difficult to determine, and of a relative, circumstantial element,
which will be ... the age, its fashions, its morals, its emotions ... The
eternal part of beauty will be veiled and expressed if not by fashion,
at least by the particular temperament of the artist. The duality of art
is a fatal consequence of the duality of man. Consider, if you will the
eternally subsisting part as the soul of art, and the variable element
as its body ... [The artist] is looking for that quality which you must allow
me to call 'modernity' ... He makes it his business to extract from fashion
whatever element it may contain of poetry within history, to distil the
1
eternal from the transitory.
[The Painter of Modem Life, tr. Jonathan Mayne, pp. 3, 12)

The experience of the artist is a heightened or intensified version of common human
experience-the experience of "fatal duality." If we want to be schematic, we can make
a table of dichotomies that correspond to this duality":

Ideal
Classic
Soul
Sublime
Elevation

versus
versus
versus
versus
versus

Spleen
Romantic
Body
Ridiculous
Depression, or ironic disillusionment
21

�The Eternal
Home
There
Past (or some indefinite future)
Then

versus
versus
versus
versus
versus

the Transitory
Exile
Here
Present
Now.

The "fatal duality" may be seen as a psychological or a spiritual condition; Baudelaire
would probably attribute it to the Fall of Adam and Eve. We might infer that we are all
self-exiled.
I want to focus especially on the last item in my schematic list- "Then versus
Now"-because it returns us to the theme of memory. Memory is mentioned four times
explicitly in Le Cygne (at lines 5, 32, 49 and 51); but of course it is one of Baudelaire' s
great subjects, one to which he returns obsessively. By my count, at least a third of his
lyric poems refer to memory, and many of these take it as a principal subject, including
such masterpieces as La Vie anterieure, La Chevelure, Harmonie du Soir, Le Ba/con,
Une Charogne, Le Voyage, Recueillement. I call your attention especially to the

remarkable (and unjustly neglected) second poem of the four which are entitled Spleen ;
its first line is J 'ai plus de souvenirs que si j 'avais mi/le ans-" I have more memories
than if I were a thousand years old" (LXXV). In that poem there is a striking moment
where the complex relation between poety and memory is adumbrated. The speaker says:
Je suis un cimetiere abhorre de la lune,
Ou comme des remords se trainent de longs vers
Qui s 'acharnent toujours sur mes marts /es plus chers.

I am a cemetery abhorred by the moon,
Where like gnawing regrets, long worms drag themselves,
Battening always upon my most dear dead.
( LXXV. 8-10)
Here the speaker is wholly constituted of his memories, which both make him and
unmake him. Through a darkly brilliant pun-vers can mean both "worms" and verses22

�he suggests that poetry is somehow parasitic upon our cherished memories. It is poetry
that sucks at the breast of sorrow.
In "The Swan," our memories are less destructive-regret, not remorse, is the rule
here-but also less available to us. Memory is a locus of unattainable desires, of that
which is lost and which can never be regained. We are forever and necessarily drawn
toward the beauty and ideality of our memories, which enable our imaginations to
transcend for a short while the oppression and the ugliness of the present. Thus they are a
source of joy, but also of pain. Our regret for what is lost may also be a kind of guilty
remorse for our failure to hold on to what was better; but finally the past is better because
it is not now.
Similarly in Le Voyage, the long last poem of Les Fleurs du Mal, the destination
of the voyage is glamorized by remoteness. Once it is attained, it is found to be
insufficient, and a new goal is proposed. A recollection or an anticipated goal is the
presence of absence, the being of non-being. In Le Cygne it is epitomized by an empty
tomb, a spring without water, the absent coconut palms. Andromache's ecstasy as she
hunches before the tomb is also an absence; in a sense she is absent from herself. Time
and change steal us from ourselves continually. In its riddling duality memory
'

epitomizes human finitude, the paradox of our time-bound existence. Because we all
have pasts which are unattainable, we are all in some sense exiles or captives, marooned
on the island of the present, lost in its dark forest or trapped in its dry, dusty streets.
This universality accounts for the widening circle of reference in the last two
stanzas of "The Swan." Here, Baudelaire's speaker is not bemoaning some private grief.
From the heaviness of his own memories, his own unbudging melancholy, he reaches out
toward nameless hosts of others with sorrows of their own. Like him, they are nourished
23

�by their sorrow; we all feed on our pasts. The catalogue of those objects of his "thinking"
is open-ended: The poem's daring last line gives a kind of gravitas to a vague,
conversational gesture of inclusion. "Thinking" is no longer a mere exercise in the
association of ideas; now it is a moral activity, an active sympathy and concern for all
private human pain, a kind of charity. In its outward voyaging, the thinking of the speaker
conflates the swan with the two women, Trojan and African; with the banished poets,
Roman Ovid and French Hugo; with wandering founders of cities, Aeneas and Romulus,
both founders of the same archetypal city which must be ever rebuilt; and finally with the
doomed hero Roland at Roncevaux, blowing out a clarion blast on his horn. The grand
allusive sweep of the poem makes it into another instance of epic, like those to which it
alludes.
The image of Roland's horn in the last stanza raises a number of questions. Like
so many of the presences in the poem, it is a literary allusion, and doubly so: not only to
the Chanson de Roland, "The Song of Roland," the great French medieval epic, but to a
more recent poem, Le Cor ("The Hom") by the romantic poet Alfred de Vigny, which
retells Roland's story. Roland is the great champion of the Emperor Charlemagne_
who
with a small group of knights forms a rear guard to screen the passage of the Christian
army in the pass of Roncevaux. Through an act of treachery they are surrounded by an
overwhelming horde of Saracens and, after a gallant defense, annihilated. Roland, the
last to fall, sounds his horn to call for help, but only when it is useless; Charlemagne and
the Christian army arrive too late. As Vigny tells it, the melancholy sound of the hunter's
horn in the wood begets a haunting but fascinating memory of Roland's fate. As in so
many cases in Baudelaire's poem, what seems at first to be a mere literary allusion bursts
the bounds of art and lays hold of our hearts and our memories. The poem itself is the

24

�speaker' s full blast of the horn. It summons us to think and feel for the pain of others,
and to connect it with our own sorrows. Like Roland, we are all doomed-Time, the
Enemy, devours our lives-but in our thinking beyond ourselves, we build a different
kind of city.

In one sense we are all marooned sailors, isolated and forgotten; in our

modem plight it seems to us that every man is an island. But here, as seldom happens in
Baudelaire's poems, the activities of memory and imagination can recall us from our
exile. The sailors are mentioned as "forgotten" in the speaker's very act ofremembering
them. The "others" of the last line are only other- alien- to us until we particularize
them; in the act of "thinking," we bind them to ourselves. I suspect a kind of bilingual
pun in the poem's last word, encor: might it not also suggest en coeur, "in the heart"? If
so, this mortal's heart has changed along with the form of the city. The swan, so
clinically described in the first part as a prodigy or a spectacle, becomes mon grand
cygne, "my great swan." In this act of ownership, the poem' s speaker imagines a

community, a fellowship of feeling that reaches across barriers of place and time, ofrace
and gender and species. And in doing so, he gives the lie to his claim that his melancholy
has not budged. By the poem's end, he-and we-have come a long way. "Thinking" as
the poem portrays it, is one of the highest human activities. It is a combination of
imagination, empathy, heroic solidarity, and perhaps even love; and through it we seem at
times to transcend our human limitations. Andromache, we think of you, and we are
redeemed.

***********

25

�Le Cygne

The Swan

A Victor Hugo

Andromaque,je pense a vous! Ce petit fleuve,
Pauvre et triste miroir ou jadis resplendit
L' immense majeste de vos douleurs de veuve,
Ce SimoTs menteur qui par vos pleurs grand it,
A feconde soudain ma memoire fertile,
Comme je traversais le nouveau Carrousel.
Le vieux Paris n'est plus (la forme d'une ville
Change plus vite, helas! que le coeur d'un mortel);

For Victor Hugo

4

Andromache, I'm thinking of you! That little river,
Poor, sad mirror where long ago there shone
The immense majesty of your widow's sorrows,
That lying Simo"is which grew by your tears,

8

Suddenly made fecund my fertile memory,
As I was crossing the new Place du Carrousel.
The old Paris is no more (the form ofa city
Changes more quickly, alas! than the heart of a mortal);

Jene vois qu'en esprit tout ce camp de baraques,
Ces tas de chapiteaux ebauches et de fOts,
Les herbes, les gros blocs verdis par l'eau des flaques,
Et, brillant aux carreaux, le bric-a-brac confus.

