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                <text>Audio recording of a lecture given by tutor emeritus Howard Fisher on April 15, 2026 as part of the Dean's Lecture &amp; Concert Series. The Dean's Office has provided this description of the event: "A puzzling phenomenon observed by Edison in one of his early light bulbs seemed to disclose a kind of electric current that did not fit the received ideas, for it was not confined to a conductor, and it would flow in one direction but not in the reverse direction. From this 'Edison effect' arose the modern vacuum tube, which enabled, first, the detection of electromagnetic waves by a process readily understood (rectification), and second, a means for effectively multiplying the strength of an electric current (amplification). Both of these capabilities brought dramatic improvements in wireless telegraphy, and they also introduced the prospect of radio transmission of voice and sound. This is the second of three talks on early radio technology."</text>
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                <text>Vacuum-tube circuits</text>
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                <text>&lt;a href="https://digitalarchives.sjc.edu/items/show/8165"&gt;Telegraphy and Radiotelegraphy&lt;/a&gt;</text>
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                    <text>The Vacuum Tube 1
Howard J.Fisher

Good afternoon, everyone, and thank you for coming to this second of three lectures on early
radio technology. Our topic is the vacuum tube—I chose the two examples on display here for
their large size, which allows us to see their construction. The vacuum tube made possible the
age of radio—that is, wireless transmission and broadcast of sound—as opposed to
radiotelegraphy, which was limited to sending wireless messages in the dots and dashes of
Morse code. What did the vacuum tube do, that made it such a consequential device? And
what are the principles of its operation?
The vacuum tube finds its beginnings in Edison’s light bulb. Here is one of Edison’s later

designs. The hair-like filament is heated to incandescence by a strong electric current,
producing a very creditable glow, as you see here. But at temperatures high enough to

achieve incandescence, almost any filament material would soon burn up in the presence of
air; the glass bulb therefore had to be evacuated.
Edison’s light bulb was by no means the first. Earlier researchers had crafted similar
incandescent devices; but the limited capability of early vacuum pumps achieved only
mediocre vacuums, in which the glowing elements would burn up quickly. Edison benefited
from the development of highly effective pumps such as Sprengel’s and Geissler’s, which
could achieve pressures as low as a tenth of a millimeter of mercury. 2 The ability to obtain
such low pressures enabled Edison to develop by 1880 a carbonized bamboo filament
capable of lasting hundreds of hours; but very soon another difficulty emerged. Early
versions of this filament tended to throw off some of their carbon, which would then be
deposited on the interior of the glass, gradually blackening it, which, of course, defeated the
very purpose of a lighting device.

This lecture was given 15 April 2026 at St. John’s College, Santa Fe. It is the second of a series of three talks on
early radio technology.
1
2

Andrade, E. N. da C. (1953). "The history of the vacuum pump." Vacuum 9 (1): 41–47.

�2

Interestingly, though, the pattern of carbon deposit was not uniform. Edison noted a
peculiar “reverse shadow” of the filament—a line of less darkening, as you can see in the
photograph on the left. 3 Curiously, this lighter line appeared only on the side of the bulb
adjacent to the positive arm of the filament—the line labeled bb in the diagram on the right.

For, indeed, there was a definite positive and a definite negative arm of the filament, as the
diagram indicates. That is because Edison powered his lamp with direct current, for which
the positive extremity of the source remains positive, and the negative remains negative,
throughout the current’s duration. In contrast, the common household current of today is
alternating current, in which the positive and negative polarities exchange places 60 times
each second.
Evidently, in Edison’s bulb, many of the carbon particles traveling in the direction from
negative to positive were being blocked before reaching the glass, but particles traveling in
the opposite direction were not so impeded. What could cause this asymmetry?
Well, if the carbon particles escaping from the filament carried a negative charge, then at
least some of the particles originating from the negative arm of the filament would be
attracted by the positive arm and might be captured by it before reaching the glass, while
those escaping from the positive arm would be repelled from the negative arm; they would
be less susceptible to capture and would continue beyond it, and would at last deposit
themselves on the glass. But did these roving carbon particles carry an electric charge?
Edison investigated that question by mounting a metal plate between the filament arms, as
shown in this photograph. On their way from the negative arm to the positive, some

particles, at least, would presumably strike the plate and give up their charge to it. Then, if
that plate were connected back to the filament, the circulating charge would constitute a
3 Left: from Tyne, Gerald F. J., Saga of the Vacuum Tube, Howard W. Sams &amp; Co. (1977). Right: adapted from
Fleming, J. A., The Thermionic Valve and its Developments in Radiotelegraphy and Telephony. London, The Wireless
Press (1919).

�3

current and should be detected by a galvanometer. Edison began a series of experiments
with this special bulb in 1882. When he connected the plate to the positive end of the
filament, a current did indeed pass; but no current passed when it was connected to the
negative end. Let us see if we can understand this.
Figure (1) is a diagram of Edison’s original light bulb. The righthand filament arm, AB, is
connected to the positive terminal of the battery; the lefthand arm, BC, is connected to the

negative terminal. Thus there is a potential difference between the two extremities of the
filament; and since the filament is a conductor, a current will flow through it. But the same
potential difference exists in the space between the two arms, since the filament is bent in a
horseshoe shape. Thus there is an electric field between AB and BC, represented by the
curved red arrows. If, then, electrically-charged particles are emitted from the filament,
they will be urged in the direction of the arrows if they are positive, and in the opposite
direction if they are negative.
Now consider Figure (2). With the addition of plate D connected (through the meter) to
the positive battery terminal, plate D and arm AB are effectively connected together. They
are therefore at the same electric potential and no electric field exists between them. But
the full battery voltage now obtains between plate D and arm BC, connected to the negative
terminal. An electric field therefore exists between them, having direction from D to BC, as
indicated by the little red arrows.
If, then, as Edison suspected, negatively-charged particles of carbon were being emitted
from the filament, they would be urged in the direction opposite to the electric field, that is,
in the direction from BC to D; particles emitted from BC would thus carry negative
electricity from filament to plate, producing the current that Edison witnessed.
What about negative particles emitted from the other arm of the filament, AB? They are
exposed to no field at all and therefore are not urged toward the plate; they would not reach
it and so would play no part in the measured current.

�4

But now consider Figure (3), where the plate is connected to the negative terminal of the
battery. Here plate D and arm BC are effectively joined together; they must therefore have

the same electric potential, and there will no longer be any electric field between them.
Instead, a field exists between arm AB and plate D, in the direction from AB to D. Negative
particles emitted from the filament now have nowhere to go! Particles emitted from BC are
exposed to no field at all and so are not drawn to the plate, as I mentioned before. Particles
emitted from AB are exposed to a field; but if they are negatively charged, they are urged in
the opposite direction, that is, away from the plate. Negative particles thus cannot form a
current no matter what part of the filament they originate from, which explains why Edison
observed no current when the plate was connected to the negative battery terminal. This
asymmetric current—a current that flows to one end of the filament but not to the other,
came to be known as the “Edison Effect.” 4
Edison’s experiments thus confirmed that the carbon particles thrown off from his light
bulb filaments were negatively-charged. But that knowledge proved of little value for
preventing the original problem—the progressive blackening of his bulbs with use. 5 In fact
that blackening could not be averted so long as carbon was the filament material; eventually
carbon gave way to thoriated tungsten wire, which today is the material used almost
universally for incandescent lamp filaments. 6
We can witness the Edison Effect for ourselves. 7 An automotive taillight bulb, such as
the number 1157 bulb shown here, has two filaments: one for the taillight, and a brighter

Preece, W. H., “On a Peculiar Behaviour of Glow Lamps when Raised to High Incandescence,” Proc. Roy. Soc.
(1885) 38: 219–230.

4

5 Edison did, however, envision a different application for his specially-equipped bulb, its use as a kind of sensitive
voltmeter. He took out a patent on the device in 1884.

6 Even bulbs with tungsten filaments exhibit a long-term blackening, though at far slower rates than do those with
carbon filaments. The problem is a serious one only in lamps of very high wattage, such lamps control this by
filling the bulb with a gas such as nitrogen, argon, krypton, or xenon, which do not readily react with tungsten, at
a pressure great enough to reduce filament evaporation.

This clever procedure is described in an article by ZhiQi Lin, Wei Zhang, and HuiJie Li: “Using car taillights as an
experimental device to demonstrate the Edison effect” in The Physics Teacher, 56, pp. 410–411 (2018).

7

�one for the brake light. They have a terminal in common, as the diagram indicates; so they
are not isolated from one another the way Edison’s plate was isolated from his filament.
But if we deliberately burn out one filament, as this slide shows, one fragment of the

5

destroyed filament will be isolated from the filament that is still intact, and so should play
the role of Edison’s plate. Let us try.
The intact filament is being heated with 11 volts, and I connect the isolated element,
through the milliammeter, to the positive end of the filament. The meter shows an Edison

current of 0.5 microamperes. But when I connect it to the negative end, we find no current,
just as Edison had observed.
Now since currents require a closed circuit, whatever current I measure in the wire
outside the bulb must also be flowing in the space within the bulb. What, then, is the nature
of this internal current? It obviously does not consist of carbon particles, as did Edison’s;
for our filament is tungsten. But neither is it likely to consist of charged tungsten particles,
since the very advantages that make tungsten a superior filament material—lack of
“blackening” and long lifetime—indicate that the filament is not losing tungsten at a
sufficient rate to be carrying the Edison current. 8
Perhaps, then, the current within the bulb does not consist of charged material particles
at all—perhaps it is a flow of electricity itself! But what does that even mean? We are
accustomed to thinking that electricity requires a conductor in order to “flow”; and vacuum
is not a conductor! The engineer Edwin Houston expressed this puzzlement in a paper he
presented at the International Electrical Exhibition at Philadelphia in 1884. 9 Speaking of
the Edison Effect, he wrote:
The question is, what is the origin of this current? How is it produced? Since we
have within the globe a nearly perfect vacuum, we cannot conceive the current as
flowing across the vacuous space, as this is not in accordance with our
preconceived ideas connected with high vacua.

Houston went on to muse further:

This inference was conclusively demonstrated by O. W. Richardson; see “The Emission of Electrons from
Tungsten at High Temperatures,” Science 38, 967 (1913).

8

Houston, E. J.: “Notes on phenomena in incandescent lamps,” Transactions of the American Institute of Electrical
Engineers, I, 1 (1884).

9

�6

It may be electricity flowing through empty space, which I don’t think probable.

Even if we set aside the perplexity as to how electricity can possibly move through
empty space, we are confronted anew with Edison’s question: whether the current is
positive or negative. But we cannot answer it as definitively as he did. For in the absence of
occurrences like “blackening” we no longer have physical evidence that something is
traveling from filament to plate; and therefore we can no longer know whether we have a
current of negative electricity passing from the filament to the plate or a current of positive
electricity from the plate to the filament.
One piece of evidence, at least, does certainly implicate the filament as the source; watch
what happens when I start with a cold filament and gradually raise its temperature by
increasing the heating voltage. As before, the meter will measure the Edison current. I
started with no filament voltage at all, and of course no plate current either; but we’re still
seeing no current, even as I continue to raise the voltage enough to make the filament
glow... Ah! We’re getting tenth of a microampere with about 8.6 volts on the filament... As

I continue to raise the filament voltage, the plate current rises... and we reach a full
microampere when the voltage is a little over eleven volts.
Now why would the current depend on the temperature of the filament? If the current is
“electricity flowing through empty space”—the case Edwin Houston thought “not
probable”—it is hard to see why there should be such a connection, since no theory of
electricity implies any inherent relation between it and heat. But that dependency would
make sense if the electricity traveled in the form of material particles, inasmuch as the
temperature of a body indicates the kinetic energy of the particles which compose it; and
the more agitated those particles are, the greater the number that may escape the forces
which bind them to their host—just as a liquid will evaporate more quickly when it is hot
than when it is cold.
But wait! Did we not conclude earlier that the current could not consist of charged
particles of tungsten—the material of the filament? If the charged particles are not
tungsten, what possible material could they be? That is the very question seniors take up in
the first semester
lab when they study cathode rays, and the answer is startling: it appears that current in the
evacuated tube is carried by charged particles whose material belongs to no known species
of matter! 10

10 Thomson, J. J., "Cathode Rays," Philosophical Magazine. 5. 44 (269): 293 (7 August 1897); “On Bodies Smaller
Than Atoms,” Popular Science Monthly (August 1901)

�Shall we then affirm that the heated filament is the source of charged particles of some
as-yet-unknown material, and that these constitute the Edison current? Unfortunately, the
mere association of current strength with filament temperature overlooks a subtle but
crucial factor. The problem is that our power supply does two things at once: it both heats
the filament and establishes the electric field between the plate and the filament. This
diagram shows the interior of our taillight bulb. The isolated fragment of the burned-out

7

filament is our “plate,” as I mentioned before. And, as before, both the “plate” and one end
of the surviving filament are connected to the positive terminal of the power supply; the
other end of the filament is connected to the negative terminal. The full potential difference
of the supply therefore exists between the plate and the negative end of the filament. I have
drawn Faradayan lines of force—they are the curved red arrows—to represent the electric
field associated with this potential difference. But this field is what furnishes the very force
that would propel charged particles along their paths—from plate to filament if they are
positive, from filament to plate if they are negative. These charged particles, whatever their
source, will be subject to a greater electric force if the voltage is raised; they will be
accelerated more quickly and will attain a higher velocity. More charge, whether negative
or positive, will be transferred in a shorter time; and this will result in a greater Edison
current, wholly apart from any increase in filament temperature.
You see, then, the weakness in our former reasoning. In raising the voltage of our power
supply we both raise the filament temperature and increase the electric field; and a stronger
electric field would tend to increase the rate of particle transfer, whether they are negative
particles emitted from the filament or positive particles emitted from the plate.
It is clear, then, that we cannot definitively identify the filament as the source of charged
particles so long as we rely on a single electrical source. But if we were to use separate
supplies for the plate and the filament, we could control their voltages independently, and so
distinguish the influence of filament temperature from that of electrostatic attraction.
That is what the British engineer John Ambrose Fleming 11 did in 1896. Using samples of
Edison’s special bulbs that had been made specifically for him, Fleming connected separate
batteries to the filament and the plate. A variable resistance, or rheostat, controlled the
voltage at the filament, and hence the filament’s temperature. With a fixed voltage between
the plate and filament, Fleming obtained a current through the plate that rose rapidly with

11 In addition to the researches to be described here, Fleming is known for having originated one of the many
“right-hand rules” used in physics, and for designing the transmitter that sent the first transatlantic
radiotelegraphy message. He studied under Maxwell at Cambridge in 1878 and 1879, and was by his own account
one of only two or three students who attended Maxwell’s final lectures. See Fleming, Ambrose, “Some Memories
of Professor James Clerk Maxwell” in James Clerk Maxwell, A Commemoration Volume 1831–1931, Cambridge
University Press (1931).

�8

increasing filament voltage. That rise is depicted in Fleming’s graph, on the right. 12 And
since he kept the plate voltage constant while varying the filament voltage, the plate
current’s dependence on the filament voltage means that we can now point confidently to
the heated filament as the source of electrified particles. 13 The current must therefore

consist of negatively-charged particles that were liberated from the filament by heat in the
manner we described a moment ago. Once freed from the filament they will be accelerated
towards the plate by the electric field between plate and filament, thereby constituting the
Edison current.
In 1904 Fleming constructed the device shown on the left; it was essentially Edison’s
bulb, with a flat plate like his. The one on the right was a later design employing a

cylindrical plate to surround the filament completely. Fleming’s “valve,” as he called it—we
will soon see why that name is appropriate—launched decades of commercially
manufactured devices having essentially the same design. One of them is this elegant
creation, an Eimac model 250R, introduced in the late 1940s; you can see how like it is to

12 Fleming, J. A., The Thermionic Valve and its Developments in Radiotelegraphy and Telephony. London, The
Wireless Press (1919). The graph records measurements he had made in 1896.

13 This conclusion is valid provided the filament voltage is small compared to the potential difference between
plate and filament. That was true for Fleming’s devices and will be true in our adaptations of his experiments.

�9

Fleming’s. And if you wonder what possible commercial application could have supported
such a product as this one, 40 years after Fleming patented his apparatus, I invite you to
take one of these handouts 14 after the talk; they deal with the topic of current rectification.
We, however, will employ the Eimac tube to continue our own investigation of the role of
the heated filament.
In his initial work with the special Edison bulb, Fleming kept the plate voltage constant
while varying the filament voltage. Later he examined the complementary case: varying the
plate voltage while keeping the filament voltage constant. 15 We can replicate these
experiments, using variable power supplies in place of Fleming’s batteries. Here is our
setup. I am applying 2 volts to the filament. The plate voltage is zero; and as you see, the
plate current is also zero.

But keep your eye on the plate current as I apply more and more voltage to the plate. . . .
You see how the plate current increased to one milliampere right away, but its growth
seems to have stopped . . . No, it has grown to 2 milliamperes, but it is not increasing any
further, even as I continue to raise the plate voltage . . . The plate current appears to have

reached a maximum—at least for this degree of heating the filament. Let’s do the same
thing using a higher filament voltage, and therefore a higher filament temperature.
The filament voltage is now 2.3. As before, I am gradually applying voltage to the plate,
and the plate current has risen to 2 milliamperes . . . and now 3 milliamperes . . . Now it has
risen to 4 milliamperes . . . But it is definitely holding there . . . It is still 4 milliamperes,
even at the maximum voltage of 118.7 volts.
14
15

The handout for this lecture begins on page 21 below.

Fleming, J. A., Principles of Electric Wave Telegraphy and Telephony (1916), page 533.

�10

Here is a graph of the measurements we just made. Just as in our first trial, when we
raise the plate voltage, the plate current increases rapidly at first; but it once again levels off

to a plateau. But notice that the plateau attained with 2.3 volts on the filament is higher
than when the filament was being heated with only 2.0 volts. The plateau is now 4
milliamperes, while before it was only 2 milliamperes.
I made several other sets of measurements using higher and higher filament voltages.
Let us append those results to our initial graph and produce a composite presentation of all
the trials:

The interpretation of these curves is clear: once charged particles are emitted from the
filament, they become subject to acceleration towards the plate by the electric field that
exists between the filament and the plate. At low plate voltages, for which the electric field
is weak, particles are emitted in greater numbers than they can be swept away. But as the
plate voltage rises, more and more of the emitted particles are drawn to the plate. Finally
the plate voltage reaches a value at which particles are being removed at the same rate as
they are emitted; the measured current cannot then undergo any further increase, no
matter how much more the plate voltage is raised. The value of this current maximum, or
“plateau,” is therefore a measure of the rate at which particles are being emitted from the
filament; and since the plateau rises when the filament voltage rises—and hence when the
filament temperature rises—it should now be clear that the rate at which negative particles
are emitted depends essentially on the filament temperature. Because these charged
particles, or ions, 16 are released by the action of heat, Owen Richardson of Cambridge

16 Ion, from ιέναι, go, since charged particles undergo motion when placed in an electric field. Like so many other
electrochemical terms, it was introduced by Faraday at the suggestion of William Whewell.

�University called them “thermions,” and their travel to the plate he called the “thermionic
current.” 17

11

With the aid of a vacuum tube essentially identical to Fleming’s we have finally, I think,
been able to appreciate the role of the heated filament. But that was not the question which
had excited Fleming’s interest. His chief concern was the asymmetric character of the
conduction—the same asymmetry we noted in the Edison Effect.
Here the power supply is connected so as to make the plate positive; and we are
obtaining a generous 37 milliamperes of plate current. It is much higher than what we
obtained a moment ago, because I am heating the filament with a much higher voltage—4.0

volts. But if I reverse the connections to make the plate negative... there is no current, even
though I am applying a very strong voltage to the plate. To Fleming this meant that current
could flow through the tube in only one direction—a feature that, he realized, would have
immediate application to wireless telegraphy. To help us see why, let me revisit a topic I
raised in February’s talk.
At the time of Fleming’s researches, the standard device for detecting an incoming
radiotelegraphy signal—that is, an electromagnetic wave—was still the enigmatic coherer,

which we discussed last time; but as I noted then, that apparatus’s principle of operation
was poorly understood; and it had many deficiencies, concerning which I quoted some
choice words from several disgruntled engineers.
Why not, then, simply send the current from the receiving antenna to one of the more
ordinary current indicators: a galvanometer, a telephone receiver, or some other
electromechanical device? The reason is that the current induced by an incoming

17 “Here we have two currents: the current used to heat the wire and the thermionic current away from the surface
of the latter.” O. W. Richardson in London, Edinburgh &amp; Dublin Philosophical Magazine 6th Series vol. 17, 814
(1909)

�12

electromagnetic wave is oscillatory, or alternating. A graph of that current with respect to
time would look like this:

The current swings regularly between positive and negative; and the number of complete
swings per second is the frequency of the current. But in wireless telegraphy the
frequencies are so high that no ordinary mechanical responder—neither the needle of a
galvanometer, nor the diaphragm of a telephone receiver—could possibly vibrate at those
rates; the alternating pulses would simply end up nullifying one another and would produce
no response at all.
Now it had been known since the 1870s that certain crystals, when brought into
electrical contact with a metal probe, could somehow make these radio-frequency
alternating currents compatible with indicators like the telephone receiver. 18 In February’s
talk I singled out the work of G. W. Pickard in this connection; his contact devices would
soon become practical “crystal detectors” for radiotelegraphy and would remain in use well
into the broadcast radio era. But at the time of Fleming’s work, these contrivances were
temperamental and delicate; and because their operation was poorly understood,
improvements in their design could be pursued only by trial and error, not by systematic
analysis. In contrast, Fleming’s vacuum tube excelled in all these areas. It was mechanically
sturdy, its electrical characteristics were stable and reliable; and, most importantly, its
principle of operation—"one-way” conduction—was understood. 19
By conducting electric current in one direction only, Fleming’s vacuum tube could
prevent the mutual nullification of positive and negative wave phases by blocking the
negative phases. It would then send onward a pulsating current whose graph would look
like this:

To be sure, those pulses would still be arriving at a rate too high for either a galvanometer
needle or a telephone receiver to reproduce; but they would be in the same direction! They
would not nullify one another, as a train of alternating pulses must do. On the contrary, if
sent to a galvanometer, they would reinforce one another to displace the needle by a clearly
visible amount. If sent to a telephone receiver, they would produce a definite click.
18 Carl Ferdinand Braun studied the properties of such junctions in 1874 and Jagadish Chandra Bose employed
crystals as microwave radio detectors in 1894.