12

La s'etalaitjadis une menagerie;
Laje vis, un matin, a l'heure ou sous les cieux
Froids et clairs le Travail s'eveille, ou la voirie
Pousse un sombre ouragan dans I' air silencieux,

16

Un cygne qui s'etait evade de sa cage,
Et, de ses pieds palmes frottant le pave sec,
Sur le sol raboteux tralnait son blanc plumage.
Pres d'un ruisseau sans eau la bete ouvrant le bee

20

Baignait nerveusement ses ailes dans la poudre,
Et disait, le coeur plein de son beau lac natal:
«Eau, quand done pleuvras-tu? quand tonneras-tu, foudre?»
Je vois ce malheureux, mythe etrange et fatal,

24

Vers le ciel quelquefois, comme l'homme d'Ovide,
Vers le ciel ironique et cruellement bleu,
Sur son cou convulsif tendant sa tete avide,
Comme s'il adressait des reproches a Dieu!

28

Only in my mind ' s eye do I see that camp of huts,
Those heaps of rough-hewn capitals and shafts,
The weeds, the great marble blocks made green by
the water of the puddles,
And shining on the paving stones, the jumbled
debris.
There, long ago, a little zoo was displayed;
There I saw, one morning, at the hour when under
Cold, clear skies Labor awakens, when the street
sweepers
Push a dark hurricane through the silent air,
A swan, which had escaped from his cage,
And, with his webbed feet scratching the dry
pavement,
Dragged his white plumes on the uneven ground.
Near a waterless spring the beast, opening his beak,
Nervously bathed his wings in the dust,
And said, with his heart full of his fair native lake,
" Water, when will you rain? When will you
thunder, lightning?"
I see that unhappy one, strange, fate-bound myth,
Toward the sky sometimes, like the man in Ovid,
Toward the ironic sky, cruelly blue,
On his convulsive neck stretching out his
head in longing,
As ifhe were addressing reproaches to God!

�II

Paris change! mais rien dans ma melancolie
N'a bouge! palais neufs, echafaudages, blocs,
Vieux faubourgs, tout pour moi devient allegorie,
Et mes chers souvenirs sont plus lourds que des roes.
Aussi devant ce Louvre une image m'opprime:
Je pense a mon grand cygne, avec ses gestes fous,
Comme les exiles, ridicule et sublime,
Et ronge d'un desir sans treve! et puis a vous,
Andromaque, des bras d'un grand epoux tombee,
Vil betail, sous la main du superbe Pyrrhus,
Aupres d'un tombeau vide en extase courbee;
Veuve d'Hector, helas! et femme d'Helenus!
Je pense a la negresse, amaigrie et phtisique,
Pietinant dans la boue, et cherchant, l'reil hagard,
Les cocotiers absents de la superbe Afrique
Derriere la muraille immense du brouillard;
A quiconque a perdu ce qui ne se retrouve
Jamais,jamais! a ceux qui s' abreuvent de pleurs
Et tetent la Douleur comme une bonne louve!
Aux maigres orphelins sechant comrne des fleurs!
Ainsi dans la foret ou mon esprit s'exile
Un vieux Souvenir sonne a plein souffle du cor!
Je pense aux matelots oublies dans une ile,
Aux captifs, aux vaincus!. .. a bien d'autres encor!

32

Paris is changing! But nothing in my melancholy
Has budged! New palaces, scaffolding, blocks,
Old neighborhoods, everything becomes allegory to me,
And my dear memories are heavier than stones.

36

And before this Louvre an image oppresses me:
I think of my great swan, with his crazed gestures,
Ridiculous and sublime, as exiles are,
And gnawed by a ceaseless desire! And then of you,

40

Andromache, fallen from a great husband's arms,
A lowly chattel, under the hand of proud Pyrrhus,
Next to an empty tomb hunched in ecstasy,
Widow of Hector, alas! and wife of Helenus!

44

I think of the black woman, thin and coughing,
Stumping in the mud, and ~eeking with haggard eye
The absent coconut-palms of proud Africa
Beyond the immense wall of fog;

48

Of whoever has lost what is never to be found,
Never! Of those who are nourished with tears
And suck the breasts of Sorrow, as of a good she-wolf!
Of thin orphans drying out like flowers!

52

Thus, in the forest where my mind is exiled,
An old Memory sounds a full blast of the horn!
I think of mariners, forgotten on an island,
Of captives, of the vanquished!. .. of many
others more!

-Charles Baudelaire
Les Fleurs du Mal, LXXXIX
1859

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                    <text>																																																															Lecture	

	Be	a	Sinner	and	Sin	Boldly:	Martin	Luther	and	Christian	Freedom	
	
													Tom	May,	tutor																																																Friday,	November	10,	2017	
	
																																														
																														534th	Anniversary	of	the	birth	of	Martin	Luther		
																														500th		Anniversary	year	of	the	Ninety‐Five	Theses								
	
	
	
	
	
Prelude	
	
The	name	of	Luther	is	not	to	be	found	in	the	formal	listing	of	our	program	among	
those	author	teachers	who	return	to	St.	John’s	every	year	but	his	presence	and	
influence	are	very	much	with	us,	nevertheless,	in	the	work	of	the	freshman	and	
sophomore	years.	As	freshmen	we	learn	to	sing	four	chorales	from	Bach’s	St.	
Matthew	Passion.		The	chorale,	a	singable,	metrical	tune	with	a	sacred	text,	is	a	
musical	form	that	originates	with	Luther,	who	wrote	the	words	and	sometimes	the	
music	to	some	thirty	chorales.	The	most	famous	of	these	is	Ein	feste	Burg	ist	unser	
Gott	(A	firm	stronghold	is	our	God),	inspired	by	the	words	of	Psalm	46:	God	is	our	
refuge	and	strength.	Bach’s	Matthew	Passion	is	written	some	200	years	later,	and	his	
chorale	settings	are	both	more	regular	and	elaborate	than	any	of	Luther’s,	and	he	is	
but	one	of	the	legatees	of	a	rich	tradition	that	begins	with	Luther	and	the	reformed	
liturgy	of	the	Lutheran	church.	The	rich	and	varied	tradition	of	hymns	and	spirituals	
since	that	are	integral	to	worship	and	prayer,	building	up	community,	all	flow	from	
this	innovation	of	Luther’s,	no	matter	how	simple	or	how	elaborate,	no	matter	which	
Chrstian	denomination,	Catholic	or	Protestant.		The	chorale	is	thus	the	musical	
expression	of	the	faith	of	a	community	of	believers	using	soul	and	voice	to	express	
the	deepest	yearnings	of	the	human	heart	for	God,	whether	in	greatest	joy	or	
deepest	sorrow.		I	think	we	have	all	felt	some	sense	of	the	directness	and	power	of	
this	distinctive	musical	form	as	we	learn	and	sing	the	Bach	chorales	and	African	
American	spirituals	in	Freshman	Music.		
	
We	should	note	here	as	we	begin,	too,	that	the	biblical	text	of	the	Bach’s	Matthew	
Passion	is	itself	a	setting	of	Luther’s	vigorous	German	translation	of	Matthew’s	
narrative	of	the	suffering	and	death	of	Jesus.	Luther	translated	the	entire	New	
Testament,	using	the	second	edition	of	Erasmus’s	Greek	New	Testament,	the	Textus	
Receptus	of	1519,	in	a	mere	matter	of	ten	to	eleven	weeks	while	in	hiding	in	the	
Wartburg	Castle,	after	the	imperial	ban	pronounced	upon	him	by	the	Diet	at	Worms	
in	1521.		Luther’s	was	the	first	German	translation	from	the	original	Koiné	Greek	
text,	and	it	was	published	in	1522,	a	media	event	when	its	first	printing	sold	out	in	
two	months,	followed	by	a	series	of	others,	which	put	this	part	of	the	Scriptures	in	
	

1

�the	hands	of	whoever	could	read	them.		Luther	thus	initiated	a	truly	revolutionary	
project	that	culminated	with	the	publication	of	the	entire	Bible	in	German	twelve	
years	later,	in	1534.	Its	appearance	inspired	in	turn	the	numerous	editions	that	
subsequently	appeared	in	other	modern	languages	throughout	Europe.	Fast	forward	
now	to	all	of	us	here:	Protestant,	Catholic,	Jew,	Muslim,	or	Buddhist;	believer	and	
non–believer	alike,	using	an	array	of	translations	old	and	new,	who	first	read	and	
ponder,	then	discuss	and	question	and	argue	about	the	longest	single	series	of	
readings	in	the	Sophomore	reading	list	all	taken	from	this	book—or	is	it	a	library?—
called	the	Bible.	This	is	not	all		“just	history,”	but	begging	your	indulgence	a	bit	
longer,	let	me	provide	a	brief	account	of	how	Luther	“arrives	on	the	scene,”	to	
borrow	a	favorite	phrase	from	Hegel.	
	
	
Faith	and	Reason,	Conscience	and	Freedom	
	
	
In	1513,	Albrecht,	the	younger	of	the	two	young	Margraves	of	Brandenburg,	having	
graduated	from	the	University	of	Frankfurt‐am‐Oder	and	aspiring	to	a	high	
ecclesiastical	position,	became	the	Archbishop	of	Magdeburg.		Yet	he	also	sought	to	
become	one	of	the	seven	electors	of	the	Holy	Roman	Empire,	like	his	older	brother	
Dietrich,	who	had	become	Elector	of	Brandenburg,	with	the	privilege	and	power	of	
electing	the	next	Emperor.	So	when	the	electoral	see	of	Mainz	became	vacant	the	
next	year,	Pope	Leo	X	agreed	to	make	Albrecht	the	Archbishop	of	Mainz	if	he	would	
make	a	substantial	contribution	to	the	rebuilding	of	St.	Peter’s	Basilica	in	Rome	and	
to	this	end	he	authorized	the	sale	of	indulgences	in	Albrecht’s	two	dioceses,	thereby	
enabling	him	also	to	pay	back	the	substantial	loan	he	owed	to	the	banking	house	of	
Fugger.		It	was	the	preaching	and	sale	of	indulgences	that	provoked	a	monk	named	
Martin	Luther	to	challenge	the	very	principle	of	and	corruption	rife	in	this	practice,	
and	ultimately	the	power	and	authority	of	the	Roman	Catholic	Church,	with	its	
spiritual,	intellectual,	political,	and	moral	hegemony	over	a	largely	Christian	Europe.		
	
Who	was	this	Luther?		It’s	perhaps	as	important	to	know	something	about	his	
experience	and	life	in	order	to	follow	his	thought	as	it	is	to	know	about		Augustine’s	
life	as	we	read	the	Confessions.	Born	in	Saxony,	Luther	at	age	19	is	sent	by	his	father,	
a	manager	of	mines	in	Mansfeld,	to	the	University	of	Erfurt,	ultimately	to	qualify	his	
son	for	the	practical	and	profitable	study	of	law.	Luther	studies	philosophy	for	four	
years,	earning	a	master’s	degree	from	that	faculty	in	1505.	In	that	same	year,	shortly	
after	he	has	enrolled	as	a	law	student,	he	abruptly	withdraws	and	enters	the	
monastic	Order	of	St.	Augustine,	a	teaching	order	of	strict	religious	observance.		
What	accounts	for	Luther’s	sudden	change?	On	the	way	back	home	from	Erfurt,	he	is	
caught	in	a	powerful	storm	when	a	flash	of	lightning	and	a	deafening	thunderbolt	
bring	him	to	his	knees.		In	terror	for	his	life	and	the	state	of	his	soul,	he	cries	out,	
“Help	me,	St.	Anne,	“	and	vows	to	become	a	monk.		A	year	later	(1506),	he	makes	his	
final	vows	as	a	monk	at	Erfurt,	begins	his	formal	study	of	theology,	and	is	ordained	a	
priest	in	1507;	transferred	the	next	year	to	the	Augustinian	monastery	in	the	small	
town	of	Wittenberg	with	its	newly	founded	university,	he	earns	his	bachelor’s	
	

2

�degree	in	biblical	theology	there,	and	continues	his	studies	for	four	more	years,	in	
order	to	become	a	doctor	of	theology	in	1512.	Theology	frees	him	from	duties	he	
finds	onerous	as	a	lecturer	in	moral	philosophy,	such	as	teaching	the	Ethics	of	
Aristotle	and	scholastic	moral	philosophy.	Luther	now	can	begin	teaching	biblical	
theology,	lecturing	first	on	Genesis	and	Psalms,	and	perhaps	most	importantly,	Paul’s	
letters	to	the	Romans	and	Galatians,	using	the	controversial	1516	Greek	New	
Testament	of	Erasmus,	with	a	Latin	translation	that	corrects	the	Latin	Vulgate	of	
Jerome,	which	until	this	time	was	the	only	version	of	the	Bible	known	by	Western	
Christians	for	nearly	a	thousand	years.	He	is	also	reading	extensively	in	the	writings	
of	Augustine,	Jerome,	and	other	early	church	fathers.	
	
Throughout	this	time	of	intensive	study,	Luther	is	a	scrupulously	observant	monk,	
with	a	rigorous	spiritual	life	of	penance,	fasting,	and	self‐mortification,	sometimes	
spending	as	much	as	6	hours	in	a	single	agonizing	session	of	confession.	Here	is	
Luther’s	own	account	of	his	state	(see	handout	to	follow	text):	
	
					Though	I	lived	as	a	monk	without	reproach,	I	felt	I	was	a	sinner	before	God	with		
					an	extremely	disturbed	conscience.		I	could	not	believe	that	he	was	placated	by	
					my	satisfaction.		I	did	not	love,	yes,	I	hated	the	righteous	God	who	punishes	sin‐	
					ners,	and	secretly,	if	not	blasphemously,	certainly	murmuring	greatly,	I	was	angry		
					with	God	and	said,	“As	if,	indeed,	it	is	not	enough,	that	miserable	sinners,	eternally			
					lost	through	original	sin,	are	crushed	by	every	kind	of	calamity	by	the	law	of	the			
					Decalogue,	without	having	God	add	pain	to	pain	by	the	gospel	threatening	us	with						
					his	righteousness	and	wrath!…		
					(Luther,	Preface	to	Latin	Writings,	Dillenberger,	p.11)	
	
How	dreadfully	paradoxical:	that	one	who	devotes	himself	to	the	ascetic	life	of	strict	
monastic	observance	with	its	daily	round	of	community	prayer	and	common	life,	
and	who	has	immersed	himself	in	biblical	study,	including	the	learning	of	both	
Greek	and	Hebrew,	in	order	to	go	beyond	the	limits	of	the	Latin	Vulgate	and	bring	
himself	even	closer	to	the	original	words	and	text	of	the	Scriptures,	should	find	
himself	in	such	a	disturbed	state.	Luther	despairs	of	his	own	salvation	and	finds	
nothing	that	he	either	has	done	or	can	do	to	be	capable	of	providing	a	remedy.	His	
words	are	reminiscent	of	the	words	of	Eliphaz	rebuking	Job:			
	
																															Distress	and	anguish	fill	him	with	terror/		
																															troubles	overwhelm	him…because	he	shakes	his	fist	at	God/		
																															and	vaunts	himself	against	the	Almighty....(15.24‐25)	
	
Luther	is	aware	that	such	profound	despair	approaches	the	negative	limit	of	the	
human	soul.		In	the	Summa	Theologiae,	St.	Thomas	Aquinas,	whom	Luther	called	
“the	greatest	chatterbox	among	the	scholastic	theologians,”	sees	despair	as	an	
aversion	from	the	immutable	good	that	is	God	and	thus	contrary	to	the	theological	
virtues	of	faith,	hope,	and	charity,	each	of	which	has	God	as	its	object.	It	is	thus	
among	the	greatest	of	sins;	it	leads	to	the	death	of	the	soul,	and	is	thus	unforgivable	

	

3

�(ST	IIa	IIae,	20,	1	&amp;	3).		Nevertheless,	the	distraught	Luther	keeps	raging—and	
reading:	
	
					Thus	I	raged	with	a	fierce	and	troubled	conscience.	Nevertheless,	I	beat			
					importunately	upon	Paul	at	that	place…	(which	is	the	first	chapter	of	Romans,					
					where	Paul,	quoting		the	prophet	Habakuk	(2.4)	states:	
						
					For	in	the	gospel	the	righteousness	(dikaiosunē)	of	God	is	revealed—a									
					righteousness	that	is	by	faith	from	first	to	last,	just	as	it	is	written:	“The	
					righteous	(˙ò	díkaios)	will	live	by	faith.”(Romans	1.16‐17,	NIV)	
	
Luther	continues:	
		
						…most	ardently	desiring	to	know	what	St.	Paul	wanted…There	I	began	to		
						understand	that	the	righteousness	of	God	is	that	by	which	the	righteous		
						(one)	of	God—(the	just	man)	is	revealed	by	the	gospel,	namely,	the	passive	
						righteousness	with	which	the	merciful	God	justifies	us	by	faith.		Here	I	felt		
						that	I	was	altogether	born	again	and	entered	paradise	itself	through	open	
						gates.	Thereupon	I	ran	through	scriptures	from	memory…and	I	extolled	my		
						sweetest	word	with	a	love	as	great	as	the	hatred	with	which	I	had	before	
						hated	the	word	‘righteous	of	God.’	Thus	that	place	in	Paul	was	for	me	truly	the		
						gate	to	Paradise.		
	