19 The crystal detector, too, exhibited “one-way” conduction, though this was not recognized at first. Even after
that behavior was established, the physical principles underlying it were not understood until the 1930s and
1940s; the researches of that period would provide the basis for modern solid-state electronics.

�Fleming proposed a circuit like this one for the detection of electromagnetic wave

13

signals. I have reduced his circuit 20 to its essentials for clarity. When an electromagnetic
wave is intercepted by the antenna, it induces an oscillating current. If the red portion of
the circuit were absent, that current would simply flow between the antenna A and the
earth, E. But in Fleming’s circuit, it must first pass through the vacuum tube O, then through
the telephone receiver T, and finally to earth. And so long as the incoming wave makes the
antenna positive with respect to the earth, the plate of the tube will likewise be positive, and
current will flow. But in the next phase of oscillation, the antenna will be negative; the plate
too will therefore be negative; and we saw that current cannot flow through the tube under
those conditions. Only positive current pulses will pass through to the telephone; and
together these will produce the “click” that announces the commencement of a “dot” or
“dash,” followed by a slightly different “click” when it releases at the end of the train of
pulses.
You can see, then, why Fleming called his device a “valve”—a term which British usage
retains to this day. By permitting flow in one direction only, it functions like the “check
valve” used in plumbing and other applications. In the mechanism depicted here, a hinged

flap opens to permit liquid flow from left to right, but any flow from right to left bears on the
flap to close it and halt the flow.
Fleming’s explicit adoption of the terminology of plumbing suggests that he had in mind
the “fluid flow” image of electric current. Indeed, to the extent that we seem to have
demonstrated the existence of a stream of charged material particles in the vacuum tube,
flowing from filament to plate, it may appear that we have confirmed the fluid image quite
literally. Yet I hesitate to say that, for there are some vital differences. What, exactly,
constitutes a “fluid”? For Archimedes, a fluid is a continuous whole, capable of sustaining
pressure; and when it moves, it is driven by a difference of pressure between one region and
another. Recall his definition at the opening of On Floating Bodies:

Fleming, J. A., Principles of Electric Wave Telegraphy and Telephony, 3rd ed. (1916), p. 531. The diagram in my
slide is highly idealized; an actual receiver circuit would incorporate additional coils and capacitors to utilize the
incoming current more efficiently.

20

�14

Let it be assumed that a fluid is of such a nature that if its parts lie evenly and are
continuous, that part which is pressed the less is thrust out by that which is
pressed the more... 21

But in the vacuum tube we have a multiplicity of individual charged particles; they do
not seem to form a “whole” in any obvious sense; and their motion is by no means the result
of anything like Archimedean pressure, for we envisioned each of the particles as being
accelerated independently by the electric field. In an Archimedean fluid, every portion
moves in virtue of being part of a moving whole; but in the vacuum tube, each particle
enjoys its own private treaty 22 with the field. So it is not at all clear that we ought to call this
stream of particles a “fluid.” Furthermore, what kind of relation do these particles have to
the electricity which distinguishes them? Is electricity itself an immaterial substance, which
just happens to be embellishing each of these particles like a coat of paint? Or is electricity
these very particles—not a fluid at all, even though they seem to resemble a fluid when they
are confined to a “conductor”?
No doubt Fleming meant his “check valve” allusion to convey only what the vacuum tube
does, not to explain how it does it. Despite any resemblance between a stream of charged
particles and the flow of a fluid, we will not expect to find a mechanical “flap” anywhere in the
vacuum tube. How, then, shall we understand the halting of current when it is applied in the
forbidden direction? We may find some guidance in another example of “one-way” flow, one
that does not rely on mechanical contrivance; that is the waterfall. Water (or any material)
can fall down, but it does not fall up. If you tried to swim up the falls you would be “blocked,”
so to speak—not by a hinged flap, but by the gravitational field. Nevertheless, a field can be
overcome with a sufficiently great store of kinetic energy—as salmon do when they ascend
waterfalls in order to reach their ancestral breeding grounds:

When we try to direct a reverse current through the vacuum tube, we have the equivalent
of a salmon run; for instead of the kinetic energy of the fish being converted to gravitational
potential energy, we have the kinetic energy of the emitted particles—Richardson’s
thermions—being expended through conversion to electrical potential energy due to the
reversed electric field. But whereas most salmon have enough kinetic energy to overcome
the potential-barrier, in a well-functioning vacuum tube the ions do not.
We have seen how Fleming’s vacuum tube blocked half of each cycle of the alternating
current induced in the antenna; thus the remaining half-cycles, having a common direction,
could exert a cumulative effect upon a telephone receiver or a galvanometer. A
disadvantage, of course, is that since the incoming wave current is very weak, only a weak
current was available to energize the telephone or galvanometer.
21

Archimedes, On Floating Bodies, Book I.

“Private treaty” was the bon mot used by Clinton J. Davisson in his paper, “Are Electrons Waves?” Franklin
Institute Journal, 205 (1928).

22

�15

But not long after Fleming introduced his vacuum valve, the American inventor Lee
De Forest dramatically altered the technical possibilities by adding a third electrode.
Fleming, offended by what he saw as a trespass upon his specialty, regarded the new
electrode as a merely gratuitous embellishment of his own invention; and there ensued a
37-year succession of court battles over patent rights—a real-life Jarndyce v. Jarndyce, that
celebrated legal saga immortalized in Dickens’ Bleak House. 23
Do we know why De Forest added the third element? That is not clear from his initial
efforts, since he originally positioned the additional electrode outside the tube, first in the
form of parallel foil sheets, shown on the left, and later as a wire coil wound around the

glass tube, in the middle sketch; in both drawings the third element is highlighted in red. 24
Eventually, however, he located the added structure within the tube, between the filament
and the plate, as drawn on the right. De Forest named these devices Audions; 25 but since his
definitive version included three electrodes within the glass, it quickly acquired the
informal name “triode,” distinguishing it from Fleming’s two-element tube, which (despite
Fleming’s objections) won the name “diode.” 26 Let us see what De Forest’s third element
accomplished; for I think we will find that the triode, even more than the diode, implicitly
draws upon the imagery of a stream of particles rather than a flowing fluid.
In this diagram of one of De Forest’s triodes, taken from an early patent application, F
represents the filament and b the plate, just as in the Fleming diode—although De Forest

preferred the term “wing” rather than “plate.” Between them is the third electrode—not an
impenetrable plate, but a wire bent into the serpentine shape drawn here. It was thought to
resemble a cooking grate or griddle; and on that basis the third electrode acquired the name
“grid.”
As I mentioned before, it isn’t clear whether De Forest adopted this configuration with
any specific expectation in mind. About its operation, he is reported to have said, “I don’t

“The Radio Tube Goes to Court,” The New York Times, 23 November 1930. The ongoing cases described in the
article would finally be resolved in 1943.
23
24

Adapted from Gerald F. J. Tyne, Saga of the Vacuum Tube (1977), p. 59.

Considering the wide range of designs upon which De Forest bestowed the name “Audion,” it would seem that
he regarded that title as a the name of a brand more than as the name of a device.
25

26 Fleming insisted that the name of a device ought to convey its essential function, as his epithet “valve” did.
“Diode,” which expressed only the number of elements in the tube, would fail to meet that criterion.

�16

know how it works, it just does!” That is rather hard to believe, since I think that even we
can anticipate some of the effects of mounting any element whatsoever within the tube itself.
Nevertheless, the grid does exhibit some behavior that is bound to seem odd at first sight.
Let us study that initial puzzle in a triode of our own, before going on to the “working” that
De Forest would have had chiefly in mind if he really did say, “it just works.”
This lovely objet d’art is an Eimac 250TH triode, first introduced in 1938. It is practically
the twin of the diode we have been experimenting with, except for the added grid; you can
see the grid connection at the side of the glass envelope.

I am applying 3.9 volts to the filament, which heats it to glowing; and I am making no
connection to the plate. Now when I connect a meter between the grid and the positive end
of the filament, we measure a negative current; it is 1.29 milliamperes. No doubt this is our

old friend the Edison current; and if so, we should expect zero current between the grid and
the negative end of the filament. Let us try . . . Yes, we are reading zero milliamperes. But I

am not using the most sensitive range of my meter; let’s see what happens when we switch
to the microampere range . . .

�17

Well, it is not zero! Instead, we have a negative current of 1.7 microamperes. True, this
is a very small value—only about one thousandth of what we measured for the Edison

current—but the account we gave earlier implied that there should be no current
whatsoever to the negative end of the filament; because if the Edison current really consists
of a stream of negative ions, they should be repelled by the negative end of the filament, and
therefore repelled by the grid which is connected to it through the meter; they should not
be flowing to the grid! What on earth can be causing this “maverick” current?
Our earlier explanation of the Edison Effect appealed solely to the electric field that exists
between the positive and negative ends of the filament. We did not consider any source for
the ions’ motion other than their acceleration by that field. But remember that the charged
particles were emitted from a heated filament. They will therefore have acquired kinetic
energy by heat, wholly apart from experiencing any electrical attraction. So it is not at all

far-fetched to suppose that some of them might have enough energy to strike the grid and
adhere to it, making the grid slightly negative. Thus when we connect the ammeter,
negative electricity will migrate from the grid to the rest of the circuit, constituting the
current that seemed at first so surprising. 27
We can test this conjecture. If this “maverick” current to the negative end of the filament
is indeed powered by thermal energy, it should diminish when I reduce the filament
heating. Let us do that . . . Yes; you see I am lowering the filament voltage, and the current

has already dropped by about half. With a further reduction it drops to 4/10ths of a
27

This well-known phenomenon is called “grid leak” in radio circles.

�18

microampere. So this constitutes additional confirmation, if we still needed any, that the
current within the vacuum tube is constituted by a stream of material particles—
Richardson’s thermions.
The thermionic current, then, makes itself evident at De Forest’s third electrode. But
that could scarcely have been any part of De Forest’s thinking when he introduced the grid.
For the chief function of the diode was to conduct or block current through the plate. Surely
when De Forest added a third electrode, he would have been looking for some result
bearing on the plate current. Let us try to envision what such an effect might be.
Imagine, then, a current of negative ions departing from the heated filament and
streaming towards the positive plate under the influence of the electric field between the

filament and the plate. If the grid is electrically neutral, it should have no effect on the
stream of ions. But what will happen if the grid is made negative? It will then repel negative
ions; and some of the less energetic among them will be brought to rest, or even turned
back toward the filament, with a consequent reduction in plate current.
This resembles the operation of two devices that I mentioned in February’s talk: the
relay and the coherer. In both of those contrivances a weak current controlled a second,
much stronger current. That is exactly what happens in the triode: a negative current
supplied to the grid controls a completely separate current to the plate, whose strength can
be far greater, since it is powered by its own battery. No wonder De Forest was convinced
that his alleged trespass against the integrity of the diode was in fact a spectacular advance!
Let us see for ourselves this remarkable capability in action.
I am applying 120 volts to this light bulb—not directly, but through the triode, so that the
current has to pass through the tube in order to light the bulb. The grid supply is off, so the

grid is neutral; and as you see, the tube is passing enough current to light the bulb fully.
But watch the light bulb when I turn on the grid supply to place a negative voltage on the
grid. The current is blocked, and the bulb is extinguished. When I remove that negative
voltage, current flows again and the bulb lights once more. You see how a mere two or
three volts applied to the grid is able to control a 120-volt lamp.
We can carry out a more quantitative study of the triode’s action by measuring both the
plate and the grid currents.

�19

Here I am applying positive 120 volts to the triode’s plate, but zero volts to the grid. As
you see, the plate is carrying a current of 1.658 milliamperes; and the grid current is
(negative) 0.3 microamperes.

I begin increasing the grid voltage (that is, making it more and more negative), and the
plate current decreases, just as we expected. But so does the grid current. That might have
seemed surprising earlier, but now we know what is going on: the grid power supply is
sending negative current to the grid, thus opposing the thermionic current that was coming
from the grid; that’s why the grid current decreases when the grid voltage rises. Finally,
when the grid current has been brought to zero, the plate current has diminished to .362
milliamperes. When we graph these measurements, the results show plainly how the plate
current depends on the grid current.

The graph is a straight line; thus changes in the plate current are proportional to changes
in the grid current. Do you see what this means? If I send to the grid of the triode a signal
which causes the current to vary between 0 and .3 microamperes according to any pattern
whatsoever, the plate current will reproduce that very same pattern—but at a larger scale: a
.3 microampere variation of grid current will produce a plate current variation of 1.293
milliamperes, that is, a signal more than 4300 times greater!
This has implications of great consequence for electromagnetic wave detection. It means
that even if the received signal current is merely a microampere, it will be able to initiate a
current greater than 4.3 milliamperes—enough to operate a telephone receiver, a meter, or
some other indicator. De Forest boasted that this, in effect, amplifies the tiny incoming
signal—since even though the triode does not actually make a small current larger, the
result is the same as if it did.
I will have much more to say about amplification in the next lecture. For one thing, we
can combine the detection function of the diode and the amplification function of the triode
to make a far more sensitive wireless telegraphy receiver. But the triode’s capability for

�20

amplification will do much more; it will also become the basis for a new method of
electromagnetic wave generation, far superior to the spark transmitter. This in turn opens
up the first truly practical prospects for transmission and reception of sound—the heart of
what we now call “radio.” That will be the topic of my next talk, the final lecture in this
series. I hope many of you will be able to join me then.

�21

“Rectification”

Handout to accompany the lecture “The Vacuum Tube”

As the distinctive capabilities of the diode became more perfectly understood, one
technical term came into particularly prominent use. “Rectify,” to put right or correct, but
literally to make straight, became the standard term for the conversion of alternating
current to direct current. If the diode really had been capable of converting a current
from the profile (A) to profile (B)—making “the crooked straight, the rough places

plain,” 28 the term would indeed have been well-chosen; but as I noted in the lecture, the
vacuum diode does not produce current having the rectilinear profile (B) but the pulsing
profile (C). It is “direct current” only in the sense of having a single direction, not in the
original sense of being constant or straight; it ought really to be called “pulsating” current.
Nevertheless the term “rectify” quickly acquired the meaning “to make unidirectional”—
with no regard whatsoever to straightness or constancy.
Alternating current had been the standard power source in the United States since
1892; and alternating current was very well suited to applications such as incandescent
electric lighting and many kinds of electric machinery. But tasks like arc lighting and
electric welding still for the most part required direct current; and this either had to be
generated by dynamos or obtained from the standard power system by rectification. Long
after incandescent bulbs became the dominant light source, electric arcs remained
standard in high-intensity instruments such as searchlights, theatrical follow-spots, and
cinema film projectors. As late as 1959, my high school’s movie projectors employed

28

Handel’s adaptation, in The Messiah, of Isaiah 40:4.

�22
electric arc units like the AmproArc model shown here. The
arc housing is the large grey cylindrical structure. The
rectifier is on the floor at the right.
Storage batteries were another source of demand for direct
current. Unlike the batteries of Faraday’s time, which were
recharged literally 29 by discarding the used acid solution and
replacing it with new, storage batteries are recharged by
passing direct current through them in reverse. Such batteries
became standard automotive equipment with the advent of
electric starting; and rectifying battery chargers like the Tungar model pictured here were

found in nearly every service garage and even some households. The large glass bulb on
the right is the rectifying diode. (The bulb on the left is an ordinary light bulb, used to
regulate the current.)
A third area demanding direct current was that of vacuum-tube electronics, especially
for radio receivers and transmitters. I will be discussing this technology further in the
next lecture, and we shall see why these devices required direct-current power sources.

The diode I experimented with for this lecture, the Eimac 250-R, was designed to supply
direct current for high-powered radio transmitters.

H. Fisher
5 December 2025

29

The root meaning of “charge” is to load or fill.

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                <text>Portraits&#13;
Rembrandt Harmenszoon van Rijn, 1606-1669 -- self-portraits.&#13;
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Modigliani, Amedeo, 1884-1920.  Portrait of a Polish Woman.&#13;
Ogden, Perry, 1961- , Francis Bacon's 7 Reece Mews Studio photograph.&#13;
Bacon, Francis, 1909-1992.  Painting after Velazquez's portrait of Pope Innocent X.&#13;
Bacon, Francis, 1909-1992. Portraits of Isabel Rawsthorne.&#13;
Picasso, Pablo, 1881-1973.  Portrait of Gertrude Stein.&#13;
Picasso, Pablo, 1881-1973.  Weeping Woman, or La Femme qui Pleure.&#13;
Warhol, Andy, 1928-1987. Marilyn Diptych (1962).</text>
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                    <text>ST. JOHN'S

TRIVIUM

The War and the College ............. . by Scott Buchanan
We Are Not Alone ............ an undergraduate statement
Two Poems from Baudelaire

NOVEMBER,

1940

Twenty-.ftve cents

�CONTE NTS

The War and the College. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

7

History, Geography and a Temporal Sequence . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

11

The Letter Setteth Free ... . . . .. . .. .. .. . .. . . . .... .. .......... .

13

We Are Not Alone . . . ... ............ . . . . . . . . ..... . . . ... ... .. 15
Athletics. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 17

In Praise of Im propaganda. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 18
Second Fiddle. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

l

Trivia . . .. . . . . .... . . . .... .. ....... .. ... . ......... . .... .. . ..

20

Books ....... .. ... . ...... . . ... . . .. .... .... . .......... . .....

21

9

Cinema .. . .. . . .. .. . .. . ... . .... . ...... . .. . . .. . . ........... .. 24
The Play . ... . ... . ..... . ..... . ........... . . . ....... . .... . .. 25
Contributors .. . .. . ... .. . .. . . . . . . .. . . . ....... . ...... .. . .. ... 25
Two Poems from Charles Baudelaire . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 27

Editors:

FRANCIS S. MASON,

&lt;freasurer: A.
Circulation:

ScoTT ABBOTT,

WILLIAM

T.

JR., '43

AND JOHN

Louis

HEDEMAN,

'43.

'43.

HART,

'43.

Departments Etc.: ROBERT HUNTER, '43;
STERN, '43; JAMES s. MARTIN.

MARTIN ANDREWS,

'43;

ADRIAN MAYER,

'43;

HERBERT

TR IVI UM
VoL.

1

NOVEMBER, 1940

No.

1

Editorials
Prospectus. The St. John's Trivium
is a monthly magazine to be published
on the 25th of each month. It will
sell for $.25 a copy, by subscription
$2.00 for eight issues. It will appear
beginning the 25th of October, 1940,
through May, 1941. This same schedule, if found practicable, will be followed
in succeeding years.
It is published and edited by students
of St. John's College in Annapolis.
Trivium is not supported by the College,
and was founded primarily as a good
magazine for St. John's, one that would
incidentally provide the College with a
new student activity. By supporting
itself, the editors feel that 'l'rivium
will be a much better publication, since
it will have to fight for its own life-blood,
and in view of the diabolic fate of other
College-supported
organizations.
It
will be a magazine of, by, and for liberal artists. Although its name is
'l'rivium, signifying the three liberal
arts most applicable to a magazine of
this sort, it does not intend to ignore
the remaining four.
Originated by students, 'l'rivium is
itself an undergraduate of St. John's,
and is not an official spokesman of the
College. It will provide a means of
expression and publication of the typical
and best of undergraduate thought at
perhaps the leading liberal arts college in America, toward the end that
outside persons may acquire a knowledge

of what is happening to St. John's,
to the students of St. John's, and the
effects upon them. The official College
Catalogue is the counterpart of Trivium
for the Administration , and it is to be
expected that the two will both complement and contradict one another.
Trivium will be a critic of the College,
and an active one. Criticism, despite
the popular belief that it has a negative
and destructive sense, will mean to
'l'rivium what it truly denotes.
'I'rivium' s midwives feel that a medium
of exchange should exist between the
College and its friends. Passing through
officialdom, the information that the
friends of St. John's obtain concerning
the students is, at best, second-hand
and pre-digested. As in geometry, so
here, contact with the source is essential
for true understanding.
'I'rivium will be no classical journal,
but always aware and immediately
contemporary. The mistaken impression among students that college publications are for the few and particular
should be heeded and corrected here.
Students who have never written think
themselves unable to write. The editors of 'l'rivium will welcome, above
its off-campus contributions, suggestions
and submitted material from their fellow-students.
'l'rivium will contain no advertising,
as it is the opinion of its editors that
advertising in college publications is,
3

�4

ST. JOHN'S TRIVIUM

in the main, a gesture of condescension
on the part of those who give so profusely with their funds. Instead of
depending upon this largesse, the price
of 'I'rivium has been set so as to insure
its economic independence. Our business managers will therefore concentrate on the circulation of the magazine
for its subsistence; a minimum of five
hundred subscriptions is our goal.
'I'rivium asks for no blind subscribers.
Complimentary copies of the first issue
will be distributed to those requesting
them, previous to any solicitation of
payment. A person receiving one of
these copies is not obligated in any
way.
'I'rivium will not be copyrighted.
This is done to give to the magazine
the air of freedom so necessary for
its survival. We, unlike some other
college publications, do not assume
that 'I'rivium' s contents will be felt
worthy of reprinting by many others,
but wish in any case to place no restrictions in their way; as our precedent,
we note that the trivium has never
been copyrighted. Trivium will, however, attend to the details of copyrighting a single article, if requested
to do so by the author.
'I'rivium seeks to make no profits
for its own sake, and will use any additional funds for the welfare of the College, preferably as student aid.
Contributors: 'I'rivium looks toward the
student body with anticipation.
From
it must come the stable portion of the
magazine: the editors, the departments,
and the many minor details which are
so necessary in its make-up.
'I'rivium also eyes the College Faculty
with hopeful expectancy. Besides requesting the St. John's tutors to write
upon subjects of personal interest to
them, 'I'rivium also hopes for repetition

and supplementary comment upon their
individual work in the College.
Off the campus, 'I'rivium seeks articles from visiting lecturers, members
of the Board of Visitors and Governors,
and any other person who, in the opinion
of the editors, would write in a manner
and upon a subject suitable for the
character of the magazine. In this
category fall undergraduate students
on other campuses. Contributions to
'I'rivium are voluntary and without
payment.
Contents: In content, 'I'rivium' s first
few pages will be devoted to comment
by its editorial board. This part of
the magazine is not departmentaliz ed,
but will include paragraphs of opinion
on subjects immediately relevant to
the College and its community, as well
as commentaries upon modern American
and foreign life. Since 'I'rivium is a
product of an educational program unique
in American colleges today, its primary
concern will be with matters educational,
although this will definitely not restrict
its subject matter. Its editors aim to
escape from the traditional negative
policy of college publications, and will
not be subservient, and only deliberately
revolutionary.
Departments: Its departments will be
conducted by the members of the editorial staff, devoting themselves to the
following subjects: Books, the Theatre
and Cinema, Contributors, Letters to
the Editor, Department of Impropaganda, and Trivia. 'I'rivium's book reviews will be both ancient and modern.
By ancient we do not mean only those
books studied at St. John's; 'I'rivium's
literary critics will be at pains to point
out that the Great Books List is not an
index of exclusion: that it is a list which
forms the foundation for the immense
structure of progress in the liberal arts,

ST. JOHN'S TRIVIUM

and should be studied like the Preamble
to the Constitution. Guest reviewers
may have articles here.
Complementary to the columns on
books will be a subsidiary department,
concerning itself with pertinent comment
on new and old editions and translations
of the Great Books, the books mentioned
in each issue, notes on their authors,
and modern publications.
Believing that the theatre provides
both entertainment and incentive for
enjoyable living, 'I'rivium will devote
space each month to dramatic criticism.
We will try to review as many plays as
possible, prior to their performances in
cities near Annapolis. The motion picture department is interested not only
in the latest films, but in the history of
the motion picture as evidenced by the
collection and supplementary material
found in the Museum of Modern Art in
New York City.
The remaining departments-T rivia,
Department of Impropaganda, Letters
to the Editor,-speak for themselves.
'I'rivium' s off-campus contributions and
articles by those not on the staff will be
signed; staff articles, outside of editorial
comment, will be initialed.
A Return to First Principles. Here
at St. John's the students are for all
practical purposes indoctrinated with
the idea that they are in a college where
the true liberal education is the rule.
St. John's is the return to first principles-the first principles upon which
every educated man must found his
life, and is the rock which serves as the
foundation for his philosophy, as well
as being the path to its discovery.
As a natural result of this, there is
much criticism, in the popular sense
of destructive, of the rest of the modern
American colleges and universities; crit-

5

icism that is leveled at them because
they are, by and large, obtaining money
under false pretences, and are not giving
to their students that which they have
so fervidly promised to them. There
is some basis for this contention, indeed
more than is usually found for the
mud-slinging engaged in by rival candidates for the same office. Yet, there
is one point which seems to have eluded
us thus far, and occurred to us long
after we were supposed to have had our
"intellectual awakening," if that nebulous event has yet taken place.
The criticism of all, or almost all,
other colleges is the equivalent of the
remarks which might be directed at a
restaurant: one of its customers could
say, "That's a terrible place-they have
no caviar listed on the menu." A
perfectly valid fault, indeed, provided
anyone would want caviar in sufficient
quantities to warrant the maintenance
of it in stock.
That is the error which we make here
at St. John's: we assume that young
people, starting out in the game of
education, want a liberal arts course,
i.e., to be educated. Until that is
verified, then the harsh words tossed
at them are harmless, except for their
nuisance value.
After all, the average youth of today
could want nothing more of the future
than security and health and a modicum
of happiness, and all he can therefore
desire of his college is that it take some
steps to make his future earning capacity reasonably secure. Health and
happiness are his own concern, and
to his mind the money is probably
the first consideration. As Henry
Adams, in his Education of Henry Adams,
said, " ... in sum, education without
capital could always be taken by the
throat and forced to disgorge its gains,

�6

ST. JOHN'S TRIVIUM

nor was it helped by the knowledge
that no one intended it, but that all
alike suffered .... The failure of the
scientific scheme, without money to back
it, was flagrant."
This means to those entering college
that it is better to think of the sheckels
than the intellectual shackles which
bind them. Once they are financially
secure, then it is time enough to be
educated. The only trouble is, this
doctrine is false, for rather too obvious
and lamentable examples point out its
failure. Gramps, in You Can't Take
It With You, had the right idea.
In short then, the fault lies largely
with those who pick out their colleges:
they are a little too spineless to revolt
and demand that society give them
their birthright, or a free mind. If man
is a rational animal, then it is his heritage
to be rational: having only the potential
capacity to reason is not enough. Society too is at fault; though its sin is
one of omission rather than commission.
And we at St. John's are not at fault,
strictly, but only because the other
colleges still insist that they are educating their students. Once they would
come right out and say, "We offer you a
secure future, for we will teach you one
profession, and make you a decent mechanic, or economic specialist, or whatever you, in your sublime ignorance,
choose," then we wouldn't have a leg
to stand on. Then both of us, both
the other colleges and St. John's, would
be much happier.
A note on Trivium's cover ... Difficulties are inevitable when the founders
of a magazine feel that the cover needs
an appropriate design. The temptation to include all possible symbolism
in a representation of the Liberal Arts
is irresistible, and the complications

resulting
therefrom
are
immense.
Through the kindness of Mr. Graham
Carey, who has long been interested
in the program at St. John's, the present
design has been arranged. The aim
was to give easily recognizable symbols
for the Trivium and to somehow include
the other four arts. The New Program
seal, which Mr. Carey himself designed,
made an ideal model for such an arrangement. The seal consists of seven
opened books, denoting the seven arts.
These are placed in circular form around
a primitive balance. The seal is also
endowed with a Latin motto meaning
"I make free men out of children by
means of books and balances."
Since T rivium was not to be an official publication, we could not duplicate the seal in detail. It was also
necessary to exaggerate the three books
representing grammar, rhetoric and
logic, for which the magazine was
named. The first step in this direction was to make these three books
face outward from the balance. Then
the symbols presented themselves.
It was first suggested that the first
three letters and the last three letters
of the Roman alphabet be used for
grammar. These were to be situated
on the separate pages of the opened
book. Mr. Carey, however, rightly
feared the algebraic connotations of
these significant letters, upon which
the present design was adopted. As
the cover is now, grammar 1s represented by the first and last letters of
the three leading alphabets of our
Western tradition- Hebrew, Greek and
Roman.
Rhetoric, which was to be represen ted in the center book, made the
most difficult problem. Two hearts
( Con ad con Loquitur) seemed to explain communication , but the suggestion

ST. JOHN'S TRIVIUM

of a double valentine greeting on the
cover of a magazine whose name has
enough variations seemed to invite more
comment. Again coming to our aid,
Mr. Carey mentioned that in modern
symbolism the circle, square, six-pointed
star and triangle have been used for
the Final, Material, Efficient and Formal
causes respectively. Being a communicative art, rhetoric involves two persons- the sender or artist and the
receiver or patron. Artists are concerned mainly with Formal causes,
patrons with Final causes. Using the
Material cause to connect these two

7

and effect the copula the three symbols
signify the necessary features of the
transmission of an idea, such as the
art of rhetoric.
The syllogism seemed the application
of one of the first principles of logic
and the most immediately recognizable
identification of that art.
The help given us by Mr. Carey
cannot be exaggerated. His patience
with our frequent criticisms was great.
The cover design he has made for
Trivium warrants thanks we are not
unable to give, but which we can never
complete.

The War and the College
FOR the last year we have been
doing our lessons, reading our books,
and trying to listen to peaceful, reasonable discourse about human affairs,
while special newspapers have been
let loose outside the window telling us
of the latest crack and ruin in the affairs
which human reason should control.
That the College has recently dedicated
itself again to the ancient purpose, that
it is three years along on the new road
to recover the lost arts of reason, that
there are signs of success, all this is
reassuring. But there are also signs
that the greater human project of which
this is only a part is at least temporarily failing, that it is failing perhaps
because one of the proudest products
of human reason, the machine, has
taken charge of affairs, and that we
shall have to harness ourselves to it,
to save ourselves and our reason from
total ruin.
In a recent pamphlet Archibald MacLeish, the new Librarian of Congress,
has accused people like us, the liberal

artists in this and other countries, of
being irresponsible, of not seeing the
practical effects and implications of the
literary and intellectual arts. He thinks
that we have imitated the laboratory
scientist who has shut himself up in the
laboratory and the artist who has shut
himself up in his studio and forgotten
their responsibilities as citizens and as
men of authority. There have been
students and teachers in this College
who have agreed with Mr. MacLeish
in the last year. One of the older
students who came here last fill said
then that he did not know how long
he would be able to stay; he sailed for
Europe in May for ambulance service.
He is now somewhere in France. His
departure made a deep impression on us
all. We are not sure, as the rest of the
country is not sure, what we should be
doing. We are not sure that we have
settled the matter when we have comforted each other by saying that we are
saving, for ourselves and for the world,
the most precious and important part

�8

ST. JOHN'S TRIVIUM

of the civilization for which it has
worked from the beginning. That may
turn out to be irresponsible talk tomorrow or next month.
In the last war the colleges turned
themselves over to the R.O.T.C. and
the S.A.T.C. instead of athletics, and
their classrooms to gunnery and navigation along with courses in War Aims.
Some of us remember that we were
unable to carry what we got with us.
The military training didn't work or
we never used it, and the war aims
turned out to be sour propaganda in
our mouths. We couldn't use either
one after the war, and we turned out
to be a lost generation drifting towards
another war. It would be good this
time if we could concentrate on something that we could take with us-into
the war and beyond the war.
It may be well to recall that some
of the work and thought that went
into the present St. John's Program
came out of an early recognition that
the world was drifting and that something must be done, something fundamental and perhaps drastic, to discover
our position and direction. The list
of books that we are reading now at
St. John's was begun immediately after
the Armistice by the American Expeditionary University at Beaune, France.
It has been taught, revised, and added
to ever since by people who had direct
and vivid experience of the last war,
the Peace that followed, and these last
years of bewilderment. It has always
been the aim of these collaborators
against demoralization to rediscover and
to make available again the things that
human beings, young men, and old
men, can take with them wherever they
go and whatever happens to them.
Those of you who have seen the play
'Journey's End know how Alice in Won-

derland went to the trenches; you have
heard how Alexander always slept with
Homer's Iliad under his pillow, how
General Smuts became a philosopher
general by reading Kant's Critique of
Pure Reason during the Boer War.
The books have gone many places with
human beings, have made them see,
and know, and do many things. Wherever you "have to take it," you can
take these books- especially if they have
become a part of you.
But one of the troubles with war is
that you have to go through it and
come out the other side. You have to
go on, when nobody knows where to
go. War destroys roads and landmarks as well as cities and dwellings.
It destroys familiar and reassuring
things inside you. Again these books
have seen many wars and have gone
on afterwards with those who • were
left to go on. It is often said that
the great books have stood the test of
time. They have done more than that;
they have gone on through the fire
and destruction of many wars and told
men what to do afterwards. It is somewhat comforting to know that the
St. John's books have this deep, practical use in the present crisis.
Still this is not enough. We are
members of the American community
and the College has deep roots as an
American institution. We must know
what its full function will be in the
immediate future. There seems to be
wide agreement that we Americans
should have universal military training
and that therefore boys of college age
will be asked to train themselves for the
manifold specialties of modern organized defense. This time we should not
have the mad scramble for preferred
positions and special competing services.
It would seem likely therefore that

ST. JOHN'S TRIVIUM

some general basic training in the
manual arts would be desirable. Again
the plans in the minds of the collaborators in the St. John's Program
have been better than we knew at the
start.
It used to be said that a young man
who worked his way through college
was getting a double education; he
was studying books and in addition
he was learning the value of money.
In the old American college it was
not the value of money that was being
learned, but the dignity of work. We
at St. John's have long thought it
necessary to add the manual arts to
our curriculum, because hands are as
important as eyes in the training of
the intellect. Laboratories these days
have become streamlined and demand
too little of the manual skills that
went into the training of the older
scientists. We have wanted to have
the students build their own apparatus
so that they would know just what has
gone into the experiment and the observation. We have done some of this
already, but we have had plans for
carpentry and metal working shops.
Modern industry has need of men
trained in this way, and now we have
had it demonstrated to us that modern
warfare is also scientific in this sense.
But just as we have not wanted to
professionalize our scientific training,
so we would like to give our students a
general viable training for what they
will probably face when they are called
for national defense service, a training
that will make them intelligent, versatile
agents of the American spirit defending itself, not merely mechanical parts
of the military machine. The books
will make them adult human beings;
what will make them effective agents
in action?

9

We have done considerable inquiring
and considerable guessing about this
matter at the College recently, and
we have a suggestion to make, a suggestion that comes from the inner
structure of the Program, and a suggestion that might be followed by
other colleges. We should focus all
of our training in the natural sciences
on the gas engine and the electric generator. As the steam engine and coal
were the living parts of the industrial
system for the last hundred years, so
the internal combustion engine and the
electric generator are the vital center
of the industrial revolution of this generation. Their immediate utility in
national defense has become painfully
obvious during the last two months.
To those who have grasped the constructive, aggressive program that we
have projected for ourselves in the
natural sciences this apparent reversion
to immediate utility may be shocking.
But we have discovered in our attempts
to liberalize and intellectualize the experimental techniques of modern science
that the major strategy must be the
focusing of our training on a concrete
problem that will bring the theoretical
and speculative issues out and force
them on our attention. The application of the natural sciences to human
beings in medicine has been our aim so
far. The mathematician, the physicist,
the chemist, and the biologist, as well
as the medical man and the philosopher
will bear witness that this is not a
simple, easy task that we have undertaken. It will take a long time to
carry out. On the way to the solution
are the sciences and the arts of heat
and electricity, represented on our list
and in our laboratory by Fourier and
Clerk Maxwell. The immediate practical problem soon to be forced on us by

�IO

ST. JOHN'S TRIVIUM

our national emergency and the suggested solution in terms of the gas
engine and the electric generator point
out the nearer focusing points for our
curricular problems in science. Shops
for the mechanical arts connected with
them would extend our liberal arts and
sciences as well as provide the elementary training for those who may have
to play important parts in the immediate
historical occasion.
Napoleon once said that an army
moves on its stomach; it might well
be said now that an army lives and
moves in its internal combustion motors.
The educated soldier of a democracy
should know more than the British or
French soldier know about their prime
movers. The colleges should see that
their students know about the prime
movers of industrial cultures, not only
for purposes of war but also for purposes
of any hopeful peace that may follow.
Archibald MacLeish's article suggests that the liberal and the intellectual should use their pens as weapons.
I hope [but I am not sure] that he does
not mean that they should turn their
intellects to the dark purposes of propaganda and their literary skill to the arts
of recrimination. I am persuaded that
he should mean that the literary, artistic,
intellectual man should not be snooty
about technology. Technical education has long been known as an integral
part of culture by the anthropologists;
one learns as much about primitive peoples by studying their tools as one learns
by studying their language. One of
the disturbing things in modern culture
all over the world is the false sophistication of the liberal intellectual who
ignores mathematics, machinery, chemistry, and biology. On the other side
is the engineer who can not read poetry
and has childish ideas about morals and

politics. This rift is as shocking to
those who have discovered it as the rift
between the military intelligence of
the Allies and the technological intelligence of the Germans. The present
apparent victory of one is as horrible
as the defeat of the other, and they
both symbolize the great issues in our
bewildering culture.
It has been from the start the major
concern of the St. John's Program to
lay the foundations for the mending
of this rift.
In the modern world there are two
great traditions which are represented
best by religion, ethics, and politics
on the one hand, and by science and
industry on the other. The former
is usually understood to be conservative and established; the latter is radical
and progressive in the popular mind.
Technically considered, religion, ethics,
and politics move in a medium of literature, talk, words; science and industry
use a mathematical medium. The task
of any civilization is to assimilate the
new to the old, and the failure of a
culture results in a revolution of the
new against the old. We at St. John's
have tried to put the new and the old
together in a way that will force the
assimilation. We have been criticized
for having too much religion, ethics,
and politics, too much literature and
philosophy of the old-fashioned variety.
On the other hand, we have been criticized for having too much mathematics
and laboratory science. The criticisms
balance pretty well, and we hope they
accurately reflect the balance in the
curriculum itself. Actually the balance
is a dynamic one, and has a direction.
Arming ourselves with the traditional
disciplines in language and literature
which include poetry, religion, and politics as subject matters, we hope to move

ST. JOHN'S TRIVIUM

into the baffling problems in mathematical physics and medical science.
This is our way of facing the modern
world and of preparing ourselves to
solve some of its problems.
There are grave dangers in the project,
dangers which some of our wisest critics
have pointed out. There is the danger
of simple failure, there is the danger
of too easy a solution with consequent
disillusion and despair, there is the
danger of a further reduction of the
humanities to the natural sciences and
a consequent slip of science into magic
and black arts. But these are dangers
of the modern world whatever we try
to do in it. If you are ill you are forced
to choose between a priest and a psychiatrist, between a psychiatrist and a
medical man, between a medical man
and a quack. How and why do you
choose; why should you have to choose
when you are a man, a human being
with all these dimensions and potentialities? Is there an escape from the
choice for the individual? No, we must

II

face the dangers in life, and therefore
all the more we must face them in a
liberal education.
But they can not be faced without an
integral attack from many sides. St.
John's has books written by men who
had faith and courage in the prospect
of solution. We have laboratories where
the problems can be posed in detail and
in easy stages. It may be that the war
emergency will hasten our determination
to face the problems in the machine shop
with our hands as well as our intellects
and our eyes. We shall wait to see
what the national government proposes,
hoping that the deliberations now in
process will give something to the
colleges to do that will be effective for
the immediate practical purposes which
we all share, and that, whatever the
government gives the colleges to do,
it will be something that they can
take with them through the war to the
other side where we shall want to be
able to do our part in finding a way
into the future.-ScoTT BucHANAN.