What	does	this	passive	righteousness	mean?	Could	it	really	be	so	that	the	arguments	
of	moral	philosophy	from	the	ancients	and	the	scholastics	whom	he	was	studying	
and	teaching;	his	following	the	strict	rules	of	his	order;	and	the	prescriptions	and	
mandates	of	the	Old	and	New	Testaments;	and	his	regimen	of	fasting	and	prayer,	
with	frequent	reception	of	the	sacraments—that	all	of	this	effort	and	these	works	
were	needless	and	useless	for	salvation?	That	God	imputes	or	attributes	righteous‐	
ness	or	justice	to	the	believer	because	of	the	obedience	of	Christ?		Is	this	the	paradox	
of	the	cross,	that	in	it	death	and	gift	coincide?	—	the	paradox	that	Paul	says	is	at	
once	a	stumbling	block	to	the	Jews	and	foolishness	to	the	Greeks	(1	Cor	1.23)	
		
This	is	Luther’s	seminal—what	should	we	call	it?	—		insight,	epiphany,	experience,	
which	comes	to	him	while	“beating	importunately	upon	Paul.”—	as	life‐changing	as	
his	being	thrown	to	the	ground	in	the	storm	earlier.		From	his	Table	Talks,	we	learn	
that	this	realization	occurred	to	him	in	the	heated	room	(think	of	Descartes	100	
years	later,	in	similar	circumstances—two	vastly	different	kinds	of	certainty!)	of	his	
study	in	the	tower	of	the	Augustinian	cloister	when	he	was	pondering	Paul	—his	
celebrated	Tower	Experience	of	1519—two	years	after	he	has	sent	his	famous	
Disputation	on	the	Power	of	Indulgences	(Ninety	–five	Theses)	to	Archbishop	
Albrecht.		It’s	analogous	to	the	moment	described	in	Confessions	VIII.12.29,	when	
Augustine	hears	the	voice	of	a	child	on	a	swing	from	a	neighboring	garden	singing,	
“Tolle,	lege;	tolle	lege—Take	up	and	read;	take	up	and	read,”	which	prompts	him	to	
open	his	Scriptures	to	a	passage	in	Romans	13,	whereby	“instantly…by	a	light,	as	it	
were,	of	security	infused	into	my	heart—all	gloom	of	doubt	vanished	away.”	
	

4

�Certainty	–at	last!	Suffice	it	to	say	that	these	moments	of	realization	for	both	are	not	
simply	the	work	of	reason,	but	neither	are	they	wholly	ineffable.	Augustine	writes,	
“For	You	converted	me	to	yourself	–Convertisti	enim	ad	te.”	Both	leave	us	wondering	
about	exactly	what	has	happened	and	how;	both	move	from	being	heart	sick	to	
being	heart	struck.		Augustine	leaves	his	common	law	wife	of	many	years,	mother	of	
his	son	Adeodatus,	and	his	profession	as	a	rhetorician,	and	then	presents	himself	for	
baptism	to	Bishop	Ambrose	of	Milan.		Luther	now	reads	Augustine’s	lengthy,	late	
treatise	On	the	Spirit	and	the	Letter,	finding	his	own	reading	of	Paul	on	righteousness	
confirmed,	for	the	most	part.			
	
For	both	Augustine	and	Luther,	it	might	be	said	that	the	way	up	and	out	is	only	by	
means	of	the	way	down.	As	different	as	each	is	as	an	individual,	the	anguish	felt	by	
both	of	them	is	a	necessary,	integral	part	of	what	each	comes	to	experience	and	
realize.		Augustine	summarizes	the	process	with	the	most	famous	line	of	his	
Confessions:	“You	have	made	us	for	yourself	and	our	hearts	are	restless	(inquietum)	
until	they	rest	in	thee.	(1.1.1)	Luther’s	disquiet	has	been	more	harrowing	and	
agonizing,	bringing	him	to	the	brink	of	the	spiritual	death	of	despair.	He	is	convinced	
that	whatever	he	might	do	cannot	count	for	anything	as	far	as	justifying	him	before	
God.	All	of	this	endless,	active,	toilsome,	fruitless	labor	of	achieving	salvation	on	his	
own,	would	be	like	me	trying	to	get	across	College	Creek	by	rowing	ever	more	
vigorously	on	my	ergometer.	
	
As	he	looks	about	him	first	at	the	life	of	the	monastery	and	university,	and	then	at	
the	devotional	piety	of	the	ordinary	Christians	of	Wittenberg,	Luther	sees	two	
varieties	of	bondage	that	appear	to	him	to	stem	from	a	common	source:	adherence	
to	law.	What	may	surprise	us	is	that	this	includes	all	laws—the	human	laws	of	the	
social	order,	the	natural	law	so	central	to	the	philosophers,	and	even	the	divine	law	
of	the	Torah,	as	he	just	said	explicitly.		But	then	there	is	the	gospel	itself,	
transformed	into	a	moral	catechism,	an	additional	set	of	prescriptions	“threatening	
us	with	righteousness	and	wrath.”	In	his	Lectures	on	Galatians	1519,	Luther	claims	
that	such	a	reading	is	tantamount	to	a	perversion	and	betrayal	of	the	gospel,	
“teaching	people	nothing	but	decrees	of	popes	and	traditions	of	men….treated	in	
such	a	way	that	it	does	not	differ	at	all	from	laws	and	moral	precepts.”	(LG	I.176)		
	
He	recognizes	a	deep	spiritual	kinship	with	Paul,	the	apostle	who	was	thrown	off	his	
horse	on	the	road	to	Damascus,	hearing	a	voice	that	turned	him	around,	who	was	
the	first	to	come	to	the	Galatians,	proclaiming	what	God	had	achieved	through	Jesus	
the	Messiah	both	in	justification	and	with	the	gift	of	the	Holy	Spirit;	the	very	Paul	
who	then	finds	upon	his	return	to	them	that	his	message	had	been	modified	by	
other	preachers	from	Jerusalem	who	claimed	that	justification	is	incomplete	
without	also	observing	the	works	of	the	law,	such	as	circumcision	and	the	
ceremonial	law	of	the	Torah;	Jesus	himself	had	observed	these	laws	and	so‐‐these	
preachers	say‐‐must	the	Galatians.		Paul,	with	characteristic	zeal	both	rebukes	them	
and	underlines	his	original	message:	
						
					You	foolish	Galatians!	Who	has	bewitched	you?	Before	your	very	eyes	Jesus		
	

5

�					Christ	was	portrayed	as	crucified…	Did	you	receive	the	Spirit	by	the	works	of	
					the	law	or	by	believing	what	you	heard?	Are	you	so	foolish?		So	again	I	ask,		
					does	God	give	you	his	Spirit	and	work	miracles	among	you	by	the	works	of	the		
					law	or	by	believing	what	you	heard?	So	Abraham	“believed	God	and	it	was	cre‐	
					dited	to	him	as	righteousness.”	(Paul	here	quotes	Genesis	15.6)	Understand,	then,			
					that	those	who	have	faith	are	children	of	Abraham.	(Galatians,	3.1‐8;	see	also				
					Romans	4.	9	ff)	
	
In	Paul’s	reading	of	Genesis,	Abraham’s	righteousness	is	credited	to	him	not	because	
of	his	adherence	to	or	reliance	upon	the	works	of	the	law	but	through	his	unwav‐
ering	faith	in	God’s	promise	that	despite	their	advanced	age,	he	with	Sarah	will	
become	the	father	of	many	nations.	Luther	notes	that	in	this	Paul…		
	
							…totally	demolishes	reliance	on	our	own	righteousness,	because	there	is	need		
							of	a	far	different	righteousness	–	a	righteousness	beyond	all	works	of	the	Law,		
							namely,	a	righteousness	of	the	works	of	God	and	His	grace.	(LG	2.223)	
	