History, Geography and a Temporal
Sequence
THE only reason that men care to
study the past, other than that of
pure intellectual curiosity, is that history apparently is repetitive, and a
knowledge of it makes the present and
the future potentially understandable.
Perhaps it may even have the effect of
making man aware of his mistakes and
failures, his successes and strokes of
genius, in the events of ages long dead,
and thereby he may learn someday to
profit by this vicarious experience himself. Through understanding of the past,

in other terms, may come control of the
future. The implications of this are
of importance beyond the power of
words to express.
The statement that history does repeat itself is nearly prehistoric, proposed
by Plato in the Fifth Century B.C.,
and lately by Spengler. The cyclical
theory is old and seemingly true, as
far as our observations go. Working
on this basic assumption, men have
attempted, with some notable successes,
but many more remarkable failures,

�1'2

ST. JOHN'S TRIVIUM

to fathom and predict the future. They
can do this if the things which they
observe are natural to men and are not
merely incidental causes acting upon
them. That is, the language of a people
is a product of their environment,
civilization and culture in the first instance, and later on, through its richness,
color and implied meanings, may serve
to keep that culture alive, or even to
revive it, long after the original impetus
is dead. So long, then, as men will
adhere to observations based upon natural causes, and not incidental ones,
their attempts to read what is written
in the book of Fate has some logical
justification.
In this article, I will deal with a
phenomenon which I have observed,
but one which can lead, sadly enough,
if I am to stick to my above statements,
to no logically founded results. I therefore shall try to draw no conclusions
from it; if I should be so rash, you may
be certain that I apologize.
This observation, which came to my
attention one evening when I was
gazing at a Mercator projection of the
world, would apparently make the progress of civilization's centers in a directed
curve, which is not, so far as this aspect
goes, as yet repetitive. From the small
amount of history which is at my command, the theory seems accurate in
its facts. Fortunately, those upon which
I find it necessary to draw do not have
to be correct to the last detail: an error
of a century or two makes no basic
difference to me. This is fortunate, for
the knowledge we have of the past is
generally still the subject of learned
debates. The geography which I demand, and you must possess to understand this theory, is also unhampered
by even considerable errors. In short,

only a superficial knowledge of the
generalities of both is essential at all.
The historical aspect of the theory
requires only a list of the successive
centers of civilization, arranged chronologically. These are, I think, as
follows: China, India, Babylon, Egypt,
Greece, Rome, Spain and/or France,
and England. If you feel that I have
erred here, the order in which I have
placed these nations is my own personal
opinion on the matter, and your agreement is now necessary. However, I
do not make the claim that each of
these countries added something to the
general sum of civilization. All I ask
is the admission that this is the order
in which the countries named seized or
had supremacy or dominance in the
world. This is not taken to mean in
the sense of economic or military leadership, although some surely possessed
this, but in the sense that the culture
which each country had at some time
was the best to be found; this, of course,
also implies that we have the same
viewpoint on culture, but that is not
important.
Having granted this order, we now
pass to the geographical field. Here,
I wish that you would look at, or imagine, a map of the world. That is all.
Having obtained the ingredients, we
will now essay a mixture, hoping that
the elements will fuse in some way.
The first nation on our historical list is
China; let us then direct our attention
to China on the map. Then to the
second on the list, India; to reach it
on the map, we move to the west of
China. Then Babylon; we move now
west of India. To Egypt, west from
Babylon; then again west to Greece;
now we sail into the setting sun and
reach Rome; ever moving westward,
we sweep into Spain and France; the

ST. JOHN'S TRIVIUM

trail seems to move westward across
the Channel, and hesitates in England
as though unsure of its future movements.
We have now made a regularly westward progression from China to England.
The direction of our travel has not
changed or suffered reversal. There
could be, if we were on the watch for
conclusions, only one drawn: the progress
of civilization is from east to west.
Where can it go now? Only west again,
and the logical country west of Britain
is the United States. But there, I have
drawn a conclusion, and I apologize.
There are a multitude of objections
to this theory, if such it be, and no one
is more conscious of them than I. But
it is an observation, and one which may
prove of value in reassuring the sophisticated Americans that they are not perishing from the earth, but are, on the
contrary, just beginning to rise from
the ashes.
The first objection to this is that
there apparently is no reason for the
geographical progression: that is, geography is only incidental. Probably this
objection is valid; I cannot dispose of
it, except to repeat the statement made
about geography affecting culture

13

through language.
The Frenchman
speaks six times as rapidly as the South
Sea Islander, and the ratio of their
cultures is even greater; could not the
climates be the cause of this? In the
absence of greater research work than
has been done to the present time, this
will be purely a matter of personal
opm1on.
Another objection would be that there
now is a water gap between the old and
possible new centers of civilization.
But cannot the water gap between
Egypt and Greece be likened unto it,
when the two means of transportation
are taken into consideration, as in a
proportion to the distances? Then they
are, I think, comparable.
There may be, and probably are,
many other more serious objections.
But they are all objections to the attempt
to predict; not to the observation itself.
It is made, and can be taken for whatever
value you wish to assign to it. I am
not capable of a valiant defense on its
behalf, but I hope that there is something of truth both in the observation
and the almost totally embryonic conclusions which I have drawn from it;
apologetically, of course.-J. L. H.

The Letter Setteth Free
spirit killeth; the letter setT HE
teth free." Thus did T. S. Eliot
once paraphrase an old and venerated
epigram, the memory of which led
President Stringfellow Barr to deliver
one of the most stimulating lectures
we can remember hearing at St. John's.
As is customary, Mr. Barr gave the
first Formal Lecture of the scholastic
year to the students and members of
the Faculty, on the topic, Grammar.

The lecturer, speaking of grammar,
gave an excellent exhibition of rhetoric.
His talk was smooth, yet animated,
and he somehow managed to space it
with anecdotes which did not distract
the students' attention from the theme.
Mr. Barr has that happy faculty of
making the complex seem simple, while
still giving credit to the listener for
understanding the complex. Not that
one may ever boast of understanding

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ST. JOHN'S TRIVIUM

a lecture here, except in part; the lecturers force the students to raise themselves to the speaker's level, or fall
by the wayside.
Though we do not pretend to have
understood it, the most exciting thing
Mr. Barr said pertained to the Renaissance, and indirectly to the "intellectual
awakening" which every student should
undergo at some stage of his career
here. The Renaissance, he said, consisted of men using words, and using
them often, without realizing their meanings, and then suddenly discovering
just what those words did stand for.
Words are the parts of grammar, they
are the marks we make on paper, or the
sounds we utter, or the tools we use
to convey ideas. Words, here, as a
term, is also symbolic, since it stands
for any tools which may be used for
the communication of intelligent meanings. The mechanic, the soldier, the
sailor, the farmer, the sculptor- each
has his proper grammar.
The reduction of the Renaissance to
these terms made it something vital
and comprehensible to the students.
For many, it will also serve as a clue to

distinguish the "intellectual awakening" from another case of understanding
of one term.
Mr. Barr, in his similar lecture last
year, called grammar "frozen logic."
He has since realized that this would
make it static, and its dynamic quality,
which he brought so forcibly to our
attention, belies this definition.
The President also referred to a
statement he made in the College Convocation, concerning the courage it
required to embark on a liberal education in times like these. Instead, he
said, it requires faith. Certain it
seems, to us, that to a student who
as yet does not know the real meaning
of the term he is using, it takes more
of the latter to continue using it than
it does of courage. Faith in the men
who insist that the word has a meaning;
faith in the men who use the word;
and above all, faith that some day
he himself will discover that meaning,
and have the use of grammar for his
own ends. Having only the spirit will
kill; "the letter setteth free."-THE
CIRCLE.

ST. JOHN'S TRIVIUM

We Are Not Alone
SINCE a year ago September, some of
us have surveyed the generation
which we may call our own by birth,
and have found little to make us proud
of thi·s allegiance. A short while ago,
we were appalled to read in the pages of
the August and September issues of the
Atlantic Monthly, a gentlemanly and
distressed query by Professor Arnold
Whitridge of Yale University, and its
attempted answer by two undergraduates
of American colleges: Kingman Brewster,
Jr., also of Yale, and Spencer Klaw of
Harvard. We were appalled because
Mr. Whitridge's honest and interested
open letter to those who would fight in
the war he foresees, received a reply
just as mugwumpian as the young men
who had so mystified him. Believing
that he did not wish to have his unenviable position magnified but clarified,
we feel obligated to answer him further.
And this is not only because we seem to
be misunderstood ourselves, but also for
the reason that we think we represent a
sizable bloc of other students in American
colleges. Like the gentlemen from Harvard and Yale, we do not presuppose
that our views are shared by all, or even
a majority, of the rest of us, but we are
happy in knowing that we are representative.
Succinctness was not one of the virtues of the gentlemen from Harvard
and Yale. We shall try to make it ours
through natural sympathy and respect
for Mr. Whitridge's propitious question. His open letter was more inquiring than challenging, and we propose
to treat it as such.
Mr. Whitridge's first pertinent remarks dealt with the traditionally impulsive, generous, and idealistic qualities
of youth as witnessed in the college

press. Not unreasonably, he had gone
directly to student publications for his
answer. What he discovered there was
justly horrifying to him. The Daily
Dartmouth was afraid of swinging its
emotions to that side which might have
less than all the right, and dove headlong for shelter from British and French
propaganda; the Harvard Crimson (Mr.
Klaw's journal) Munichally demanded
peace-at-any-price, and branded expression of belief in the Allied cause as
war-mongering; three-hundred students
from the same college informed the
President that they would never follow
in the footsteps of the 1917 alumni;
the Yale News (whose chairman is Mr.
Brewster) placidly discovered that neither the Allies nor the Nazis had a decided stand as either friend or foe of
morality and religion. Regretfully, Mr.
Whi tridge extended the list.
To counter this evidence, we ourselves
have had some experience with collegiate
editorializing, and unless the journalists
of larger campuses are better for their
offices than we were, the great bulk of
their printed matter was written in a
frenzy with but superficial thought,
and taken post-haste to the printers.
Authors have been more than once
amazed to find what they have written,
and since there are not many lexicographers among us, too few have
analyzed their own words with the keen
incisive investigations that have been
made into the words of others. This
may serve as a reminder that Mr.
Whitridge's sources of information are
not infallible. It is an extremely simple
matter to make a profession of faith;
this is the a priori cause of Mr. Whitridge's inquiry. Precisely because it
is not difficult to pay lip-service to strange

�16

ST. JOHN'S TRIVIUM

gods, youth has often left its heart out
of its mouth, and kept its traditional
impulses, generosities, and ideals obscured, to the understandable bewilderment of Mr. •Whitridge and his kith.
We realize that thus far we have made
an apology; a conclusion on our part
which the gentlemen from Harvard and
Yale evidently failed to comprehend in
their own reply. We cease to fight the
duel; there is little need for one.
We believe that never before m the
world's memory has there been an
issue as clear-cut as the one being settled
now by the Battle of Britain. As
proof, it may be seen that from the
conflagration in England, there leads a
highly incendiary fuse to numerous small
but powerful powder kegs dotting the
entire surface of the globe. Upon the
worst fate of Britain hangs the worst
fate of South America, the Empire, the
British navy, which has so long and with
so eminent a success guarded, and still
guards, our Atlantic coast; the Dutch
East Indies, Indo-China, and thereby
the sole supply route to Chiang Kai
Shek's armies battling the Japanese
invader; thus the fate of China herself;
Japan's policy will be shaped by the
outcome, and this, it is agreed, will
profoundly effect America's Far-Eastern
policy, and subsequently our naval plans
for national defense. Further may we
cite the fact that the Nazi philosophy
of life is based upon the assumption
that man is by nature an indolent,
weak, and indecisive animal, not social,
but seeking to be left in his own small
world, and desiring to have his decisions
made by men whose word he has not
the right to question. Opposed to this
is the British democracy, which may be
classed by some as a poor example of
what the democratic state should be,

but yet firmly believes that man is by
nature a rational, social, idealistic, strong
animal, each individual having a certain
fundamental dignity, which requires that
the first duty of the governing power
shall be to have the consent of those
who are to be governed.
This is as clean a philosophical break
as could be imagined in any abstract
argument. But this is by no means
abstract; it is living, forceful, yet profound. The very physical means which
the combatants choose to wage their
war may be the same. But the manners
by which these instruments are used
to achieve the ends sought are just as
vitally incongruous as the philosophical
assumption that led to their construction. Religiously, one side has found
the Church its greatest stumbling block;
the other has found God a source of
comfort. Morally, there is no military
compunction on the part of the one,
but when the enemy has chosen his
weapons, none but a fool would use those
inferior to his, regardless of the moral
indignation at being forced to use them.
Some suppose that Britain's ideals
are not our ideals, but they are ours
if only because those of Germany are
not and could never be American.
We have said that the choice of weapons is not England's own; likewise if,
though God grant it not, we should
ever be compelled to fight, it will not
be ours to make a choice. Conscription
has been condemned as a dictatorial
method of raising physical strength, but
we must fight fire with fire in the absence
of something stronger than flames.
It has been said that democracy
cannot combat total war without itself
becoming a dictatorship, and that also
once the fundamental liberties contained in the Bill of Rights have been
usurped for a period, then we have

ST. JOHN'S TRIVIUM

forever sold our birthright for a pot of
porridge. This is profoundly and historically untrue. It has been the experience of every democracy that, in time
of crisis, freedom disappears, but certainly not forever. And may we present
as evidence the authority of Woodrow
Wilson in 1917 and 1918, and inquire
as to whether the freedom of the American individual failed to re-appear.
The word propaganda today has the
same connotations that the word witch
had in old Salem. Applied to any
article, to any written or spoken word,
it labels it as untrue, malicious, and
inciting emotional epilepsy. The gentlemen from Harvard and Yale seem
to have forgotten that it was propaganda
that made our Founding Fathers libertyconscious in 1776; that it was propaganda
that aroused the nation to fight infantile
paralysis, and is now forcing it to fight
syphilis; that it is propaganda that
elects the President of the United
States. Yet we feel that they would
be the first to condone its use here.
Propaganda, then, is another term for
high-pressure salesmanship, and must
be judged not absolutely but relative
to the product it attempts to place in
popular favor. Bearing this in mind,
the name of propaganda need frighten
no one who retains his intellectual
freedom and reserves the right to make
his individual judgments.
Mr. Whitridge's attempt to excuse
our generation by placing the blame
on his own is an appreciated gesture,
but no more actual than the dogma that
the Versailles Treaty is the fountainhead from whence flow all our troubles
today.
The preservation of democracy is an
intricate task. It calls for more blood
and tears, sweat and toil than any other
with which wemayconfrontourselves. If

the past has taught us at all, it has
taught us that America is capable of
heroic exertions. We believe that the
victory of sweetness and light over the
forces of evil and darkness can be attained. And if only because it can be,
we shall see it done. Here we take our
stand, in the name of our impulses, our
occasional generosities and, above all,
our ideals.- F. S. M., JR. AND J. L. H.
ATHLETIC ACTIVITIES
AN annual visitor to St. John's, were
he observant, would notice the distinct
improvement in the equipment of the
athletic corner of the College. A new
diamond shines in the setting sun, and the
coaches and referees now caper energetically in smart, though ill-fitting,
blue tights. Inside the red-brick gymnasium new rowing machines have been
installed, new wrestling mats laid down,
and an extra squash court built.
The reason for all this development
is not that there has been an athletic
endowment, but rather that the size of
the College has been doubled by incoming
freshmen, and accommodation has had to
be made for their desire to blow off
steam. Another result of the increase in
numbers has been the redivision of the
teams. Instead of banding together in
respective houses, players are now vaunting the current prowess of their seminars,
although the highly technical method of
numbering seminars is rather cumbersome for the supporter, who roots loudly
for his beloved "seminar 2ab." Perhaps
the names of the seminar leaders might
make the teams less impersonal, and more
worth risking one's neck for. However
the main result of the redistribution has
been to create more teams, and thus make
competition
greater,
and
possibly
healthier.

�18

ST. JOHN'S TRIVIUM

The only two veterans of the palmy
days of intercollegiate athletics are sailing
and fencing, and they are continuing in
this vein throughout the year. Apart
from these two sports the program is an
entirely intramural one, having been
established with the object of fuller
participation by more scholars, and a
shift of the emotional energy expended
on intercollegiate teams to other presumably more worthy fields. There are,
however, rewards offered for individual
and team achievements, in the forms of
golden charms, college blazers, and a
choice of athletic equipment for the
winner of the "outstanding athlete"
race, competed for on a points basis.
And now the season is beginning, the
seminars, stimulated by dialectic, are
ready to throw themselves into the feast
of sports that awaits them. Touch
football, softball, sailing and soccer are
already here. Fencing and basketball
are on their way. Harder studying
makes for more free time, it has been
said, so let everyone wallow in an orgy
of mental calisthenics, and then participate in the sports program, making it
fulfil its purpose of greater enrollment
and greater enjoyment for all.-W. T. H.
IN PRAISE OF IMPROPAGANDA
PROPAGANDA is addressed to passion
and prejudice. But you seldom find
any in the dead letter office. This
means that we should cultivate sweet
reason-within the walls of the dead
letter office.
Subversive elements are always injecting propaganda into our national
life. For instance, now comes the rumor
that someone wants to do away with
the Army Regulations that require in
every soldier ten pairs of teeth, upper
and lower, capable of meeting between
decks. This appears a monstrous pro-

posal, and the rumor is probably propaganda. The army has always required
ten pairs of teeth.
But impropaganda immediately suggests that perhaps it wouldn't be so
bad to modify the rule anyway. After
all, such a regulation is undoubtedly
a survival of earlier days and not justified by the conditions of modern warfare.
In a cave man army, ten pairs of teeth,
capable of meeting each other, were
also capable of meeting the enemy.
And even as late as the Civil War, when
teeth were used for opening cartridges,
a toothless infantryman looked dangerous to the enemy-until he smiled.
But we think this antiquated rule has
now become subversive.
Why should our army continue to
insist upon naturally grown teeth when
science has demonstrated the acceptability of the mechanized units on sale
by reputable dealers everywhere? Of
course, only genuine replacement parts,
bearing the Seal of Approval of the
American Dental Association and installed by an authorized dealer, should
be recognized. This is our guarantee
of satisfactory workmanship and the
maintenance of prices in keeping with
our national defense requirements. But
with these safeguards the army could
well relax the rule and thereby make
available for national defense untold
thousands of our citizens in this emergency.
In fact, the whole set of physical
requirements should be streamlined and
brought up to date. The conditions
of total war require that every possible resource be devoted to the service
of the state. This is no time for rejecting any reasonable proposition. Science
and industry, if left unhampered, could
undoubtedly throw into the field countless secret weapons of proven quality

ST. JOHN'S TRIVIUM

and recognized effectiveness. We might
even see the day when the flower of
our army would be a mighty pansy

division of 100,000 mechanized eunuchs,
all bearing a Seal of Approval of Good
Housekeeping Institute.-ERASMUS.

Second Fiddle
ALTHOUGH we had not heard any
orchestral music for three months
before Leopold Stokowski's performance
in Baltimore some weeks ago, we were
almost sure our untrained ears were not
deceiving us when they told us that the
All-American Youth Orchestra was considerably better than it was before it
left on its South American tour of glory.
The coordination of the different sections
of the orchestra, particularly of the
strings, was less seamy, and far above
that in the recording of Dvorak's "New
World Symphony." Mr. Stokowski has
certainly done things in weeks to this
orchestra that he spent years doing in
Philadelphia. Can it be that the musical
youth of America is more docile?
The playing was the Youth Orchestra,
the program was Stokowski. The Bach
was entirely composed of his "arrangements" of that notable composer. It
was better than the newest renditions of
Tschaikowsky in dance bands, but it was
far from being Bach, although no mention
of Stokowski's free transcriptions was
made in the program. No orchestra
alive could hope to reproduce the shades
and interweavings of tone and parts that
Bach intended for a small orchestra, and
although the Youth Orchestra attempted
the impossible rather heroically, they
lost too much of Bach to make it a great
performance from the composer's point
of view, or for that matter from the Bach
lover's standpoint. But it was a gratifying display of technique and orchestral
experience.
Shostakovich is a Soviet composer, and

despite the efforts of the orchestra to
straight-jacket the music into some
order, he remained a composer for the
Soviets. The drums were very finely
played, and well used musically, and the
marimbaphone did much more than
merely excite the audience's curiosity,
but the stimulus given by this music
was not the one we associate with concert halls, but rather with ballroomsexciting and vigorous, nevertheless.
In all the Bach was well arranged, but
only 50 per cent Bach, and Shostakovich
was novel and stimulating. The orchestra was fine, and played like veterans,
and Stokowski is undoubtedly the best
"Arranger," besides having those unforgettable hands.- N ERO.
Decca has issued an album of New
Orleans jazz, played by some twenty
musicians who are from that city or
thereabout. There have been attempts
to vulgarize New Orleans jazz in order
to popularize it, as in the case of Bob
Crosby's orchestra, but this album is an
earnest effort to represent this early
jazz in its original and best form, and
by its most reputed artists. In trying
to reach the apex in this type of jazz,
Stephen Smith and Charles Edward
Smith, who directed these "sessions" for
Decca, succeeded in recording together,
Louis Armstrong and Sidney Bechet for
the first time since the days of the Red
Onion Jazz Babies and the Clarence
Williams Blue Five. The fact that these
two musicians are considered the greatest
jazzmen to have blown into a horn shows

�20

ST. JOHN'S TRIVIUM

ST. JOHN'S TRIVIUM

the degree of importance of having recorded them together once more.
However, in this album, Decca
achieved something greater than recording "King" Louis and "Pops"
Bechet: it waxed some discs by Johnny
Dodds, the greatest clarinet player in
the realm of jazz, the man whose name
is synonymous with the hot clarinet, but
most of all, the musician who played
righteous music until his dying day;
a day when his sincerity could bring him
nothing more than a bare living, if not
poverty.
New Orleans at the turn of the century
was the center of gambling, drinking and
prostitution. At that time, it was also
rocking the cradle of jazz, a music that
arose from and had become a combination
of the work songs and the blues of the
slaves, of the festive New Orleans
marches and of the French quadrilles.
Naturally, New Orleans holds a very
sentimental place in the hearts of the
followers of hot music.
A New Orleans type of band usually
consists of a trumpet, a trombone, a
clarinet and a rhythm section. In the
ensembles, the trumpet plays the melody
or the lead, while the clarinet plays above
the trumpet and complements it. The
trombone plays between the harmony
and the rhythm and "pushes" the trumpet from below. Of course, in its ideal
form, New Orleans jazz should be played
without a written score, that is, it should
be totally improvised.
In many cases in this album, the music
lives up to the New Orleans tradition.
Unfortunately, in other cases, the Fiftysecond Street influence has been too
great to overcome and the old spirit
seems to be lost. This is especially
apparent on the Red Allen sides.
The classical collective improvisation
works at its best on the Johnny Dodds

and the Jimmy Noone sides, which were
made in Chicago. The musicians here
seem nearer to the real thing than the
other groups which recorded in New
York. At the Chicago session, Preston
Jackson plays a trombone which establishes him as one of the greatest.
He is greatly instrumental in making
those records what they are.
As the listeners will notice, most of the
sides are blues. I found Johnny Dodds'
"Gravier Street Blues" to be the best in
that it is the most nostalgic blues and
that it keeps its intensity of sadness from
beginning to end. It is played in the
old tradition from Lonnie Johnson's
guitar to Natty Dominique's trumpet.
The "219 Blues," played by Louis and
Bechet, is one of the earliest blues known.
"Jelly Roll" Morton, the living legend
of jazz, says that it is "the first blues
I have no doubt heard." It is about two
trains, the 219 that goes west and the
217 that returns to New Orleans. Sidney
Bechet, the most lyrical of jazz musicians, plays a beautiful obligato to
Louis' vocal on this blues. He is also
excellent on "Perdido Street Blues,"
although he doesn't equal Johnny Dodds
on the earlier recording of the same tune
by the New Orleans Wanderers.
This album is the logical beginning for
the uninitiated. For those familiar with
this thing called jazz, there are more than
enough kicks to make up for the disappoin tmen ts.-AHMED ERTEGUN, '44.