Luther	realizes	from	this	that	it	is	by	faith	alone	(sola	fide)	and	divine	grace	alone	
(sola	gratia)	that	he	was	relieved	of	the	torments	of	despair	he	experienced.	
Recalling	the	parable	of	the	Pharisee	and	the	tax	collector	who	go	up	to	the	temple	
to	pray,	as	related	in	Luke’s	gospel	(10.9‐14),	he	identifies	himself	with	the	latter,			
who,	standing	at	a	distance,		beats	his	breast	in	contrition	and	prays,	“God	have	
mercy	on	me	a	sinner.”	Luther	emphasizes	the	importance	of	the	final	lines	of		
Jesus	in	this	telling	parable:	
	
							I	tell	you	this	man,	rather	than	the	other,	went	home	justified	before	God.	
							For	all	who	exalt	themselves	will	be	humbled	,	and	those	who	humble	them‐	
							selves	will	be	exalted.	(10.14)	
	
Is	this	the	only	way	then?	Where	is	this	faith:	in	the	heart?	in	the	head?	in	works?	
Luther	throughout	his	Lectures	on	Galatians,	both	this	early	work	of	1519	and	the	
larger	later	Lectures	of	1535,	stresses	that	there	are	two	ways	in	which	human	
beings	can	be	justified,	and	they	are	as	contrary	as	the	ways	of	the	Pharisee	and	the	
tax	collector	in	Luke.	Listen	and	consider	here	his	critique	of	the	Philosopher:	
	
					…there	is	the	external	way,	by	works,	on	the	basis	of	one’s	own	strength.		Of	
					such	a	nature	is	human	righteousness,	which	we	acquire	by	practice	and	by	
					habit.	This	is	the	kind	of	righteousness	Aristotle	and	the	other	philosophers		
					describe	–	the	kind	produced	by	the	laws	of		the	state	and	the	church	in	cere‐	
					monies,	the	kind	produced	at	the	behest	of	reason	and	by	prudence.	For		
					they	think	that	one	becomes	righteous	by	doing	righteous	things,	temper‐	
					ate	by	doing	temperate	things,	and	the	like…the	kind	of	righteousness	the	
					Law	of	Moses,	even	the	Decalogue	itself,	also	brings	about	,	namely,	when		
					one	serves	God	out	of		fear	of	punishment	or	because	of	the	promise	of	a		
					reward,	does	not	swear	by	God’s	name,	honors	one’s	parents…etc.	This	is		
					a	servile	righteousness;	it	is	mercenary,	feigned,	specious,	external,	tempor‐	
	

6

�					al,	worldly,	human.		It	profits	nothing	for	the	glory	to	come	but	receives	in	
					this	life	its	reward,	glory,	riches,	honor,	power,	friendship,	well‐being,	or	at	
					least	peace	and	quiet,	and	fewer	evils	than	those	who	act	otherwise.	This	is		
					how	Christ	describes	the	Pharisees	and	how	St.	Augustine	describes	the		
					Romans	in	the	first	book	of	The	City	of	God.	(I.8)	(LG,	2.219)	
	
Luther	speaks	here	not	only	from	his	knowledge	of	Aristotle,	whose	Ethics	he	has	
taught	at	Erfurt	and	Wittenberg,	and	from	the	Scriptures	to	which	he	now	devotes	
himself	exclusively,	but	especially	from	his	own	immense	struggle	to	make	himself	
worthy.	A	preoccupation	with	laws	and	traditions	leads	to	the	kind	of	busyness	with	
works	that	leads	to	a	forgetfulness	of	love.	As	Luther	reads	in	Galatians	5.14,	“For	
the	whole	Law	is	fulfilled	in	this	one	word:	You	shall	love	your	neighbor	as	yourself,”	
he	is	prompted	to	ask:	
	
					Why	then	do	we	busy	ourselves	with	many	books?	Why	do	we	look	for		
					many	teachers?	Why	do	we	exert	ourselves	with	works	and	righteousness?	
					All	laws,	all	books,	and	all	works	must	be	tested	according	to	this	inward	
					feeling	and	disposition	of	the	heart…external	patterns	do	not	motivate	us	
					us	sufficiently,	because	they	are	not	felt	and	are	not	alive.	This	pattern	
					however	is	felt	within;	it	is	alive,	and	it	teaches	most	effectively,	not	with		
					letters,	not	with	words,	and	not	with	thoughts,	but	with	the	actual	feeling		
					of	experience...	a	living	indication,	an	inward	reminder,	a	proof…of	what	you	owe			
					your	neighbor.	You	owe	him	exactly	what	you	owe	yourself,	and…from	the	same			
					disposition	of	heart.	(LG,	5.351)	
	
In	contrast	to	this	inner	disposition,	seeking	indulgences,	keeping	vigils,	building	
churches	and	chantries,	observing	memorials,	and	anniversaries	“serve	gain	more	
than	love.”	So	this	inward	disposition	of	love,	this	feeling	is	the	pattern	then?!	Isn’t	
this	going	back	to	nature,	Aristotle’s	central	notion	in	his	Nicomachean	Ethics,	which,	
by	the	way,	neither	enjoins	love	of	neighbor	universally	nor	allows	the	possibility	of	
friendship	with	a	god	because	of	the	problem	of	inequality	in	both	instances	
(1158b29‐1159a5).	So	is	this	disposition	of	love	that	Luther	finds	not	only	in	Paul,	
but	in	Deuteronomy	30.14	–“the	word	is	very	near	to	you;	it	is	in	your	mouth	and	in	
your	heart,	so	you	may	obey	it	(and	I	Peter	as	well)	simply	and	purely	good?		Luther	
here	remembers	that	moral	theology	might	warn	that	“nature	is	a	most	deceitful	
emulator	of	grace,”	to	which	he	replies,	”I	admit	that	nature	tries	mightily	to	emulate	
grace,	but	only	as	far	as	to	the	cross”	where		“it	turns	aside	completely	and	fights	
against	grace,”	being	offended.	(LG	5.353)	The	cross	becomes	“the	Lydian	
touchstone”	(used	to	assay	silver	and	gold)	enabling	me	to	assay	whether	I	am	truly	
a	friend	of	my	neighbor.		How	so?	Because	it	points	to,	demands	(?)	something	
beyond	what	is	pleasant	or	advantageous	or	useful	or	even	agreeably	virtuous	in	my	
neighbor,	viz.,	in	its	highest	form	the	agapē	that	Paul	describes	in	1	Corinthians	13,	
the	highest	,	ever	enduring	love.	Luther	recalls	the	formulation	in	the	Sermon	on	the	
Mount	(Mt	7.13)	where	Jesus	says,	“Whatever	you	wish	that	men	would	do	to	you,	
do	so	to	them,”	and	then	confesses	the	“bold	opinion”	that	perhaps	the	self‐
interested	love	that	forgets	neighbor	and	looks	intently	on	its	own	interests	alone	
	

7

�can	become	“the	right	kind	of	love	when	one	forgets	oneself	and	serves	only	one’s	
neighbor.”	The	love	that	is	wrong	when	it	is	simply	“in	itself”	is	of	a	different	order	
when	it	is	“outside	itself	in	God.”	(LG,	5.35)	
He	then	continues:	
						
						…with	my	affection	for	myself	and	my	love	for	myself	completely	dead,	I	look	
						for	nothing	but	that	God’s	completely	undefiled	will	be	done	in	me.	This	is				
						arduous	and	very	difficult,	and	for	nature	it	is	impossible.	(LG,	5.356)	
	
This	becomes	possible	only	“once	the	spirit	of	love	has	been	received	by	the	hearing	
of	faith.”		Self‐serving	adages	such	as	“I	must	first	be	a	neighbor	to	myself”	or”	I’m	
my	own	best	friend”	or	“Charity	begins	at	home,”	unqualified	by	the	recognition	that	
“You	must	be	a	neighbor	to	someone	else,”	are	“heathen”	and	“perverted,”	contrary	
to	the	spirit.	As	political	beings	we	must	look	beyond	the	self	to	the	field	of	the	other	
as	neighbor	and	to	the	even	larger	social	realm,	where	each	must	be	subject	to	“the	
laws	of	emperors,	of	popes,	of	towns,	of	states,	and	of	provinces	only”—here	he	
reminds	us	–	“as	Christ	says,	(Mt.17.27)	to	avoid	giving	offense	to	them	and	in	order	
not	to	injure	love	and	peace.”	(LG,	5.358),	thereby	avoiding	schisms	and	dissensions.		
Luther	now	confesses	that	he	is	“in	the	habit	of	calling	certain	papal	laws	acts	of	
tyranny”…	because	they	“are	merely	devices	for	snaring	money	by	means	of	
indulgences	“	serving	“godlessness,”	destroying	“true	righteousness	and	love.”	Then,	
quite	surprisingly,	he	adds,	“Nevertheless,	for	the	sake	of	love	they	should	be	
observed	wherever	contempt	for	them	would	cause	offense.”(LG	5.358)		
	
All	the	same,	Paul	tells	the	Galatians	to	walk	by	the	Spirit	and	not	to	gratify	the	
desires	of	the	flesh	(Galatians	5.16),	and	here	Luther,	again	citing	Augustine,	
(Retractations	1.24)	notes	that	not	having	or	not	acting	on	these	desires	can	happen	
only	“when	we	no	longer	have	our	mortal	flesh;”	even	the	saints	are	still	partly	
carnal,	though	spiritual	inwardly:	No	one	can	avoid	desires,	but	it	is	possible	for	us	
to	keep	from	obeying	them.(LG	5.361)	Those	in	the	church	are	indeed	in	the	process	
of	being	healed,	but	are	not	fully	healthy:	“For	the	latter	reason	we	are	called	‘flesh’;	
for	the	former,	‘spirit’”(LG	5.	364)	“It	is	the	whole	man	who	loves	chastity,	and	the	
same	whole	man	is	titillated	by	the	enticements	of	lust	‐‐	willing	and	unwilling.”	
Thus	he	recalls	Augustine’s	struggle	with	the	divided	will	in	Confessions	8.	And	
Luther	surprises	us	readers	again:	“Yet	this	too	is	the	glory	of	the	grace	of	God;	it	
makes	us	enemies	of	ourselves…this	is	how	it	overcomes	sin…the	leaven	is	hidden	
in	three	measures	until	the	whole	is	leavened	,”	citing	what	is	perhaps	Matthew’s	
shortest	parable:	
	
	“The	kingdom	of	heaven	is	like	yeast	that	a	woman	took	and	mixed	with	three															
			measures	of	wheat	flour	until	the	whole	batch	was	leavened.”	(Mt	13.33)	
	
“Until	the	whole	batch	was	leavened.”	This	process	takes	time	and	effects	a	
substantial	change;	flour	and	water	and	salt	and	yeast	become	bread	once	the	bread	
has	risen	and	been	baked.	Paul	goes	on	to	say	to	his	Galatians,	“For	these	(flesh	and	
spirit)	are	opposed	to	each	other,	to	prevent	you	from	doing	what	you	would.”		
	

8

�Luther	here	exclaims	in	amazement,	”Look	at	how	bold	the	apostle	is!”	saying	“what	
we	want	cannot	be	done	even	though	we	(	the	scholastic	theologians)	have	
established	the	will		(certainly	on	Aristotle’s	authority)	as	the	queen	and	mistress	of	
all	our	powers	and	actions.		
	
					Luther	is	perhaps	recalling	the	passage	in	Book	3	of	the	Nicomachaean	Ethics,	
where	Aristotle	identifies	the	rational	human	being	as	the	source	of	actions,	and		
deliberation		(bouleusis)	sets	out	to	discover	actions	within	one’s	own	power	to	
perform.	He	then	says	that	what	is	deliberated	and	what	is	chosen	are	the	same	
thing,	adding	that		“if,	among	the	things	that	are	up	to	us,	the	desired	thing	that	has	
been	deliberated	upon	is	what	is	chosen,	choice	(proairesis)	would	be	the	deliberate	
desire	of	things	that	are	up	to	us.”	(1113a	3‐10)	Desire	is	thus	modified	and	
informed	by	thought	and	choice,	and	acts	in	accord	with	what	one	of	good	character	
would	do.		
	
But	Paul,	in	Romans,	clearly	contradicts	this	and	says,	”But	I	am	carnal,	sold	under	
sin.	The	good	that	I	want	I	do	not	do.	The	evil	that	I	do	not	want,	this	I	do.”	(Romans	
7.14)		
	
Now	Luther	asks:		
	
					“If	one	who	is	righteous	and	saintly	complains	of	his	sin	in	this	way,	where	will					
						the	sinner	and	ungodly	appear	with	their	works	among	those	who	are	good	in		
						general,	and	morally	good	at	that?	The	grace	of	God	has	not	made	the	will	per‐	
						fectly	free.	Will	the	sinner	make	himself	free?	Why	are	we	not	showing	good			
						sense?	(LG,	5.364)	
	
Philosophy	is	to	no	avail	here	and	has	even	led	us	astray	in	our	quest	for	self	‐
knowledge.	The	Book	of	Psalms	is	a	better	resource	for	self–knowledge	than	the	
Nicomacean	Ethics;	remember	King	David’s	pouring	out	his	heart	to	God:	“in	sin	my	
mother	conceived	me..		Still	you	insist	upon	sincerity	of	heart;	in	my	inmost	being	
you	teach	me	wisdom…My	sacrifice,	O	God,	is	a	broken	spirit;	O	God,	do	not	spurn	a	
broken,	humbled	heart.”	Psalm	51.	7‐8;	19.		
	
This	struggle	between	spirit	and	flesh	is	not	resolved	in	this	life,	even	when	the	flesh	
is	subdued	in	some	respects—I‘m	reminded	of	the	colleague	who	having	stopped	
smoking	for	a	number	of	years	told	me	that	if	she	were	to	be	diagnosed	with	a	
terminal	illness,	she	would	take	up	cigarettes	again.—If	the	heart	is	irresolute,	no	
work	is	resolute	either,	which	“prevents	us	from	fulfilling	the	law	perfectly.”	(LG	
5.365)		Paul	has	no	knowledge	of	Aristotle,	but	Luther	who	does	understands	that	
the	flesh	‐‐	the	whole	human	being	as	descended	from	fallen	Adam	‐‐	the	flesh	is	the	
one	condition	that	mitigates	and	impairs	the	life	of	the	spirit.		The	battle	between	
spirit	and	flesh	prevents	us	from	fulfilling	the	Law	perfectly,	so	that	“in	every	work		
we	need	the	forgiving	mercy	of	God	and	must	say,	and	here	Luther	remembers		
Psalm	143.2	“Enter	not	into	judgment	with	thy	servant,	O	Lord,	for	no	man	living	is	
righteous	before	thee.”	Luther	in	his	later,	longer	commentary	on	Galatians	of	1535	
	

9

�encapsulates	this	paradoxical	condition	of	the	human	being	as	“simul	justus	et	
peccator”	–	at	once/at	the	same	time	righteous	and	a	sinner.		To	consider	further	the	
meaning	of	this	formulation,	we	can	now	turn	to	what	Luther	calls	with	
uncharacteristic	understatement	his	“little	book.”	
	
	
	
																																													
	
	
	
	On	the	Freedom	of	a	Christian	
	
					In	the	year	after	Luther	publishes	these	lectures	on	Paul	to	the	Galatians,	he	
writes	one	of	his	most	popular,	concise,	and	influential	works,	On	the	Freedom	of	a	
Christian,	a	mere	twenty‐five	pages	in	length	in	the	online	version.	In	it	he	sets	out	to	
determine	what	a	Christian	is	and	what	the	nature	of	the	freedom	obtained	for	the	
believer	by	Christ	is.	It	begins	with	the	enunciation	of	two	apparently	contradictory	
conclusions	(see	handout):	
						
						A	Christian	is	a	perfectly	free	lord	of	all	things	and	subject	to	no	one.	
						A	Christian	is	a	perfectly	dutiful	servant	in	all	things,	subject	to	everyone.	(FC,	18)	
	
Both	of	these	are	distilled	from	two	passages	in	Paul:	
	
									I	am	free	in	all	things	and	have	made	myself	a	servant	of	everyone.	1	Cor	9.19	
									You	shall	owe	no	one	anything,	except	that	you	love	one	another.				Rom	13.8		
	
As	menschen,	anthropoi,	persons,	we	are	at	once	spiritual	and	physical	beings,	soul	
and	body,	and	thus	what	Luther	terms	the	internal	and	external	man.	The	soul	itself	
as	the	internal	aspect	of	our	being	is	ultimately	unaltered	by	the	states	that	affect	
the	body‐‐health	or	sickness,	freedom	or	imprisonment.	There	is	nothing	but	the	
word	of	God	in	the	gospel	as	preached	by	Jesus	that	can	bring	life	to	this	interior,	
spiritual	man;	Luther	here	quotes	the	Gospel	of	John:	I	am	the	resurrection	and	the	
life;	whoever	believes	in	me	lives	forever	(11.1);	and	of	Matthew:	Man	does	not	live	on	
bread	alone,	but	on	every	word	that	comes	from	the	mouth	of	God	(4.4).	Everything	
else	is	dispensable;	belief	in	these	words	is	the	fulfillment	of	all	the	commandments	
and	the	only	piety.	Faith	alone	is	sufficient	and	the	only	work	is	the	establishment	of	
the	word	and	Christ	within	the	soul,	by	constantly	exercising	and	strengthening	it.	
(FC,22)	It	is	apparent	how	crucial	for	the	believer	access	to	the	Bible,	the	word	of	
God,	is.	
	