TRIVIA
HERE at the college, we welcome a new
Director of Music; and note that the old
one is safely over the border.
Dorothy Dunbar Bromley told us last
month in Harper's that "Wendell L.
Wilkie's self-assurance is great." We
wonder why she bothered?

21

Mr. Barr passed a persistent Indian
Summer with Mr. Strohmeyer of the
Annapolis Housing Authority.

The War and the College- One of the
Freshmen has the largest collection of tin
soldiers in the world.

Someone asked the other night, "Why
do we need Eliot, we have wars."

Somebody had it that under a long
range upward and onward movement, the
administration has its eye on Bancroft
Hall.

On the whole, the innovations at
Convocation the other afternoon had
us rather tipsy-especially Mr. Barr.
With Jolson back on Broadway, who
could possibly object to one more Barrymore divorce?
One of the townsfolk asked us on the
street the other day if "that Dr. Martin"
had had any trouble with the Federal
Investigation of un-American Activities
which took place in Annapolis this
summer.
Last week we got involved in a stuffy
political argument. The Republican gesture definitely had the majority. For
our part, we're still in doubt. What
do you think, Willkie or won't he?

Those who know the St. John's seal
will recognize the cover's mother. Some
may wonder about the spots on the top
three books, and some may recognize
them as symbols for the three Liberal
Arts: grammar, rhetoric, and logic.
What we like about the whole thing,
however, is that little business in the
middle book, the sign of rhetoric. The
triangle represents the formal cause;
the square, the material; and the circle,
the final. After scratching our heads
over this for a while, we decided that it
must be that the triangle was chosen
because it was so sharp, or so hot as
Plato says, the square was obviously
earthy, and together they made the
circle which, being the result of the hot
and earthy, was perfect.-R. H.

Books
Out of Time and Mind. Mr. L. H.
Myers is a novelist who is forever surprising us. Each of his four novels
is a thing apart, having few similarities.
The Orissers, his first work of fiction,
was written fifteen years ago, but the
book seems to have come from a more
distant past. Peopled with indeterminate and brutal characters, the family
of Orisser was a strange mixture of
vengeance, supplication and discontent
in an early nineteenth-century atmosphere. The prevailing catastrophic
mood of the book has placed it in the

gallery of the grotesque, where it has
not perished.
For his second novel Mr. Myers took
us on a yachting party down the Amazon
with modern English sophisticates.
The Clio was a light book compared
with The Orissers, and we should not
have known Mr. Myers capable of so
charming a comedy of manners but
for the signature. Strange Glory, published only a few years before The Root
and the Flower, convinced us of the
author's versatility, but reminded us

�22

ST. JOHN'S TRIVIUM

that that quality is more often indicative of progressive talent.
Mr. Myers' new novel, The Pool
of Vishnu, is a sequel to this last, and
although it can be accepted out of
sequence, recollections of the first book
can do little harm, and will perhaps do
much toward an understanding of the
other.
To detach himself and his readers
from the problems of our time for the
purposes of fictionizing problems of all
times, Mr. Myers has made India in
the reign of Elizabeth his scene. The
temptation to write a purely historical
novel has been resisted, and only a
few of the characters are drawn with
particular attention to fact. The Emporer Akbar, his difficult sons, Salim
and Daniyal, and the ruler's personal
adviser, Shaik Mobarek, did actually
exist, and provide the novelist with
the screen on which to present his
own creations. The two heirs in their
ruthless battle for their father's favor
supply intrigue and melodrama enough
to please Mr. Louis Bromfield, whose
more minor personages find lesser troubles in a similar setting.
Involved in the royal indecisions
are Rajah Amar and his family, who
are Mr. Myers' main concern. Prince
J ali, son of Amar and his wife, Sita,
is the principal in '!'he Root and the
Flower. He is twelve years old at
the beginning of the book, and although
he remains obscure in the first chapters, the second part is titled with
his name. It is here that J ali is most
closely studied. An adolescent introvert, J ali is eager for spiritual and
worldly happiness. His hesitations, his
sudden leap toward the latter, and
the remorse that follows afford Mr.
Myers the opportunity to show Jali
to us. And what Mr. Myers shows us

is the premature bitterness in a young
prince, his realization of anticipated
pain, and the wisdom gained from
unfortunate but revealing experience.
Prince J ali of Vidyapur is comparable
to Doctor Aziz in Mr. E. M. Forster's
Passage to India, for these two with
their remarkable insight, their grudging
delight in human relations are closely
akin. The analogy, however, cannot
be stressed, for the lessons derived
from their separate experiences are not
even distantly like. Mr. Forster's
novel ends in a failure, Mr. Myers' m
a fulfillment.
Prince J ali is not as prominent in
'!'he Pool of Vishnu, but we leave him
in a completely happy and resolved
state. He has been helped toward
this solution by the Guru, who is the
habitual philosopher of Mr. Myers'
long novel. Poet, priest, and doctor
of spirits, the Guru makes all other
characters subservient in the sequel.
It is through his quiet conversations
that the spiritual and romantic complications and bewilderments are solved.
The inclination to call the books philosophical novels because of the great
quantity of speculation is treacherous.
In the prefatory note to '!'he Root and
'!'he Flower Mr. Myers disproves personified abstractions, and in his novel
he has made fast his belief.
Mr. Myers has a great passion for
detail, but it is scarcely a laborious
one, and requires no labor to enjoy.
He is a good novelist; that is to say he
presents his characters in detail not by
conveying their every quality immediately, but in revealing them gradually
in the characters' relations to other
characters. Seemingly a basic aspect
of the novel, it is seldom performed
with more facility.
The attraction India holds for the

ST. JOHN'S TRIVIUM

British novelist is one that has increased that country's place in fiction.
The difficulty before has been in combining East with West. Rudyard Kipling believed the two could meet "When
two strong men stand face to face."
E. M. Forster does not care for the
strong and indicates that the union
is impossible. L. H. Myers has departed from the Anglo-Indian conflict
and given us India alone. But his
individuality in so giving it resembles
Mr. Forster's problem of "Only connect" in the fact that there are no
novelists quite like them. We liken
Mr. Myers to Mr. Forster, but hope
he will not be so silent.
Virginia Woolf has forsaken experimentation and written a pleasing biography of Roger Fry, the English art
cr1t1c. If we judge from the brief
prefatory note, the book may be called
the 'official biography', but Mrs. Woolf
has by no means succumbed to Victorian tradition in that field. Like
the biographers of the late nineteenth
century, she has made use of letters,
Fry's autobiographical notes, and recollections by his friends, but she has not
connected these with superfluities.
Virginia Woolf knew Roger Fry intimately, which fact enlarges her scope
considerably, but not once are we aware
of their friendship. Indeed, the author
is often unreasonably impersonal. She
is putting her theory of biography into
practise.
Mrs. Woolf has had a great deal to
say about biography, and before his
death, Roger Fry remarked that she
might write his own life. She has done
so, but there is nothing exceptional
in her methods. The conceptions she
might have had have already been
demonstrated. Orlando, a novel in the

23

biographic style, is not admittedly fiction, and if Orlando did not actually
exist she/he certainly should have. Mrs.
Woolf here created a character about
whom she could write a biography.
This is a method others have resorted
to with persons who have lived. Knowing that that is the wrong way to go
about it, the author was wise to invent
a personality she could know thoroughly.
In Flush, a life" of Elizabeth Barrett's spaniel, Mrs. Woolf observed
the Brownings in canine adjectives;
words that smelled and saw, words
that did not hear, but words that understood. The book is delightful, and
an interesting experiment, but unfortunately we can't generalize about
Flush's mind.
Mrs. Woolf has come back to regulations in Roger Fry. She has shown
us the Quaker home of the artist, Cambridge, Bloomsbury, the War, and their
effects on a sensitive mind. She has
also given us Fry's own record of experiences with Pierpont Morgan.
This
makes the most amusing part of the
book. Morgan, who bought pictures
as he did stocks, was the power behind
the Metropolitan Museum, of which
Fry was curator for several years.
He was dismissed because he had bought
for the Museum a picture Morgan
wanted for his own gallery. In Roger
Fry's own words, Morgan's "crude historical imagination was the only fault
in an otherwise perfect insensibility."
Mrs. Woolf has concentrated on recording things that happened. She has
not mixed fact and fiction. For herself,
she does not have much to say, but
her way of saying things about Roger
Fry convinces us of his talents and
ofherown.-F. M.

�ST. JOHN'S TRIVIUM

ST. JOHN'S TRIVIUM

CINEMA

Holland, the moments m the tower of
WHEN Vincent Sheean wrote his auto- Westminster, the sinking Clipper, the
biography more than a dozen years ago, final air raid-all are pleasantly joined.
there followed promptly a series of The whole film is one big chase. The
memoirs by other journalists who had American reporter is after the assassin
witnessed extraordinary occurrences of one of Europe's most distinguished
He chases right through
abroad. The personal historians brought peacemaker.
to
the
end,
when
he discovers that his
together their old articles, connected
potential
father-in-law
is the British
themwith impersonal beliefs, were briefly
agent
for
a
foreign
government.
We
praised, and went back to the relative
aren't
told
which
foreign
government,
obscurity of the newspaper columns.
In the past few years there has been a for Hitchcock was well aware that we all
revival of reportorial recollections. This knew about that before the film started.
The spy is played with customary
has produced books by Pierre van
suavity
by Herbert Marshall, whom it
Paasen, Lillian Mowrer and othersis
nice
to
see out of martyrdom. Joel
books superior to Sheean's. And now
McCrea
is
admirable as the correspondHollywood has adopted the fashion.
ent.
The
chase becomes his talents.
Judging from their first product, Alfred
Laraine
Day
joins the hunt attractively.
Hitchcock's Foreign Correspondent, the
George
Sanders,
Albert Basserman, and
adoption is not to be deplored.
Robert
Benchley
combine to make the
Concerning themselves with Europe,
cast
well
proportioned.
motion picture producers have given us
Foreign Correspondent is the best
a varied assortment of attitudes since
example
we know illustrating the powers
September a year ago. From the charmof
the
movie
director. The story and
ing satire that was Ninotchka they have
players
are
not
particularly notable, but
arrived at the ostensibly revealing but
the
camera
asides,
the gestures of the
eminently saturating type of production.
extraseach
of
these
means something
When such novels as '!'he Mortal Storm
to
Alfred
Hitchcock,
and he develops
are turned into movies, any subtleties
their
possibilities.
The
overhead view
the books might have possessed are conof
the
umbrellas
at
the
assassination ,
siderably diminished.
the
pantomine
of
the
man
trying to
Mr. Walter Wanger's original plan
cross
the
street
as
the
pursuing
cars
for Foreign Correspondent was to dramarush
by,
the
brief
glimpse
of
the
broken
tize Sheean's Personal History, but all
adaptations were unsuccessful. Recall- letters in the neon Hotel Europe sign.
ing that book, we understand the diffi- These are moments that we remember
culties scenarists must have had with the above the climaxes. Hitchcock directs
movies as Miss Leslie Ford writes deRayna Prome episode- the one memotective stories- with concentration on
rable part of the memoir. But Director
atmosphere. He is the one director in
Hitchcock, "master of suspense," saw
Hollywood who manages to create as
an opportunity to dispense with all his well as duplicate the script. Immediately
directorial inhibitions, and somehow classed as melodrama, Foreign Corresponcreated a story to accompany them. dent does not depart from the category.
Surprisingly, a conglomerative mass of But when good melodrama comes from
melodrama does not result. The assas- California, we are reassured of the
sination, the scenes in the windmill in cinema's forte.- S. VASHTAR.

THE PLAY
LATE last spring, Flora Robson deserted the Warner Brothers and came to
New York to appear in Gilbert Miller's
production of Ladies in Retirement.
It was good to see her out of Elizabethan
costume, especially in so fine a play.
There are seldom successful attempts to
write murder-mysteries for the stage.
Playwrights either create the absurdly
grotesque or try to turn popular detective stories into balanced dramas.
Both ventures are invariably disastrous.
But Ladies in Retirement is as pretty a
piece of murder as we've seen in a long
while. Not since Emlyn Williams' Night
Must Fall has there been such accomplished artistry in the portrayal of crime.
Reginald Denham and Edward Percy,
who wrote the play, are adept in creating
inhibited ladies. In this case, the lady
protectorate over her pleasantly insane
sisters, kills her employer, the lady with
a past. Her motives are admirable, and
after the deed is done at the end of the
first act, we heartily sympathize with
the character in her naive methods of
concealing the crime. The murder is
done, by the way, with the victim sitting
at the piano playing "Tit-Willow."
Never again will we hear that tune
without remembering Miss Robson creeping up with the sash to the dressing
gown.
The Theatre Guild has apparently
bought the play from Mr. Miller, and
intends to send it on the road. Ladies
in Retirement is a play the Guild itself
would have done well to produce. There
is something in the suggestion that they
purchase all their plays from Mr. Miller.
Flora Robson's performance as the
murderess is flawless. She is an actress
of splendid stature and distinguished
talent. Her job in Ladies in Retirement
is bloody, but it reminds us of the
English school boy who was asked for

Mary Tudor's common epithet. "She
was known as Bloody Mary," he said,
"but she wasn't half as bloody as you
might think."
The Theatre Guild has gone back to
the classics again, and Mr. Shakespeare's
Twelfth Night will be acted again after
many years of undeserving silence. Helen
Hayes will appear in her second Shakespearian drama, Maurice Evans will add
Malvolio to an already overflowing
repertoire, and June Walker will speak
blank verse for the first time as Maria.
Remembering Miss Walker's past performances as a comedienne, she and Sir
Toby will undoubtedly steal the show.
The production is directed by Margaret
Webster, whose experience with Shakespeare is by now complete.
We are pleased that the Guild has
revived William Saroyan's 'I'ime of Your
Life for its out-of-town subscription
audiences. This will serve as an auspicious reminder of the days before the
daring young man fell off the flying
trapeze. We needn't tell you that this
play is a masterpiece. Mr. Saroyan has
previously done so.-SocRATOTLE.
CONTRIBUTORS
ScoTT BucHANAN (The War and the
College) has been the Dean of St. John's
College since the summer of 1937. He
had been a member of the Committee
on the Liberal Arts at the University
of Chicago with President Stringfellow
Barr and several others of the present
faculty during the previous year. Before this Mr. Buchanan had taught
philosophy at the University of Virginia, the College of the City of New
York and Harvard. He had also been
associated with Everett Dean Martin
as Assistant Director of the People's
Institute in New York.

�ST. JOHN'S TRIVIUM

Mr. Buchanan studied at Amherst,
where he later taught Greek; Balliol
College, Oxford, and Harvard. He is
the author of two books: Possibility
and Poetry and Mathematics.
A. GRAHAM CAREY, who designed
Trivium' s cover, is a partner in the
firm of John Stevens in Newport, Rhode
Island, which has practised designing
and carving of lettering and ornament
since 1705. Mr. Carey has also been
an architect and silversmith. With John
Howard Benson, he is the author of
'!'he Elements of Lettering, a discussion
of the theoretical, practical and historical elements of that craft. Mr.
Carey lectured at St. John's during
the first year of the program on medieval craftsmanship.
CHARLES GLENN WALLIS ('Two Poems
from Charles Baudelaire) is the Editor of
St. John's College. He was graduated
from the University of Virginia in 1936,
and was the youngest member of the
Committee on the Liberal Arts at the
University of Chicago during 1936-37.
Coming to Annapolis with other members
of this Committee in 1937, Mr. Wallis
immediately set about translating some

of the books that were to be used in the
St. John's Program. With other members of the faculty, he has translated
those great books which are either out
of print, or those which had not been
previously published in English. Mr.
Wallis has also made new translations
of works which had been done before
in our language. His translation of
Plato's Meno, the dialogue that is most
intensely studied in the Greek tutorials
in the freshman year at St. John's, was
published by the College last spring.
The first four books of Aristotle's Nature
and '!'he Fifth Ennead of Plotinus have
also been newly translated by Mr.
Wallis.
Among the books he has translated
for the first time into English are St.
Bonaventure's Reduction of Arts to 'l'heology; On Light by Robert Grosseteste;
On the Revolutions of the Spheres of Copernicus; and Kepler's Epitome of Astronomy.
Each of these books has been made
available in mimeographed form for
students at St. John's College, although
copies may be bought by persons not
in the College.
Mr. Wallis' translations of Copernicus
and Kepler are soon to be published by
Random House.

ST. JOHN'S TRIVIUM

Two Poems from Charles Baudelaire
UN VOYAGE A CYTHERE
Like a bird my heart rose up in joyful flight
and soared in liberty above the shrouds.
The boat rolled on 'neath skies unmarred by clouds
like an angel drunken on the radiant sunlight.
What is that sad dark island?-Cythe ra's strand:
how well our songs and legends tell its joys:
banal eldorado for aged playboys:
observe it: all in all, rather poor land.
-Isle of the heart: holidays, billets-doux,
the ghost of Venus in her arrogant bloom
floats o'er your waters like an old perfume,
charging our minds with love,-and langor too.
Sweet island of green myrtles and brown flowers,
always in honor held by every nation,
where sighs of hearts in loving adoration
roll like the fragrance from roseladen bowers
or like a dovecote cooing eternally:
-Cythera had become but desert land,
where only shrill cries troubled the stones and sand.
And yet a singular object caught my eye:
no sculptured temple shaded by tall trees
where the young priestess, cherishing her flowers,
walked on, her body burnt by secret powers,
half-opening her dress to the cool breeze:

In following the shoreline rather closely
(our white sails caused the seabirds mild alarms)
we saw a gallows stretching out three arms
like a cypress, blackly separate from the sky.
Ferocious carrion birds perched on their prey
destroyed with rage a corpse now over-ripe.
. .
Each thrust his foul beak, like a monstrous dram pipe,
into each bleeding morsel of this decay.

�'.2.8

ST. JOHN'S TRIVIUM

ST. JOHN'S TRIVIUM

There were holes for eyes. And from the overflowing
belly, the heavy bowels spilt on the thighs.
His executioners, gorged on their hideous prize,
had absolutely gelded him with their pecking.

The stalls and booths of years back shape the scene:
I see what broken columns in my mind,
brown bushes, slabs by rain and slop turned green,
the paving too with glittering rubbish lined.

A pack of brutes, with muzzles lifted for
his feet, competed ravenously for the feast.
Amid them raged one even huger beast
like an executive among his corps.

There used to be a zoo here, long ago.
I saw one morning when beneath the fair
chill skies Labor awakes, and when the flow
of traffic darkens through the silent air,

Cythera's dweller, son of a sky so blue,
how silently you suffered those insults
in expiation for your infamous cults
and sins that have denied the grave to you.

a swan that had escaped from his ribbed cage
scratching the pavingstones, sickly and weak,
on the hard ground trailing his white plumage.
Near a dried stream the bird opened his beak,

Corpse-clown, your sorrows are my own: I felt
-at sight of your limbs dangling wretchedlylike a long vomit, rise up from my belly
the gall and sorrows my past years had dealt.

bathed nervously his wings in the fine dust,
and said (his heart could native waters feel),
-Rain, will you pour? Ah! thunder, will you peal?
I see this bird, (the myth is hard and just)

With you, poor devil of too dear memory,
I suffered every beak and grinding jaw
of stabbing ravens, panthers with sharp claw
that loved to lacerate my flesh and me.

like man in Ovid, sometimes toward the sky,
a sky ironical and cruelly blue,
on quivering neck thrust his head avidly,
as though to God he spoke reproaches too.

The sky was lovely, and how calm the sea!
But all I saw was blood and blackness there.
Alas! For as in a shroud heavy and bare,
my heart lay buried in this allegory.
Nothing found upright in your island, Venus,
but an ideal gallows where my image sways ....
Give me the strength and courage, Lord, to gaze
on my body and my heart without disgust.
LE CYGNE

I
Andromache, I think of you!-This stream,
a weak and tarnished mirror where once shone
majestic sorrow in your widow's dream
-false Simois that with your tears has grown,
has fertilized my memory like begged storm.
O'er the new Carrousel I walked apart;
old Paris is no more (a city's form
changes more quickly than a mortal heart):

II
Paris changes, yet in my melancholy
nothing has budged, scaffolds and towers and blocks,
old suburbs, all become an allegory,
and my dear memories are hard as rocks.
Before the Louvre a shape troubles me too:

I think of my great swan, his crazy style,
ridiculous and noble like an exile,
gnawed by desire forever. Then at you,
Andromache, fall'n with your husband's doom,
dumb cow beneath the hand of proud Pyrrhus,
kneeling in ecstasy by empty tomb,
Hector's widow, and wife to Helenus.
-And of the thin, consumptive negress too,
tramping through mud, seeking with haggard eye
for absent palms of superb Africa
that despite wall of the deep fog shine through;

�30

ST. JOHN'S TRIVIUM

-of those who've lost what's never found again,
of those whose tears fall in unceasing showers,
who suckle Grief (their cradle shewolf's den);
of puny orphans withering like flowers!