More	specifically,	though,	what	of	the	commandments	and	the	law?	It	seems	they	
are	to	be	studied	and	what	they	prescribe	is	to	be	attempted	only	“So	that	man	
might	see	within	them	his	own	incapacity	and	learn	to	despair	of	himself,”	and	of	all	
that	she	might	hope	to	do	by	her	own	efforts.	Proof?	Consider	the	prescription	in	
Exodus	20.17:	You	shall	not	covet…	Who	doesn’t	have	such	desires;	who,	then,	can	
fulfill	the	law?		Self‐knowledge	again:	no	one,	save	God,	who	declared	these	laws	and	
alone	fulfills	them	in	Christ,	the	Word,	who	is	at	once	commandment	(as	divine	
	

10

�Word)	and	fulfillment	(as	incarnate	Word).	(FC	24.)	Recall	the	words	of	Jesus	in	
Matthew	5.17:	Do	not	think	that	I	have	come	to	abolish	the	law	or	the	prophets.		I	have	
come	not	to	abolish	but	to	fulfill.		These	are	the	words	of	promise	to	whoever	firmly	
adheres	to	them	in	faith,	enabling	them	to	become	children	of	God	(John	1.12)	Good	
works	alone	are	incapable	of	this.		Thus	released	from	commandments	and	laws	by	
the	life,	death	and	resurrection	of	Christ,	a	radically	new	freedom	is	born.	Luther	
continues:	
						
					That	is	Christian	freedom:	faith	alone,	which	does	not	lead	us	to	live	in	idleness	
					or	do	wickedness,	but	instead	means	that	we	require	no	works	to	obtain	piety		
					and	salvation…there	is	no	greater	dishonor	than	for	the	soul	not	to	believe	God	
					(about	this,	thus	denying	God,	and	raising)	her	own	mind	up	as	an	idol	in	her																																									
					heart….(whereas	to	honor	God	through	faith,	God	honors	her	in	turn,	and	deems			
					her	pious	and	truthful…FC	25)	This	is	all	effected	through	Christ.		
	
Luther	now	presents	one	of	his	most	striking	images,	that	of	the	believing	soul	as	a	
bride	wearing	the	wedding	ring	of	faith,	“dowered	with	the	eternal	righteousness	of	
her	bridegroom	Christ,”	now	absolved	in	this	joyous	exchange	and	unfettered	from	
all	her	sins.		He	sees	this	as	the	fulfillment	of	the	first	commandment	of	the	
Decalogue	(Exodus	20.2‐3):	I,	the	Lord,	am	your	God…You	shall	not	have	other	gods	
besides	me;	the	only	act	on	the	part	of	the	soul	is	to	‘plight	its	troth’	and	thus		“faith	
alone	fulfills	all	commandments…without	all	other	works.”	(FC	26).	
	
Note	here	that	Luther	speaks	movingly	of	the	individual	soul.	His	use	of	the	
marriage	simile	is	thus	not	the	traditional	one	of	the	church	as	the	bride	of	Christ,	
derived	from	Paul’s	letter	to	the	Ephesians	(5.22‐33),	where	the	apostle	compares	
the	intimate	relationship	of	Christ	to	the	church	(ekklesía)	to	the	marriage	relation	
of	husband	and	wife	in	becoming	one	flesh.		Moreover,	the	“You”	of	the	Exodus	
passage	is	addressed	to	all	of	Israel.		As	Luther	continues	his	reflection	on	the	
internal	man,	he	adds	that	faith	empowers	the	believing	soul	with	both	priestly	and	
kingly	powers:	as	a	priest	standing	invisibly	before	God	and	interceding	for	others;	
as	a	king	having	spiritual	sovereignty	over	the	body	and	all	material	things,		
so	that	…	
	
						I	can	improve	in	my	soul	without	the	aid	of	any	object,	and	even	death	and					
						suffering	must	serve	me	and	be	useful	to	my	salvation	(FC	28)	
	
As	he	completes	his	exposition	of	duties	of	the	Internal	Man,	of	the	soul	as	priest	and	
sovereign,	he	looks	to	the	current	teaching	and	preaching	practice	of	the	church:	
	
					There	are	also	many	who	preach	and	lecture	about	Christ	in	order	to	evoke	
					sympathy	with	Him,	to	rage	against	the	Jews,	or	thereby	to	act	in	some	other	
					even	more	childish	manner.		However,	Christ	should	and	must	be	preached		
					such	that	faith	grows	and	is	preserved	in	me	and	you.	(FC	30)	
	

	

11

�Even	without	the	perspective	of	the	past	500	years,	it	is	striking	how	distant	in	tone	
this	passage	is	from	Luther’s	later	horrific	diatribe	(1543)	Of	the	Jews	and	their	Lies,	
which	calls	for	the	civil	authorities	to	banish	the	Jews	and	to	burn	their	synagogues.	
	
Luther	now	turns	to	the	external	man.	If	faith	does	all	of	this	and	is	in	all	things	
sufficient	to	make	one	righteous,	how	can	good	works	have	any	place	in	the	life	of	
the	believer	and	why	are	they	commanded?		Aren’t	things	as	fine	as	if	I’d	won	the	
spiritual	lottery?		What	a	bargain!	Nothing	needs	be	done.		By	now	we	should	not	be	
surprised	at	Luther’s	reply:	
	
					No,	my	dear	man,	not	so.		It	would	be	fine	if	you	were	solely	an	internal	man	
					and	became	completely	spiritual	and	internal,	but	this	will	not	happen	until	
					Judgment	Day…there	is	only	a	beginning…which	the	apostle	called…the	first	fruits		
					of	the	Spirit.	(FC	31)	
	
	Paul	also		says	that	creation		“yearns	and	groans	inwardly,	eagerly	awaiting	the	
adoption	and	redemption	of	our	body”	(Romans	8.22‐23).	The	flesh	wants	to	serve	
the	world	and	follow	its	own	desires—the	will	balks	despite	the	faith	of	the	soul.	
Idleness	gives	free	rein	to	concupiscence,	requiring	the	restraining	discipline	of	
good	works,	done	“gratuitously	and	freely	out	of	love,”(FC	32),	not	seeking	from	this	
any	benefit	or	salvation,	“but	only	to	please	God.”	(FC	34)			Our	nature	is	such	that	it	
wants	to	plume	itself	on	its	acts	of	virtue,	laying	belief	and	its	promise	aside,	making	
both	the	works	and	the	worker	“evil	and	damned.”(FC	36)	The	commandments	and	
the	law	each	have	their	place,	but	they	must	be	understood	as	the	source	from	
which	self	knowledge	begins	and	contrition”	flows,	“	the	heart	must	first	be	broken,	
and	faith	then	“flows	“from	the	assurances	of	God.		Luther	earlier	neatly	summarized	
this	in	this	way:	We	do	not	become	righteous	by	doing	righteous	deeds,	but	having		
been	made	righteous,	we	do	righteous	deeds.	(Disputation	Concerning	Scholastic	
Theology,§	40,	1517)	
	
Luther	continues	to	use	this	metaphor	of	flowing	in	the	final	section	of	this	treatise	
as	he	considers	our	relationships	to	each	other.		Once	I	realize	that	my	freedom	
flows	to	me	from	a	loving	God	through	Christ,	requiring	that	I	do	nothing	more	than	
believe	it	is	so	with	a	truly	believing	heart,	I	look	to	my	neighbor	and	become	a	
Christ,	so	that	there	”flows	from	faith	and	from	love	a	free,	willing,	happy	life	of	
serving	one’s	neighbor.”	(FC	39)		Note	here	the	intended	range	of	this	flow.	It	is	
meant	to	be	universal,	so	that	the	work	of	love,	of	charity	or	agape,	is	the	work	of	all	
of	the	faithful	by	virtue	of	their	baptism	and	is	not	restricted	to	the	religious	
professionals	and	specialists—priests,	monks,	nuns,	and	all	professed	religious,	and	
Luther	again	affirms	that	this	work	is	quite	distinct	from	the	saving	power	of	faith.			
	