TRIVIUM-ON THE STAGE
Now that you have read Trivium' s first issue, you
can judge its faults and merits. If you like it-if you
would like to see more of it-you may subscribe for this
year by sending a check or money order to "Trivium,"
St. John's College, Annapolis, Md., with your name
and address. Your criticisms of the magazine will be
accepted gratefully.
7frivium is meant to be a good magazine, of interest
to the reading public, but especially of interest to those
who are following the new program at St. John's. If
you belong to either class, or if you wish to read what
undergraduates write in both their lighter and more
serious moments, it is hoped that you are pleased with
this, its initial appearance, and will witness its soughtfor improvement and growth in the issues to come.

In the forest where my spirit's in exile
Reechoes an old memory like blown horn:
I think of sailors lost on desert isle,
of captives, vanquished, ... and of many more!
-C. G. WALLIS.

r---------------------------- 7
II TRIVIUM
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(FILL OUT WITH PENCIL, PLEASE)

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ST. JOHN'S COLLEGE
ANNAPOLIS, MD.

J

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Gentlemen:

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I am enclosing my check for two dollars, for which please send
me Trivium for the year November 1940 to June 1941.

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NAME----------------------

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ADDRESS

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                    <text>ST. JOHN'S

T R IV IU M

Of Doom and Hope . ... . .. . . . .. . . . .by Richard Kuehn emund
(College Bites Housin g Autho rity) ... . . ... . . ... .an editorial
"The Dictat or" Reviewed

DEC EMB ER, 1940

Twenty-Jive cents

�CONTENTS

TRIVI UM

Edi to rials . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

3

Of Doom and Hope. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

7

A Letter Home . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

I

4

Second Fiddle . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

I

7

The Blues. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

I

8

The Awakening . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

20

Impropaganda ...................... ................... . .... 25
Books .. .... ...................... ...................... ... 26
Book Notes ..

30

Idiotica. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 32
Cinema ...................... ...................... ........ 32
Trivia ...................... ....... •. •. • • • • •. • • • • • • • • •. • • • • 35
The Play . ..... ...................... ...................... 36
Contributors ...................... ...................... ... 39

Editors:

FRANCIS S. MASON,

Treasurer:

JR., '43

A. ScoTT ABBOTT,

Circulation:

WILLIAM

Departments Etc.:
STERN,

'43;

T.

AND JOHN Louis HEDEMAN,

'43.

'43,

HART,

'43;

RoBERT HUNTER,

JAMES S. MARTIN,

WILLIAM BRUBECK, '44

'43;

MARTIN ANDREWS,

'43;

ADRIAN MAYER,

'43;

HERBERT

VoL. 1

DECEMBER,

1940

No. 2

Editorials
Reason and Authority in the Modem
World. It all started last November.
The Director of the Annapolis Housing
Authority asked That Man Barr whether
the College would like to get rid of the
now famous five and one third acres of
the back campus. The College replied
that he did not want to get rid of them
because the rest of the College had
athletic and other plans for the land.
The thing went under ground. The
College on the hill passed through the
winter in blissful ignorance that intrigues,
machinations, conferences, objections
were being committed, plotted, had, and
made. "They" finally decided the College would be glad to get rid of the land.
The-long-winter-evenings' occupation of
deciding this point was not marred by
anyone's asking anyone outright whether
anything was true or not. All seminar
participants can readily understand this.
But came the spring. On May I 5th
the College got a letter saying the
Housing Authority had ordered Mr.
Stromeyer, its Chairman, to get the land
from the College. The College asked the
Board and the Board told him no.
Quickly replied the Authority that he
hoped the College would cooperate with
him in getting the land turned over because if the College did not cooperate,
the Authority would take it anyhow.
This shows the similarity between the
cooperative state and the corporative
state and explains the Berlin-Moscow

treaty. The College decided to be liberal
and hold on to the land unless Authority
could show reason.
Followed several conferences. The
Authority and his four cooperative members met with the College, the Dean,
the Secretary of the Board of Visitors,
the Admiral, the Mayor, and the County
Health Director. The Authority reasoned. Seminar Leaders Nos. I and 2,
used to simple matters like Plotinos,
Apollonius, Ptolemy, Newton, Einstein,
Timaeus, were unable to get their teeth
into it. Neither was anyone else, although teeth were clearly shown.
June IO the Board of Visitors met, examined maps, read correspondence, discussed, and decided not to hand over the
booty. Thinking perhaps one Authority
could understand another, the Chairman
of the Board of Visitors asked the Administrator of the USHA how to understand it. He was told the idea was
unintelligible. The Annapolis Authority
tried to unscrew the matter by making
the following proposition: The College
owned about eight or nine acres of unimproved land. The Authority would take
about five of these and in return would
improve the remaining two or three and
create another somehow in College Creek
and thereby make an even swap with
the College acre for acre. The College,
having read St. Thomas and Calvin, knew
that only one Being could create and,
3

�4

ST. JOHN'S TRIVIUM

that He was inscrutable. This unscrewed everything.
On August 1st a little man walked in
and presented the College with a paper
full of legal language, which the Evening
Capital reported had been filed "reluctantly" by the Authority in the Circuit
Court for Anne Arundel County. The
same newspaper contained a story,
"Rotary Club Opposes College Housing
Site."
That Man Barr declined to make any
press comment. Instead, Barr and
Pooh-Bah went to Washington to see
the USHA. Said Barr, the roof is coming
off in Annapolis. It is bad for houses
when the roof comes off. The College
believes in houses and would like to see
more in Annapolis. Said the USHA,
everyone feels sad when he's having his
land snatched. We do it all the time.
It doesn't hurt if you get used to the
idea. Come in next week and talk to
our Public Relations man. He will make
you feel better. Next week Barr and
Pooh-Bah went to see Mr. Prins, who
spelled it different from Machiavelli.
Said Prins, if you fight, housing will suffer
badly; but so will the College for opposing housing. Said the chorus from
the College, oh, woeful woe, but you are
not right. If you think a fight is not
good and call off the dogs, I will not
answer the misstatements which have
appeared in the press; but unless better
reasons are brought forward, I will have
to open fire before the College answers
the suit so the public will not misunderstand the College.
August 19th the ultimatum expired.
Barr shot off a ten ton bomb to clear
the air. The August 20th Evening Sun
said, "Stromeyer Assails Barr in Housing
Row." Picking up pieces of the ten ton
bomb and combing the plaster out of his
hair, the Authority said:

"I'm sick and tired of fooling around with an
outfit like that. We've filed condemnation suits
and it is in the hands of the courts. We're going
to continue regardless of who likes it or who
doesn't ....
"Why, just a few minutes ago I got a telegram
from Washington asking me to 'let up.' Just
that-to 'let up.'
. "They're afraid this will get to Congress, and
1t may hurt chances of getting an appropriation.
Well, we don't care whether it gets to Congress or
not. We're just a little country town with a housing problem which we are trying to solve. We're
not trying to handicap anybody. We have the
interests of the city of Annapolis at heart, and if
we hurt an institution that brings revenue into the
city, then we'd be injuring the city. We are
certainly not trying to do that."

The Authority picked up the following
bomb fragment and made of it a scream
bomb to be released on the 22nd. The
fragment:
Barr: "I inquired in Washington whether there
was any precedent anywhere in the United States
for a municipal housing authority seizing part of
a college campus, but I could not discover that
such a precedent existed. I can well believe it."

Screamed the Authority's bomb:
"This man [Barr] won't give the two sides of the
story. And I don't like it. He's never told the
true story about it. He never told his board.
He never told it in Washington.
"We of the Housing Authority are unanimous.
We have the law on our side and when you have
the law, there is no argument ....
"Then Mr. Barr talks about precedent. There
is a precedent. When we took land from the Indians, we had no precedent. This is something
new. Housing is something new in this country."

That Man Barr went to New York on
business but stopped off to see the editors
of. Time. The editors were pleased.
Said one, "Do you think it would be
possible to get a picture of the Chairman?" Thus Cockney Barr released a
scream bomb which whistled the "all
clear" signal as it fell. Arriving at the
Annapolis Chamber of Commerce dinner
at which he was to speak on St. John':

ST. JOHN'S TRIVIUM

plans for the use of its land, That Man
was approached by a newspaper man
who said, I understand Time Magazine
is going to run something on this fight.
Said Barr, Really? Tell me some more.
"Yes, I saw Bill Stromeyer walking to
the Post Office yesterday with a package
under his arm. I said, 'What's that
you've got there, Bill?' He said, 'It's
my picture. Time wants it.' And he
hurried on toward the Post Office."
It was Donald's Lucky Day. He was
pedaling off to 1313 Thirteenth Street
on Friday the 13th to deliver a package,
and didn't know the package under his
arm was a Time Bomb, although you
could hear it ticking for blocks. Time
came out, picture and all, with "Rape of
a Campus," on September 2nd.
Time also mentioned the seven little
Injuns who, according to the Sun of
August 27th, had hit the war path for
old St. John's College. It seems that
Barr, accompanied by Pooh-Bah carrying
a huge blueprint of the College campus,
had appeared at the afore-mentioned
Chamber of Commerce dinner. The
blueprint was adorned with the figures of
seven little red Indians. Some were
standing and healthy. The ones on the
five and a third acres were laid out cold.
Barr apologized for the appearance of the
blueprint. An assistant in the College
Architect's office had wished to make the
map historically accurate and Barr had
not the heart to reprove him. The
Chamber of Commerce liked the Indians.
Screamed Mr. Stromeyer, "We went
to St. John's because it is tax-free property." The Sun reported:
"Then Mr. Stromeyer aimed at the purses of
the business men. The campus, he said, was taxfree property. If the authority had to build elsewhere, taxable property would be used.
"That would raise taxes for them, he said, and
already forty-seven per cent of the city's property
was tax free. Then he made a suggestion:

5

"'If you can get the county to do what the city
is doing (i40,ooo) for the Housing Authority, then
we'll forget about St. John's. You're all representative citizens of Annapolis and there is a proposition. I'm shooting it right down your teeth.'"

Said the Chamber, What a word has
passed your teeth! The Chamber instructed its counsel to intervene in the
condemnation proceedings as a Friend
of the Court with a brief opposing the
condemnation. The same evening a
mass meeting of citizens opposed the
grab by a resolution.
Barr's phone rang. early one morning.
Said Mr. Prins, "How do you feel?"
Said Barr, "I feel fine. How do you
feel?" Said Prins, "I'm all right. I
want to congratulate you on your public
relations technique. When the College
folds up, as Mr. Stromeyer assures me
it is going to do any day now, I would
like to offer you a good job as a public
relations man.'' Said Barr, "I like my
present job. I think I shall run for a
third term.''
Said Mr. Prins, There are too many
citizens writing letters to us and to
Congress and to the President under the
impression we can do anything about it.
Why not call them off? Said That Man
Barr, I cannot control the opinions of
my fellow-citizens. They think you
could stop it.
Press release September 6th:
"The United States Housing Authority will not
intervene in a dispute between the Annapolis
Housing Authority and St. John's College.
"Nathan Straus, administrator of the USHA,
said, '... There is nothing in the United States
Housing Act which authorizes the USHA to dictate
to a local housing authority either that a particular
site should be used or that a particular site should
not be used for a housing project.' "

Barr liked USHA's candor. USHA
did not have power to intervene in the
dispute. Barr wrote to the Comptroller
General. If USHA could not intervene,

�6

ST. JOHN'S TRIVIUM

why was it lending money to AHA to
enable AHA to prosecute its suit? Replied the Comptroller General, USHA did
lend AHA six thousand dollars as an
advance on its new project, but the
Comptroller General did not have to
give opinions to outsiders on what was
lawful.
On September 1st Mr. Felix Morley
fashioned a shrapnel bomb out of fragments of Mr. Stromeyer. Echoed the
papers from coast to coast:
"TYRANNY IN ANNAPOLIS"
"ST. JOHNS-MARYLAND CONTROVERSY
MAY RIVAL FAMOUS DARTMOUTH COLLEGE CASE"
"TAX-FREE LAND UNDER HEAVY FIRE
OF HOUSING LEADERS"
"THREAT TO ALL EDUCATIONAL INSTITUTIONS SEEN"

September 14th Mr. Stromeyer offered
to buy one and one third acres of the
back campus. Queried That Man Barr,
Does this mean the condemnation suit is
being withdrawn? September 19th Mr.
Stromeyer said, No, but it would be nice
to make this a "friendly" condemnation
suit. Then the Authority would just
take one and one third acres instead of
five and a third and everybody would
be happy. The Authority would defend
the nation by putting petty officers'
quarters for the Naval Academy on the
one and one third acres. Said the Sun,
It is nice to know the Authority did not
need the five and a third acres for a low
cost housing project and could really put
it elsewhere, because everybody had had
the impression that the Authority needed
the land.
That Man invited the Authority and
his counsel to appear at the Board
meeting on October 14th. The Board
wanted to hear this new plan to defend
the nation in all detail. The Authority
and his Reason appeared, reasoned,
authorized, shoved down teeth, an-

nounced, denounced, cajoled, confuted,
imputed, and trotted down the hill.
After having well and exactly seen, surveyed and considered the matter, the
Board said no. Said the evening papers
to the Board as the Board left the
meeting:
"COLLEGE AND HOUSING GROUP NOW
IN ACCORD
"St. John's Sells r• Acres for
National Defense Project, but
Housing Project will be
Moved, Stromeyer says
"William F. Stromeyer, local housing authority
chairman, said today the Authority had reached
an agreement with St. John's College officials on
the purchase price for I• acres of College land.
"Originally, the Authority sought 5• acres of
College land for a regular low rent housing project,
filing a condemnation suit when the College refused to sell the land.
"In an attempt to end the dispute with the College, the Authority abandoned its plans for a regular housing project on College land and asked the
College to sell r• acres for a national defense project
for the Naval Academy's warrant officers.
"Stromeyer said Stringfellow Barr, College President, had agreed on the purchase price for the r•
acres. Barr is making a full report today on the
compromise proposal to the College's Board of
Visitors and Governors.
"Representatives of the College and of the
Housing Authority will hold a conference at 3
p.m. today to reach a final settlement."

Said That Man Barr, "None of these
proposals was accepted, in whole or in
part, either by me or by any other agent
of the College." The Board was
"amazed."
At last reports Mr. Stromeyer was
leaving the prosecution of the Authority's
suit to his Reason, and had accepted a
post on the Local Draft Board where he
will see to it that everyone else does his
bit to Defend the Nation. The Authority likes the Nation. The College
likes the Republic better than the Nation
or the New Republic. The Republic
knows the difference between cooperation and corporation.-PooH-BAH.

ST. JOHN'S TRIVIUM

7

Of Doom and Hope
REGARDLESS of how profound the
inner unrest and upheavals of an
era may be, we shall never be able to
detach the present completely from the
past. Nowhere in history has there ever
been an absolute breach. Thus, in order
to evaluate the present we shall have to
turn to the past, whether we deal with
the story of individual lives or with the
history of entire nations and civilizations.
But is there actually a national character or soul? Or are those terms
romantic generalizations, not more than
mental pictures of certain group characteristics in which a spectator's vague
impressions are reflected? We speak of
the psychic serenity of ancient Greece;
of the soldierly spirit of Rome; of the
keen, artistic genius of France; of the
mystic Russian, and the tragic Nordic,
soul; and, it seems, by right. For in
every homogeneous group dwells the
dormant "consensus omnium" ready to
assert itself, to transform the individual
irresistibly into a supra-individual part
of the "soul" of the group. Such potential submergence in the soul of the
congregation, in the spirit of the assembly
or of the national "awakening" and rising,
bears witness to it.
Part of this group-soul, in abeyance at
ordinary times, remains however constantly active and self-conscious in the
thinkers and spiritual leaders of the age,
in whom the trends and tendencies of
present and past converge, and to whom
we must turn in order to see the "spirit
of the age" most clearly reflected.
As guides to the enigmatic German
soul, we may take to-day such figures
as Oswald Spengler and Thomas Mann,
Count Keyserling an:d Stefan George,
with men like Schopenhauer and
Nietzsche as leaders to the more recent

mental past; for they reflect for us, as
in a symbol, the struggle of the truly
tragic German soul with its perpetual
vision of a greater tomorrow and its
ever-present apprehensions of stagnation,
of decline and doom.
The history of Germany, more than
that of any other people, has indeed
been one of trying tribulations, full of
sharp contrasts, of rapid rises and precipitous declines. For centuries her soil
has been the physical and spiritual
battleground for many decisive issues.
The traces of the Reformation and of its
gruesome aftermath, the Thirty Years'
War, as well as those of the rise against
Napoleon and the spirit of Western
revolutions, are indelibly engraved upon
her mental physiognomy. For her, as
a nation, more than for any other, the
problem of Decline in all its implications
has always touched upon her very being,
that is, upon the tragic irony of life. No
wonder that her thinkers have taken the
issue to heart; that in the hours of danger
they have searched their souls and raised
their voices with stern reproofs and
pleas.
Moreover, all great German art and
thought are essentially auto-psychological
in nature. From Luther, through
Goethe, to Nietzsche and Spengler, their
favorite theme has always been: what
is German, and who am I? But Nietzsche's vexatious self-search finds its
counterpart in the clarity of Spengler's
dazzling precepts, from which all
Nietzschean doubts seem banished as
by magic. Thus Spengler arrives where
Nietzsche might have wished to end had
not his dream of Greece and the vision
of the Superman stood in his way. For,
out of the abyss of Nietzsche's Gotzendammerung-gloom, out of his total rejection

�8

ST. JOHN'S TRIVIUM

of German culture in the Abendrote-mood,
there still rings Nietzsche's tragic lament
of frustrated hope: "There is something
about the Germans that could be
Hellenic," i.e., humanly perfect. By way
of a final and stupendous effort, since
Greece appeared to him irretrievably lost
to the stamina and temper of modern man
he then makes his pre-Socratic Hellenism
of Dionysian hue the basis of his vision
of the superman, an attempt unique in
magnitude, full of an heroic courage in
the face of Fate which only Spengler's
fortitude of heart could equal. Both
Nietzsche and Spengler are fighters to the
core, though for different ends. For,
Spengler preaches fortitude in the face
of the fulfilment of our final destiny
which, to him, spells decline and doom;
whereas Nietzsche strives to build anew
over the shattered remnants of our
decadent civilization into a most distant
beyond. But Amor Fati in the face of
hopelessness and doom keeps Nietzsche
and Spengler on a common ethical plane.
"Man is something that has to be surpassed," preaches Nietzsche, the prophet
and idealist. Man has to fulfill his
destiny courageously as a soldier makes
his last stand for a hopeless cause, knowingly embracing his doom; that is the
triumph of true inner greatness, teaches
Spengler, the intuitive determinist and
realist. He knows that the past is past
and can not be reborn; for all living organisms, and individual cultures as such,
have their inherent law oflife, unalterable
and unchangeable in course. For such
is the irreversible oneness of Fate. Attempting to escape it, be it by flight into
fancies or by ignoring its dread realities,
is as cowardly as it is futile in Spengler's
eyes. Fate fulfills itself, whether we
wish it or not. We can accept it willingly and thus free ourselves inwardly
of it, or be crushed in its course; there is

no other choice. We, the last stragglers
of a belated culture, have the unique and
terrible advantage of knowing our fate,
of being able to go down with open eyes.
Thus Spengler's concept of decline is
closely linked with his relativity of
history as well as with his concept of
Fate, because decline, historical completion, means an end, the final fulfilment
of Fate.
In his essay on Pessimism Spengler
undertakes to refute the common attack
upon his philosophy of history as being
one-sided, pessimistic and deterministic.
Pessimism, he replies, means to have lost
and forsaken all tasks and aims. But
there are innumerable tasks yet before
us, much as they may differ from those
of our preceding generations. Art- yes,
but in concrete and steel; poetry- yes,
but by men of iron nerves and unfailing
will and realism, avows the lover of the
Gothic, of Goethe, Beethoven, Bach,
and Brahms. Times without productive
philosophy and art can yet be great.
Better no new philosophy and art than
shabby substitutes and pseudo-arts,
Spengler exclaims. He sees but one type
of decline that is truly suicidal: the decline
of the will; of the will to action and the
will to triumph against the forces of an
adverse fate. That is certainly not of
the tenor of Schopenhauer's "Futile and
In Vain"; it is of the Faus tic spirit of
Nietzsche's" And Yet!"
Spengler's interpretation of history as
a sequence (or simultaneity) of independent cultural organisms which rise,
mature and decline, by force of their
individual inherent life-law, leaves indeed
little choice as to the course of our future
fate. With Schopenhauer he denies that
the "history of mankind" has any inherent logic at all; that it has either meaning or aim. The over-optimistic trust
in mankind's unending progress is shal-