																						 	
	
Sin	boldly…	
	
Each	of	us	thus	has	a	vocation,	a	Beruf,		a	calling	that	is	more	than	a	mere	job,	which	
puts	us	at	the	service	of	others	and	not	for	our	own	benefit,	whether	material	or	
spiritual.	This	call	is	an	immense	challenge,	in	which	we	can	never	achieve	
	

12

�perfection	here.		The	reformation	is	thus	neither	a	single	moment	of	history	that	
occurred	500	years	ago	nor	a	single	event	in	a	human	life,	but	an	ongoing	endeavor,	
to	be	accomplished	only	at	the	end	of	time	and	with	the	coming	of	Christ.		THE	
Reformation	has	not	happened	yet.	Meanwhile,	the	demands	of	this	life	can	be	
daunting	and	discouraging.	Luther’s	close	friend,	Philipp	Melancthon,	24	years	old,	a	
brilliant	Greek	scholar	and	theologian,	found	himself	overcome	with	uncertainty,	
indecision,	and	a	feeling	of	utter	inadequacy	while	Luther	was	away,	secluded	in	
hiding	at	the	Wartburg	Castle,	after	the	Diet	at	Worms.	He	wrote	to	Luther	asking	
him	what	he	should	do	in	the	wake	of	the	rapid	and	chaotic	developments	in	
Wittenberg	and	elsewhere	in	Saxony	during	the	reformer’s	long	absence.	Luther	as	
pastor	and	friend	replies	to	his	young	colleague	with	a	concern	and	compassion	that	
at	once	embody	his	understanding	of	Christian	freedom	and	at	the	same	time	shows	
his	great	pastoral	sensitivity	to	Melancthon’s	anguish	and	hesitation:	
	
If you are a preacher of grace, then preach a true and not a fictitious grace; if grace is
true, you must bear a true and not a fictitious sin. God does not save people who are
only fictitious sinners. Be a sinner and sin boldly, but believe and rejoice in Christ even
more boldly, for he is victorious over sin, death, and the world. As long as we are in
this world we have to sin. This life is not the dwelling place of righteousness but, as
Peter says, we look for a new heaven and a new earth in which righteousness dwells (2
Peter 3:13). It is enough that by the riches of God’s glory we have come to know the
Lamb that takes away the sin of the world. (Letter to Melancthon, August 1, 1521)

Grace is not a fiction, and neither is sin. This life is a struggle and a battle in which
choices must be made, work must be done, often without the requisite knowledge and
resolve that make them right and certain. We need to recall again how and why Luther
comes to this understanding of sin and grace -- his account of his own existential
struggle, which we considered as we began here. He began with his ardent desire for God
and his experience of willing the good, yet being unable to control the direction of his
will, which resulted in sin. This led him first to the depths of despair and then to the
recognition that he could only do what he ought, what he truly wanted in the highest
sense to do, by going outside of himself, by living in Christ the creative Word who made
and redeemed him and all who believe. In his anguish, Melancthon, whom Luther
recognizes as a “preacher of grace,” demonstrates this same striving and transcendent
belief. It is to such a one that Luther can say with discernment and compassion: “Be a
sinner and sin boldly, but believe and rejoice in Christ even more boldly, for he is
victorious over sin, death, and the world.”
It seems we then come full circle. Luther concludes this letter with the image of the
Agnus Dei, the spotless lamb of God who takes away the sin of the world, the very image
that Bach and Picander celebrate and lift up in the music and poetry of the opening
chorus, the Exordium, of the Matthäus Passion, when the ripieno choir of sopranos sings
the chorale O Lamm Gottes Unschuldig in the brilliant key of G Major over the turbulent
double chorus beneath in the key of e minor, the key of grieving yet with hope, here,
where we all are.

	

13

�																																																																Bibliography	
	
Aquinas,	Thomas.	The	Summa	Theologica	of	St.	Thomas	Aquinas,	Vol.	1.	Fathers	of				
						The	English	Dominican	Province,	trans.,	New	York,	1947.	
	
Arisotle.	Nicomachean	Ethics,	H.	Rackham	trans.,	Harvard,	1982.		
	
Hendrix,	Scott	H.,	Martin	Luther:	Visionary	Reformer,	Yale,	2015.	
	
Kolb,	Robert;	Dingel,	Irene;	Batka,	Lubomir,	eds.	Oxford	Handbook	of	Martin			
						Luther’s	Theology,	Oxford,	2014.	
	
Luther,	Martin,	Luther’s	Works,	Vol.	27,	Lectures	on	Galatians,	1519,	St.	Louis,	1964.	
(LG)	
						Commentary	on	St.	Paul’s	Epistle	to	the	Galatians,	1535,	Middleton	
						Edition,	London,	1953.		
	
						On	the	Freedom	of	a	Christian	with	Related	Texts.	Tryntje		
						Helfferich,	Indianapolis,	2013.	(FC)	
	
Mellers,	Wilfrid,	Bach	and	the	Dance	of	God,	Oxford,	1980.	
	
Oberman,	Heiko.	Luther:	Man	Between	God	and	the	Devil,	Eileen	Walischer‐	
							Schwartzbart,	trans.,	Yale,	1987.	
	
Roper,	Lyndal.	Martin	Luther:	Renegade	and	Prophet,	New	York,	2016.	
	
Shilling,	Heinz,	Martin	Luther:	Rebel	in	an	Age	of	Upheaval,	Ronald	Johnson,	trans.,	
							Oxford,	2017.	
	
	
						
					
	
	
	
	
	
	
	
		
			
							
	
	
	
	

14

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To learn more about the Greenfield Library's archives use policy or to obtain high-resolution images, please see the &lt;strong&gt;&lt;a title="Image Collection Use Policy" href="http://www.sjc.edu/academic-programs/libraries/greenfield-library/policies/#photographicarchivepolicy" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener"&gt;Library’s Image Collection Use Policy&lt;/a&gt;&lt;/strong&gt;.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Click on &lt;strong&gt;&lt;a title="Photographic Archives" href="http://digitalarchives.sjc.edu/items/browse?collection=7"&gt;Items in the Image Collection—Annapolis Collection&lt;/a&gt;&lt;/strong&gt; to view and sort all items in the collection.</text>
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                <text>Video recording of a lecture delivered by Patricia Locke, Annapolis tutor on October 2, 2020, as part of the Formal Lecture Series. &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Ms. Locke describes her lecture: "Madame de Lafayette’s book, &lt;em&gt;La Princesse de Clèves&lt;/em&gt;, is one of the earliest novels of psychological realism, while at the same time it offers us an idealized description of an historical milieu. Our protagonist must wend her way through the Valois court, find Mr. Right, and become (a) woman in order to deal with the twin challenges of love and death. I argue that Simone de Beauvoir’s famous sentence, 'one is not born, but becomes, woman,' is tested in this novel. Will young Mlle de Chartres learn how to be 'woman' through her education? Or will she be able to transcend her education through her experience of the passions of jealousy, fear, and grief to become 'a woman' of inimitable virtue?"</text>
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                <text>La Fayette, Madame de (Marie-Madeleine Pioche de La Vergne), 1634-1693. </text>
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                  <text>&lt;p&gt;The Greenfield Library Image Collection houses over 5,000 photographs, postcards, drawings, and other graphic materials.  The images in the collection document the history, academic, and community life of St. John’s College. &lt;/p&gt;
To learn more about the Greenfield Library's archives use policy or to obtain high-resolution images, please see the &lt;strong&gt;&lt;a title="Image Collection Use Policy" href="http://www.sjc.edu/academic-programs/libraries/greenfield-library/policies/#photographicarchivepolicy" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener"&gt;Library’s Image Collection Use Policy&lt;/a&gt;&lt;/strong&gt;.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Click on &lt;strong&gt;&lt;a title="Photographic Archives" href="http://digitalarchives.sjc.edu/items/browse?collection=7"&gt;Items in the Image Collection—Annapolis Collection&lt;/a&gt;&lt;/strong&gt; to view and sort all items in the collection.</text>
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