ST. JOHN'S TRIVIUM

low, absurd, and utterly without
historical foundation. Only the lifecycles of those organic entities called
"cultures" have tangible historic aims,
direction, meaning and fate.
By way of comparison with previous
cultures, Spengler then proceeds to
prognosticate at length the inevitable
course of Western civilization whose
tempo alone might vary from that of its
forerunners in history. He claims for
himself the inestimable merit of having
opened our eyes for the first time to the
proper perspective, and to the irrepeatability, of the facts of history, to .their
inner logical inevitableness. His ominous Orphic "Urworte" spell: time, direction, tactics, physiognomic tact, life,
compulsion, and fate. The cogent oneness of all being and occurring is the form
in which Fate reveals itself to human
eyes. From such view all chance is
banished, Anagke, (inmost necessity)
prevails in his world. And why do individual cultures alone possess such
fateful significance in history? Because,
as living organisms, they possess an
inner unity of purpose, aim and understanding, by virtue of their common
vitality, initiative, and will.
For the interpretation of Spengler's
concept of decline in all its implications
such as we face them to-day we have to
consider his theories of society and state.
We do not live in a crisis, Spengler
asserted twenty years ago, but in the
midst of a catastrophe of stupendous
proportions. We have just entered the
era of World Wars which will reshape
the form of the world and are moving
towards the Imperium Mundi, the last
phase of white race world-domination.
Amor Fati, henceforth, means not to
shrink from reality, to embrace the tragic
view of life. Optimism will be cowardice,
and scepticism is our last attitude. Life

9

will be once more a struggle on a tremendous scale in which "peace is a wish
and war is a fact." In this gigantic
gamble between races and nations, with
everything at stake, we have to learn
again that true statesmanship, great
politics, means the complete mastery of
the "art of the possible."
Germany is the borderland between
East and West, Asia and Europe. As
such she has always held a peculiar cultural and political mission. Yet-and
here we seem to hear Nietzsche once
more-Germany's political thinking has
been small so far, lacking in realism, full
of ideologies and fear of reality. But
in history sound instincts and the will
of the strong decide. The Nordic political instinct is based on the will to
property, to power through possession.
Only ideologists dream of justice, eternal
peace, and happiness of the greatest
number. Political romanticism is a sign
of weakness: Liberalism, Communism,
and Pacifism, are alike sentimental.
We have to abandon the theories of one
hundred and fifty years if we wish to
survive, for they have failed. For a
century and a half society and state have
been systematically undermined. Thus
we have forgotten that both are based
on a natural order; that they are the
vital organs of the cultural organism
and not mechanical contrivances, set up
at random and kept going at will.
Decline of state authority is a symptom of the loss of the natural social
instinct and moral stamina of Western
man. This results with compelling
necessity in social chaos and economic
collapse, as all revolutions stem from
it. The state-the "being-in-form" of a
people, means strength, unity and leadership. The state- that is, "the inner
order for an outer end"; and this end is

�10

ST. JOHN'S TRIVIUM

power. Its contrary spells formlessness,
decline in every direction.
Human society, on the other hand, is
based on the natural instinct for the
inequality of men; for the natural order
of inner rank and value, once freely
acknowledged by all. Hence, social decline means the trend towards the destruction of the natural order of men.
Nineteenth Century Liberalism already
displays all the trends toward Nihilism.
From the Bastille to Soviet Moscow is
one straight way, whether we admit it or
not, holds Spengler. The final goal was
always anarchy, economic chaos and
communism which, in turn, tend towards
a one-man dictatorship as their only
solution. For one hundred and fifty
years political rationalism has been
striving for liberation from the state with
the aim of leveling down the old, natural
order. Political democracy and parliamentarism mean the bankruptcy of
strong state's authority and efficiency,
disguised under the slogan of "the rule
of the people." In reality, true statesmanship is lacking, political opportunism,
dilettantism and economic selfishness
prevail. Yet, without strong politics
there is no sound economy. Thus parliamentarism promotes the decline of the
state which once the army preserved.
Even wars are being waged now for
economic advantage, and the "peace
treaties" continue this warfare with different means.
To this Spengler adds the "Revolution
of Labor" of the last one hundred years.
A political Boheme has arisen preaching
class-hatred and equality with the view
of reducing the natural order according
to achievement and distinction to the
level of the mob, with the "dictatorship
of the proletariat" as its ultimate goal.
A wage-bolshevism has been instituted
with strikes as its weapon and with the

economic ruin of private initiative and
property plainly in view. That is the
sinister "Revolution from Below." Unemployment and inflation follow in its
wake.
The literary form of this long-drawn
process towards bolshevization is called
"Naturalism," a movement whose "heroes" are the sick, the physically, mentally, and socially misfit; and the poor,
exploited, and enslaved wage-earner; in
short, the proletarian as the one and only
truly human being. Such types have
been made the new saints, pets and idols
of a "fourth class" literature. Along
with it, the old ethos of work has been
undermined, for work is no longer valued
as man's best pride and chief purpose
in life. On the contrary, it is being
branded a curse to be shunned and has
been degraded to the level of a political
barter commodity.
Adding to this the ominous signs of
the "Colored Revolution" just looming
over the horizon from Asia to Africa,
we have the symptoms and dangers of
the "Decline of the West" such as Spengler beholds them. Is there any way out?
The one and only hope for the rise of
a new spirit, able to cope with the last
phase of our approaching doom, Spengler
sees in the triumph and spread of what
he terms "Prussian Socialism." It is a
spirit not nationally bound and can
manifest itself on the Thames as on the
Spree or on the Ohio River. In fact,
England has known it quite well in the
course of her agitated history. Moreover, it is a spirit ethical to the core,
inherent in the genius of our race, and
has nothing in common with ephemeral
political aims and aspirations. Spengler,
the Bavarian by choice, calls it "Prussian" in order to emphasize the region
of its most striking manifestation. Basically, it is an ethos of the will and has

ST. JOHN'S TRIVIUM

been alive in the best of our race throughout the course of Western history. As
such, it has become an inalienable part
of the German soul, Spengler asserts,
and has manifested itself again and again
at great historic moments. Its workings
in the individual, Spengler attempts to
define by quoting the soldier, Count
Schlieffen: "To talk little; to achieve
much; to be more than one appears to
be." That, Spengler holds, is "Haltung": not an empty pose and gesture,
but self-discipline; a sense of duty, of
truly Christian humility, of honor and
self-sacrifice; an inner freedom gained
from willing devotion to a supra-personal
cause. Such spirit, he avows, will be
able to conquer the sinister forces of the
present World Revolution. It embraces,
in a way, the ideals of ancient Rome as
well as Nietzsche's will-to-power, ethically bound.
Yet, in spite of their kinship in "soldierly" spirit, the difference between
Nietzsche and Spengler in political creed
is
most
pronounced.
Nietzsche's
strongly individualistic "every man first
for himself" is strongly contrasted with
the Prussian "Each for all, and all for
one," to which Spengler adheres. For
Nietzsche, the early advocate of a
"United States of Europe," nationalism
and imperialism are and remain grave
dangers engendering narrowness of view
and heart, hampering sound cultural
advancement and intercourse. The state
is, to him, a danger to the individual as
much as a benefit. To Spengler, however,
it means the social disciplining of the
individual under guarantee of free initiative of property and person. To him,
the state is the natural organ of ordered
society, the one and only safeguard of
cultural and material advancement.
Nietzsche feels Greek, and Spengler
feels R oman in political view. They

11

differ fundamentally as to the purpose,
function, and goal of human society:
Nietzsche strives, first of all, to promote
the great individual at the expense of the
mass. Spengler strives to further the
concerns of the group through the medium of those naturally endowed for
leadership. Thus Nietzsche, the "good
cosmopolitan," hates everything about
the Prussian spirit and state but its
soldierliness. To Spengler, the "socialist," Prussianism is a spiritual source,
a sound instinct and view of life; a last
guarantee for the honorable future-and
exit-of our race; the last promise of the
final defeat of political and mental
particularism. Kant's categorical imperative, Nietzsche's scorn for individual
happiness, and Hegel's sound political
realism, he sees blended in it. "Socialism," Spengler knows, "means something different in every land: the Prussian
worker is the only born socialist, therefore he has been the fool of all others."
With such views at heart, Spengler
envisages the ethico-socialistic state of
the future along the lines of the Prussian
tradition, with the will to conquer, to
dominate, and-to die. Such a state, he
holds, is Germany's last mission; her last
and only inner possibility in a world
fraught with all the dangers of decline
and impending doom.
But why, one is tempted to ask, this
ever-lasting quest for "Form?" Why
this constant self-search of the German
soul, unless it is perpetually aware of an
inherent formlessness, of the dangers of
chaos deep within itself? And further,
why is this concept of Decline of such
particular appeal among the Germans?
Even Luther spoke of the "ever-impending danger of relapse into chaos and
barbarism" on the part of the German
soul. Nietzsche speaks of this soul as
having its ../'caves and hind-caves"; and

�12

ST. JOHN'S TRIVIUM

the subtles t auto-psychologist, knew all
he remarks, as if by way of self-castigathe tragic lures and snares of Dionysian
tion: "The German is always of yesterecstacy and self-abandonment. Thus he
day and of the day after tomorrow; he
longed, more desperately than any other
has, as yet, no today. " Both Spengler
Germa n, for Apollonian "sophr osyne, "
and Nietzsche view the German soul as
self-re straint and perfection. The sound
an eternally restless, romantic worldsynthe sis of both was the vision of
rover and spiritu al particu larist; a perGoethe 's sublime human ity, an aim so
petual "prote stant" and conscientious
hard to achieve among Germans. And
objector in the face of the rest of the
yet, it is the one and only, though truly
world. Only the faith in its own mission,
super-h uman, self-redemption of this
the undyin g vision of a new way of life,
enigma tic Germa n soul.
can save this soul from chaos and utter
Betwee n the Ninete enth Centur y
self-destruction. Faust is of such nature.
thinker s and the mental crisis of today
We find this trust in the German calling
stands also the lonely, venerable, and
in Spengler's Prussia n Socialism as much
tragic figure of Spengler's great antagas in Nietzsche's Zarath ustra-v ision, the
Thoma s Mann. To him, as their
onist,
acme of an eternal metabolism. This
tor in aesthetic form and taste, the
precep
eternal becoming and self-transforming
post-W ar generations of Germa n
and
prehas made the Germa n soul the mental
youth perhap s owe a profounder feeling
sphinx of Europe , just as Russia has
of indebte dness and gratitu de than to
been, and is to-day, the Asiatic sphinx.
any other recent German thinker . Mann
This inner unrest and threat of "formhas ponder ed deeply upon the Germa n
lessness" has always engendered the
soul, upon the meaning and values of
dangers of self-destruction. How often human culture , and upon the problems
in their lives did Freder ick the Great, the
and sympto ms of decline. For almost
Goethe of Werthe r and Faust, Kleist,
half a century , his heart has been a
Nietzsche, and the countless lesser
spiritu al battleg round, and he knows
"roman ticists, " think of suicide? Only
that the fight is not over. Thus he has
a few great Germa ns have ever been men become the last great Germa n "Prote sof definite "Form ." Goethe searched for
tant" at the end of an era in the face of
it all his life. This search for, and process crises and catastr ophe: a restless searche r
of "formi ng" is the very core of his conand wander er between the times, a
cept of "Bildu ng." We touch at this Nietzsc hean supra-G erman of unfalte ring
point at the tragic duality and inner
conscience and courage; a Schope nhauer
discord of the Faustic soul. It is, once
Wagne rite with a nostalgia for Mozar t's
more, the romant ic Germa n genius in its
delicate simplicity of soul. Thus he is
eternal quest for genuine "cultur e," for
to-day not only one of the most highly
"the land of Greece" as Nietzsche saw it
culture d Germans, but the protag onist
in his dearest dreams . But there also par excellence of the very best that ever
is in it the insurm ountab le fear of finality;
dwelt within the German soul. Knowing
as "form" means completion, fulfilment its "caves and hind-caves," its inner
For beyond completion
and-d eath.
discords, deep within himself, he has
hope, there is only
future
no
is
there
pleade d and warned and presaged more
decline. Nietzsc he who perhap s has and more empha tically at the thresho ld
been the most subtile interpr eter of the
of decline and collapse. The milestone
Germa n soul since Goethe, because he was

ST, JOHN'S TRIVIUM

13

forseen and
of this inner strife and struggle, his Keyserling. All three have
c collapse
psychi
ar
post-W
the
ed
,"
witness
tischen
"Betra chtung en eines Unpoli
ptcy
bankru
the
it
in
ized
recogn
have
and
history
has become a landma rk in the
very
ing
someth
of
as
a
stamin
moral
an
of
e of the Germa n mind·,
of the struggl
.
had
soul
n
Germa
the
:
indeed
l,
spiritua
empha tic and desper ate protest against
was
alone
this
and
itself,
of
vision
its
lost
and
the danger s threate ning from within
What
te.
comple
own
breakd
make
to
able
withou t. Throug h the subtile and artisspirit, had
tic medium of Mann' s aesthetic irony, once was inner "Form " and
pose,
empty
an
into
ed
harden
since
Schope nhauer 's sceptic pessimism has long
The
.
scheme
and
e
pretens
mere
triump hed once more. Slowly but con- mto
Great
the
ick
Freder
Kant,
of
stantlr , the scope of Mann's perspe ctive spirit
'
.
A force,
was widened, from the psychic perplexi- Fichte and Hegel, had waned.
sublime, had turned into a farce '
ties of the individual outside r, over the once
.
the old
degene ration of whole families and social mto dead conven tionalit y. Thus
as
one,
new
a
and
lost
was
type
groups, to the decline of national culture Germa n
trithe
lity,
instabi
Inner
.
and of an entire civilization. To be sure, yet, unborn
witness
the "being -so-and -not-ot herwis e" of a umph of mere formlessness, bore
charac ter, this fateful and perplexing to that.
No wonder that the Germa n soul, as
aggregation of heterogeneous mental ,
tely
psychic, and social components that has always been its way, alterna
ing
wander
went
and
makes for individ uality, has always turned recluse
The
itself.
r
recove
to
deman ded his first though t. But with abroad in order
ways are
his scope, his conscience, his sense of representatives of those two
ling.
Keyser
and
duty and responsibility, have grown for us Stefan George
vision
the
create
to
Have they been able
tremen dously .
preof a new Germa n type? That the examgreat
the
Mann,
s
Thoma
Yet,
to
server, interpr eter and advocate, of ple of one single individ ual is able
been
has
task
a
everyth ing genuine and best in culture is, accomplish so gigantic
work
in a sense, not a "re-for mer." To be borne out in the past by the life and
sure, Hans Castor p's generation, as of Goethe.
Yet, it seems clear to-day that neither
others before him, atone for the inner
whole
a
of
ce
formative vision of Spengler, nor that
decaden
the
and
disorderliness
a
dying
and
war
for
or Keyserling, has sufficed to
ering
George
of
era by volunte
but
out,
way
a
is
That
fulfill this deman d, no matter how heroic
soldier's death.
or
man
of
type
new
a
it does not create
their individual efforts have been: they
to
left
was
It
oflife.
way
envisage a new
only represe nt sympto ms of a tempor ary
and
seek
to
er
Spengl
two others besides
situatio n and of a new striving for form.
to preach a new Germa n type in the hour In each of them the inner restlessness of
of crisis and collapse: the world-rover, the age is clearly reflected. Thus, each
Count Keyserling, and the poet-pr ophet, of them marks a new steppin gstone in the
Stefan George.
progress towards a new Germa n vision,
Of the thinker s discussed, only Spengler
none its fulfilment.
(with the exception of Thoma s Mann)
The new Germa n type, considering its
reaches directl y into the porten tous
psychological backgr ound in history , cerevents of Germa ny's recent past. That
is unthin kable as a mere Spenglerconnects him with Stefan George and tainly

�14

ST. JOHN'S TRIVIUM

ian fatalistic realist; nor merely as a
perpetually restless rover between the
ages and zones of this globe in the sense
of Count Keyserling; nor as the overindividualistic, mystic recluse of the
priest-like Stefan George who dedicates
his soul to Eros and Kairos, beauty and
solemnity. Spengler belittled man for
the sake of dread historic facts. Keyserling's individualistic superiority expands and enhances man at the expense
of historic reality. George's type, however, remains for ever a personal, and
nothing but a personal, task to itself.
Yet, he represents a mystic innerness

and solemn contemplativeness which we
never would miss in the German type of
the future because it is of the best and
most sacred tradition of the German soul.
To be sure, Spengler, George, and
Keyserling, represent three different,
though equally essential, German sides
and trends. The vision of each alone
would never suffice. But the sum-total
of their influence upon the German future
seems of the utmost importance. For
all three are searchers, pathfinders, and
leaders on a weary way: on the return of
this German soul to its own true self.RICHARD KuEHNEMUND.

A Letter Home
Chesapeake Bay and above all, St.
Here's a letter that I have been John's, make Annapolis what it is, a
planning to write to you since I arrived little colonial seaport town with a taste
at St. John's, a letter which I think will of classicism and a vintage of modern
tell you in some vague fashion what I times thrown in.
But the great thing about our college
am doing, what the college is essentially
seems
to be the ideas, ideas such as
like, and how it differs from anything
never
known
back home. At home we
I have ever come up against before.
do
some
thinking,
mostly, as you reFrom a physical standpoint the college
member,
in
the
kitchen,
where we could
is very beautiful, with buildings of
look
next
door
and
see
Mrs. Archibald
colonial types, some of them dating back
looking
at
us.
If
our
thinking
was about
to the Revolution. We have a freshimportant
things
it
was
only
a
poor apman dormitory which had its calling
proximation
to
that
type
of
thinking
and
presumably prior to the Civil War, but
the
ideas
we
use
here.
And
the
ideas
are
many of us have wondered if it didn't
deep,
so
much
so,
that
we
find
it
difficult
see the light of day somewhere around
the Norman Conquest, and if the con- sometimes to extricate ourselves from
quest isn't still going on. The campus them; yet if we are able, we explore those
with its quaint structures is in Annapolis, depths to test and retest the validity of
but one might also say it is out of it, for causes, natures and insights. I have
Annapolis is so rambling that it is dif- learned more since I have been here than
ficult to say when one is in it and when I ever thought would be the case. I
one is not.
Little byways, passes, find, however, that many of our kitchen
government buildings with colonial ap- variety notions are subjected to great
proximations and cupolas, the Navy, assault and attack by men who appa-

DEAR Family,

ST. JOHN'S TRIVIUM

rently have a different variety of notions.
Of course an intellectual fight ensues,
and only adds to the delight, and somehow makes the manipulation of the mind
and the thrust and parry of the ideas a
pleasurable pastime. And yet I sometimes feel that many of my friends use
ideas just for that purpose, namely to
engage in a sort of pleasurable pastime.
Some of them have all the ideas at their
command, and are able to use them quite
well in a sort of artistic way. With them
they jibe, with them they taunt, and
with them they play, but the result seems
to be, at times, an intellectual rope
climbing. They get nowhere but up the
rope or down. You might call them
intellectual jitterbugs, mindful of their
steps, and cognizant of their dance,
hurling their partner to the left, and
then to the right, up and down, and in
all ways at once. Yet they are limited
by the dance itself, and the ideas fail to
lead them to anything else except another
step or another dance. And so you
might conclude that these intellectual
jitterbugs fail to conform to the object
of the curriculum, which seems to be to
make the student an intelligent person.
And being an intelligent person seems to
include the idea of morality, and a moral
person is one who doesn't restrict himself to leaping, gliding or tripping in a
rhythmic fashion. Perhaps, as some of
us have heard, we are a graceless people,
and no matter what we try to do in a
right way we shall always be doomed to
failure, and morals will remain something to be discussed and played with,
and not something to be practiced.
Seminar is considered the hinge of the
curriculum. It is there that we get the
opportunity to put the liberal arts
into practice, in a discursive way of
course. We again discuss morality, politics, God and all other things imagin-

15

able. Possibly the only thing we haven't
discussed is the seminar itself. Some
have defined a seminar as a place where
no one knows what he is talking about.
But I know that this is not correct, because it is apparent that some do know
what they are talking about since they
state so in such an emphatic manner.
They call those, who do know what they
are talking about and who can show the
others what they are talking about,
dialecticians. The others of course just
make a noise like a dialectician.
One time in seminar some of us had the
floor, two or three at once, and we were
discussing nothing. Somebody said you
couldn't talk about nothing if it were
nothing, and hence had to refer to
nothing as almost nothing. And I
think it makes some sense to talk about
nothing as almost nothing, for who can
talk about nothing unless it be Mrs.
Archibald next door.
Besides we get into conflicting philosophies, and some hold that there is only
one philosophy and anyone who doesn't
agree is wrong or crazy. These people
are commonly referred to as Aristotelians.
I'm not quite sure what an Aristotelian
is, but someone mentioned that he is a
person who is right at the top of his voice.
And that may be true for there are a
few in our seminar who are always
shouting and if you ask them if they
could be wrong they think you are asking
an absurd question.
Then there are Platonists. A Platonist
is a person who can be just as definite
if he isn't. He answers everything with
a shrug of his shoulders and mumbles
under his breath something which sounds
like "can't afford to be dogmatic."
And you see right there, there is difference
of opinion. Yet you remember that we
decided, in the kitchen, that a difference of opinion in important matters was

�16

ST. JOHN'S TRIVIUM

likely to lead to serious consequences;
for if everyone is entitled to his own
opinion, and his own opinion is all that
can be stated concerning something, then
it seems that the only way to settle such
a difference of opinion is to resort to
force. And you remember we decided
that force was a bad thing. But here,
apparently, those who hold various opinions don't think much about it, and
they don't use force, so all that remains
is the difference of opinion.
But the toughest people to handle are
the eclectics. They take a little bit here
and a little bit there, pulling down an
argument from this source, reverting to a
contradictory statement from that source,
and generally confusing themselves and
their listeners so that no one knows which
way to turn next. On Friday they are
Pragmatists, Saturday, Epicureans, Sunday, they are Thomists, and on Monday
they have to be Stoics.
My roommate and I are now living in
Gov. Oogle's house pronounced Ogle;
Gov. Oogle pronounced Ogle was one of
the first governors of Maryland. I sleep
in the governor's four poster bed. It's
so large that if three people were in it
none would be aware of the others'
presence.
.
.
.
So you see what an mterestmg time
I am having here at St. John's and what
a few ideas can do to one. Sometimes
however, I get too much, and at nights,
I am told by my roommate, I sit up in

ST. JOHN'S TRIVIUM

bed screaming: "Nothing, which is not
nothing, but almost nothing, Platonists
and Democrats, God, soul, Oogle, pronounced Ogle, Ogle, Oogle, Oogle, Ogle!!
I can only attribute these unusual occurrences to my recent and sudden entrance
into the world of ideas.
The only thing I have forgotten to
mention is the Navy. Everyday seems
to be Navy Day here, and I have developed such an affinity for the noble lads
that row, row, row your boat has ceased
to be a slogan. But when I find my
interests tending towards the nautical,
I return to the world of ideas, not
nothing but almost nothing, or Gov.
Ogle pronounced Oogle. And from out
of such a maelstrom of ideas I can conclude either that this is the stuff worth
living for, or that they insure one a certain and well directed demise.
But be that as it may I can't deny that
those things we were inclined to think
important are now inconsequential, and
that people like Mrs. Archibald next
door only air their prejudices and that
intelligence as well as morality comes at a
premium.
I must go now because I am late to
sculpture class. We did a head of a
lady last week. This was my first
venture. The rest will come later.
Love,
Sidney.
-WILBUR

JERGER,

'44

17

Second Fiddle
MUSIC at St. John's is in a singularly
embarrassing
position. It
is
neither flesh nor fowl, not enough of a
liberal art to be completely sponsored
by the College, nor yet wholly enough a
fine art to be quite dependent as an extra
collegiate activity. Thus it is periodically advertised by the Administration,
and the rest of the time is left to fend
for itself as best it can. This same
situation last year, that of an ambitious
program being carried on with the scantest of support, led to the virtual "death"
of music, and its reestablishment as a
fine art subject for a small nucleus of
students who were concerned enough
to go farther than the mere stage of
"passive" music.
This year with a new music director
and a large freshman class, great things
were expected of the music program.
A very good concert series was arranged
with such artists as Ralph Kirkpatrick
and the Budapest String Quartet, Glee
clubs were organised, and Bach cantatas
anticipated, and a thoroughly musical
campus was expected. At the end of
October the subscriptions for the concert
series were so discouraging, although
they were above the execrable total of
the year before, that the College felt
compelled to urge the Student Body to
attend the series, which was costing the
College one thousand dollars a year.
The Glee club had a remarkably small,
although enthusiastic membership, and
the whole musical situation appeared to
be one well warranting an explanation
by the College.
We are not morbid prophets of disaster. We are not belittling the efforts of
the College. We are wholly for a good
musical program here at St. Johns. But
as an essentially undergraduate medium

of opinion, we are forced to criticise the
tactics of the College. The problem that
the latter is facing is one which every
liberal arts college worthy of the name
must confront, and the more aid we can
offer towards its solution, or the more
advice we can solicit from our readers,
the better we feel this problem will be
solved.
At present we feel that music here
cannot be properly included as a semiliberal, semi-fine art. It is true that
music was originally one of the Quadrivium, and as such has an essential
place in the curriculum here. But its
essential place in the curriculum is not
being given it. It is still definitely outside the New Program, save for a few
books on music read in seminars. Even
concerts here are in danger of having a
greater proportion of subscribers from
the Navy and the town of Annapolis
than from the College. If the fact were
realised that it is only the people who
regard music as a fine art who subscribe
to the concerts, then the situation might
be less painful than it is at present, in
which everybody is not only expected to
see music's connection as a liberal art,
but is asked to act on that connection.
In the future, perhaps, when the Program
is so arranged as to have a full-fledged
music course, with the twenty-five Great
Works as its backbone, the College's
dream might be realised. But it is no
use trying to create a music course the
wrong, way around. Far better to admit
that the concerts are for the benefit of
the community comprising Annapolis and
the Academy, and that the Glee club is
only for those who are really interested
before they join, than to try to stimulate
a labored responsibility among the Student Body that they should attend the

�18

ST. JOHN'S TRIVIUM

concerts, and should first join the Glee
club, later learning to appreciate singing.
Until a music course integrated with
the New Program is worked out and set
in motion, the solution would appear to
us to be an admission that music at
St. John's is yet a fine art, and that it

should be upheld by a nucleus of keen
mus1c1ans, a nucleus always open to
expansion, but never in such a weak
position as to have to boost themselves,
and force the rest of the Student Body to
feel both guilt and condescension when
they participate in the program.-NERO.

The Blues
DESPITE harrow arguments to the
contrary, the slavery in the South
was as cruel a form of subjugation as
any other instance of this sort in history.
A "good nigger" was one who was resigned to his fate, a "buck nigger," one
who either thought for himself or tried
to escape from the perpetual stick held
above his head. Field hands, to ease
their pains and sorrows and relieve the
monotony of their task, sang songs.
They also used songs as a way of speaking with one another without having the
overseer understand their implications.
The overseers, in turn, felt assured when
the slaves sang, for a singing slave was
almost always considered a "good
nigger."
It was out of such an oppression that
the work songs of the slaves were born.
And it was from these work songs that
the blues grew-the blues, a music that
was sad and hopeful-hopeful because
things were so bad they could get no
worse. The long hard road just had to
finish somewhere.
As Bessie Smith sang:
"See that long lonesome road,
Lawd, you know it's got ta en'."

The optimistic element in the blues is
also well characterized in these old
traditional lines:

19

ST. JOHN'S TRIVIUM

"Lawd, the sun's gonna shine
In my back doh' someday."

Blues very often expressed a craving
for drink or women, but in their true,
early form blues were not obscene and
had no sexual implications. It is only
in later years that the blues, some
people call "risque" came into popularity.
As a matter of fact, this aspect has overshadowed the blues to such an extent
that, today, many people believe that
they are merely a legitimate way of
expressing a dirty ditty. But in this type
of music, the timbre of the singer's voice
and the way the lyrics are built, are as important as the actual meaning of the
words. There are a few singers whose
version of almost any song would have
a blues quality.
Blues, as did all other forms of jazz,
reached its height in New Orleans. Such
men as Tony Jackson and "Jelly-Roll"
Morton carried them through the honkytonks and "houses" of Storyville, the low
high-life center of the Crescent City.
And outside, on the sidewalks of the
delta town, there was sung another type,
a more real blues than that of the tonks,
the blues sung by beggars on the street.
Among these street singers were "Blind
Lemon" Lemon Jefferson and Blind
Willie Johnson. "Blind Lemon," who
has become a legendary figure, made many

records which today are rare items. He
experimented with blues structure and
also used a great variety of new subjects
for his records, one of them being
"Wartime Blues" recorded at the time
the United States entered the World
War. As for Blind Willie Johnson, from
a point of view of folk music as well as
that of jazz, his blues are unsurpassed.
His very basic guitar and his primitive
moans are only stirring at first, but upon
"listening" closely, many previously unseen qualities may be discovered in his
songs.
There was still another distinct type
of blues, a type destined to gain greater
public favor than any other. These
blues were the ones sung by women.
They had a greater general appeal and
were not confined to a certain locality.
Ma Rainey and Mamie Smith were the
first known singers in this category.
Both were famed among the Southern
Negroes. They often travelled from
village to village and were always exuberantly welcomed. Ma Rainey, who
was probably the greatest blues singer
of her time, frequently had her audience
in tears. Tears that came because Ma
and her listeners knew something-something that hurt and something that was
exciting.
Ma Rainey greatly influenced Bessie
Smith, who became the most popular
of such singers. Bessie had a low,
throaty voice and sang her blues mean
and lowdown. Because of these qualities
and her extreme sincerity, many connoisseurs consider her greater than Ma
Rainey. Anyone who likes blues is
emotionally affected by Bessie Smith.
We have known some who, after listening
to her records, cry; some who feel they

must go out and get drunk; and others
who can't believe that anything can be
so sincere. Her records have sold over
five million copies and she has been
surnamed, "Empress of the Blues." In
1936, Bessie was driving to Memphis to
appear in a vaudeville show. Her automobile was in an accident and she was
seriously hurt. Quick medical attention
might have saved her, but the nearest
hospital would not allow Negro patients.
She died, and her death showed that there
was still a very good reason to sing the
blues-the original reason.
Today, singers are introducing a new
interpretation of this style of music.
A modern swing rhythm replaces the old
blues feeling. However, the spirit is not
altogether gone. Because of renewed
interest in true blues, some old timers
like Ida Cox are making records again.
Very interesting is Billie Holidays'
record, "Strange Fruit," which was a
revolt against injustice.
"Southern trees bear a strange fruit,
Blood on the leaves and blood at the root,
Black bodies swinging in the southern breeze,
Strange fruit hanging from the poplar trees."
RECOMMENDED

Jesse James-Southern Casey ]ones-(Decca)
Blind Willie Johnson-Dark Was the Night(Vocalion)
Jelly-Roll Morton-New Orleans Memories-(general album)
Winin' Boy Blues-(Bluebird)
Bessie Smith-Two Albums-(Columbia)
Ida Cox-Deep Sea Blues-(Columbia)
Billie Holliday-Bi/lie' s B/ues-(Vocalion)

Many good blues made recently by
race artists are available at most music
stores. Rare items may be ordered
from the H. R. S. Music Shop in New
York City.-AHMED ERTEGUN, '44.

�20

ST. JOHN'S TRIVIUM

ST. JOHN'S TRIVIUM

The A wakening
FATHER died when I was ten.
I can't remember much of my
childhood except for one or two incidents,
but, father's death, or rather, his funeral,
stands out vividly in my mind. It seems
to me now, that this thing, this-I do
not know how to describe it except by
calling it an impression. Anyway, this
impression was the start, the impetus,
you might say, that made me alive.
That sounds odd; making a child of ten
alive, sensitive, impressionistic; but, it
isn't. It is tragic to see an apathetic
child; it stirs me more, makes me feel
more despondent than seeing a grown
hulk of a man, a human derelict, with
dead eyes and decay oozing from him;
for apathy is decay. For the child has
yet to grow and is dead in the embryo;
while the man has grown. Enough of
this, though.
I can say that this is what woke me,
for I have lived a good many years and
can look back on them with a sense of
perspective, from an objective plane
almost. I cannot say from a purely
objective plane; I've lived long enough
to realize that men do not look at things
entirely in the light of objectivity.
They cannot. So what I say will in
some ways be influenced by the life I
have lived, the experiences and impressions that I have gone through, and
which I have garnered up to now. However, there are certain sensations and
images which I can recall from the time
of the funeral, that are untouched, as
far as I can discern, by the years and
what they have held.
As I said before, my childhood, up till
my tenth birthday, can offer me now no
memories. It is an unavoidable gap;
but, for some reason, mine was that way.

And it does not include any palpable
memory of Father of any length.
That is another odd fact. I have no
picture, that is, no full length portrait,
so to speak, of Father. I can recall certain incidents; but they have no continuity. The picture is incomplete and
will always be so. The several strokes
of the brush that make up the image are
spasmodic. And so, when I am presented with a picture of Father, an old
daguerreotype, or an early photograph,
I feel as if I had met such a person, had
known such a person; but, no matter how
hard I try, I cannot link the two together.
I cannot imbue that photographic reproduction with any sense of life.
Perhaps I might have had some definite picture of Father if I had seen him
sometime before the end. He was sick
for a month before he died. That is,
he was in a hospital that month. I don't
know how long he was ill before that.
(I have heard about him from friends
and relatives, though, in the course of
time. He was always jolly; had laughing
eyes and a mobile mouth with that upward twitch at the ends which designates
many good natured people. He was
always thinking of some new deviltry,
and thought nothing of making himself
perfectly ridiculous in order to provoke a
laugh. Everyone loved him.)
I was taken to see him in the hospital,
but, for some reason they would not
allow me to visit him. I was left outside
his door while Mother went into his room.
I remember that door. Not that it was
any different from any other patient's
door along the corridor. It was just a
plain, white door with a common brass
knob and with a number on it. It
opened noiselessly and closed the same

l

way. All the doors opened and closed
the same way. All the people entered
through those doors and exited from
them-noiselessly.
Everything
was
quiet; was mute. It was deadening.
But the doors fascinated me and I
watched them, a scared, wondering, little
fellow with big eyes. Then, the door of
father's room opened and Mother came
out. And I caught a glimpse of a figure
lying in bed.
A second time the same thing
happened. I did not see him. Only this
was under different circumstances.
Father had been taken to his sister's
home. Mother knew about this and she
brought me there. But, his sister had
already sent him to the hospital. I remember there were angry words between
Mother and father's sister. I thought
that I was the focal point of the argument, but, I see now that I was merely
a minor issue. Mother was angry, as I
see it now, because they had taken
Father from the hospital and then
shipped him back, as if he were a curiosity. Mother was quite right in being
mad; for Father was in a critical condition. It was a Sunday when this incident
occurred; and the following Wednesday,
Father died.
So, you see, when the day of the
funeral came and all were gathered,
friends and kin, I neither considered
myself one or the other but felt like an
outsider, a stranger-or, to phrase it
more aptly, an alien. One, who had no
realization of who had actually died and
what was actually happening, but, who
simply saw the stark physical properties
of the scene. And even these were
somehow a bit askew, being unfamiliar.
And as such, I felt no emotion. That
is, I did not feel like crying; nor, did I
have that greater grief in which weeping

21

has no part. (How can a child feel the
latter emotion, you are perhaps wondering? All that I can say is this: you
would be amazed at the emotion of a
child, as to deepness, in comparison with
that of an adult, if the farmer's could be
fully expressed. As it is, it is inarticulate.)
On the other hand, I was not happy;
nor was I indifferent. I was permeated
with a vague curiosity, a curiosity bordering on the metaphysical, which ran
around in my head something like this:
Dead? Father's dead. . . . I will not
see Father anymore? They say so ....
Who was my Father? . . . The man who
every night came home just before supper.
Who used to pick me up and against
whose cheek, with its day's stubble, I
would love to rub my own.... He is
gone. They say so. . . . Then I will
never again smell the faint aroma of
cigars which tickled my nose? ...
You must realize that I am giving
expression to these thoughts; that, perhaps, they were not as defined as I have
made them; that, perhaps, they were not
even in my mind and that, now, I am
creating them. I will not argue with
you on any of these points. Let it
suffice that at ten they were there in an
inarticulate state.
The ceremony took place in a long,
narrow room. My seat was in the first
row and I had to walk the length of the
room in order to get to it. The coffin
was at the head of the aisle and as I
walked toward my chair, with my eyes on
the coffin, I was struck with a vague
similarity. The room seemed to me a
second coffin, only on a larger scale. It
was a large, plain box filled with little
chairs and with moving dolls. And the
cynosure was the raised toy box at the
head of the larger box. It was funny.

�22

ST. JOHN'S TRIVIUM

I took my seat and found myself between Mother's sister, Aunt Esther, and
my six year old brother, Lennie. Mother
I did not see.
I looked at Aunt Esther. She was
crying quietly; her eyes were red, and
her fat face was streaked with the lines
of her tears which were running unconcernedly off her face and onto her broad
bosom. Her buttocks, bulging over her
chair, pressed against my thigh, and, I
moved away from her to the end of my
spasmodically
sobbed
chair. She
throughout the entire ceremony.
I tried to sit quietly on the end of my
chair. I could not. I grew fidgety.
Aunt Esther noticed my uneasiness and
sought to soothe me. She drew me
towards her. I resisted. Something
caught her attention for a moment and
she let me go. In that instant I nudged
Lennie and whispered fiercely in his ear.
"Change seats with me."
He shook his head; so I grabbed one of
his fingers and pulled it backwards. He
was going to yelp; but, I glared at him
and muttered, "Sh!"
Aunt Esther noticed the struggle.
She pulled me toward her and asked me
what was wrong. I told her that I
wanted Lennie's chair. She must have
felt my antagonism for her and realized
that Lennie would be more docile in her
hands, for she leaned over, nearly smothering me with her bust, and whispered
to Lennie. Then, she pulled Lennie out
of his chair; and I wriggled out of her
embrace and slid over to the vacant
chair. I took a deep breath.
Of the ceremony itself, there is only
one incident which stands out vividly
in my mind. It was the unveiling of
Father's face. I mean, of course, that
anyone was now allowed to have one last,
fleeting glance of his face before the lid

was battened down, so to speak, and no
further mortal eye could gaze upon him.
I was intently watching those persons
who were filing around the coffin when
suddenly I heard Lennie's petulant voice
crying, "I want to see Daddy. I want
to see Daddy."
I had not realized it, but, the thought
had never entered my head to go up to
the coffin and look at Father. Why had
I not thought of it? I became afraid.
An abject terror seized me and I cringed
in my chair.
Of what was I afraid? Of what is a
child afraid when he awakes in the
dark? He does not know. Nor did I.
We can explain, perhaps, of what the
child is afraid. But the child cannot.
And I was a child of ten then.
In my fear I gripped Lennie's arm;
and my fingernails must have bit into it,
for he cried out.
I awoke then.
In a quavering voice I whispered to
Lennie, "You mustn't go up there; you
mustn't. There is nothing to see.
Nothing to see, you hear, nothing to see.
Daddy isn't there."
He looked at me with wondering eyes.
"Daddy isn't there?"
"No."
"You sure Daddy isn't there?"
"Yes."
"But Mamma is up there."
And he pointed to the coffin where
Mother was now standing.
"Don't point."
That was the only thing I could think
of, at the moment, in answer to what he
had just said.
"Mamma is there. Let me go-"
"Mamma has to be there. She doesn't
want you."
He subsided, then, but I still held his
arm.

ST. JOHN'S TRIVIUM

Mother was standing beside the coffin.
I did not entirely believe Lennie, until
I looked now and saw that he was right.
She was there, and, as I looked at her,
I knew that I had lied to Lennie.
Mother did want us. I saw that in her
eyes as she caught my glance. She made
a slight gesture with her arms, imploring
me to come to her.
I looked away quickly as if I had not
seen her, and riveted my eyes on the
blank wall ahead of me.
I was still afraid.
And as I sat gazing at the wall, I
became aware of what I was in fear of.
I was afraid of Aunt Esther and Mother
and all the people in the room; Uncle
Charlie, Uncle Harry and Uncle Sam;
Aunt Mary, Aunt Sarah and Aunt
Martha; even Lennie.
Lennie seemed to me the epitome of
them all. He was curious. He wanted
to see something; it did not matter what.
He saw the adults parading around the
coffin and his curiosity was piqued.
Only his curiosity was ingenuous.
The adults seemed to me to be hypocritical. They knew what was there.
They saw something; and they were
feigning pity for it, and sympathy for
Lennie and me. They were shamming,
I said, for they do not know me. They
have never met me, nor seen me except
for today. Uncle Charlie and Aunt
Esther only know me. And I have met
Uncle Charlie only twice; and I have
stayed at Aunt Esther's house for one
week when I was eight. Yet they were
looking at us with sympathy. They
were crying. They were spilling their
tears on Father's face. TheyFor the first time that afternoon something stirred inside of me; a feeling for
Father, one that was wrought only for
him and that was free of all other as-

23

soc1at10ns. Of course, it was engendered
by the past impressions; but the effect
is still the effect even though brought
about by the cause, and can stand by
itself for such as it is.
I wanted to be alone, away from all
these people with their prying, sympathetic eyes. I wanted peace and time
to mull over in my child's mind this
eternal question of death. I wanted
solace, a personal kind, not the impersonal and seemingly diffident sort
that was now being shown on all sides
of me. And I wanted faith. Not faith
in God; for that is too intangible for a
child. But a faith, or should I say, a
mooring, that I could cling to amid this
bewilderment that was choking me.
And these very emotions I associated
with Father. I felt that they were his
feelings and that he was only waiting for
the ritual to be gone through before his
will would execute them.
As I think of that moment, now, of
many years ago, I am amazed at the depth
of these first stirrings. It seems fantastic that I, at the age of ten, when my
little mind was, as yet, only in the stage
of a foetus, should try, unconsciously
to force open the womb prematurely
and assume a bastardly growth. The
more I think about it, the more I wonder
at it. But my wonder assumes catastrophic proportions when I recall what
followed.
For gradually gaining momentum, my
emotion finally engulfed me. Tears were
in my eyes, and, I felt as if I were choking,
for my throat was tightening. And
dimly I heard the closing words of the
service
'Ashes to ashes, and dust to dust.'
and an hysterical sob from Aunt Esther.
I was outside finally, and, as I breathed
heavily of the late, afternoon, autumn

�24

ST. JOHN'S TRIVIUM

ST. JOHN'S TRIVIUM

air, my head cleared. Everyone was
bustling about trying to find a suitable
carriage. Aunt Esther called me, but
I pretended not to hear and wandered
among the crowd. At the last minute,
someone found me and put me in the
first carriage. I replied sullenly to the
few questions asked me, and sat huddled
in the corner oblivious of everything.
We stopped once for a bottle of spirits
of ammonia, but, otherwise, the long
ride to the cemetery was passed with
hardly a word spoken. I dozed fitfully
all the way. The clop-clop of the horses'
hooves was soothing.
It was evening when we reached the
cemetery. The wind was biting; and
the people had gathered in small groups
to keep warm. I was cold. I was
shivering. I walked briskly along the
path among the tombstones. A small
pebble lodged in my shoe and I stopped
to take it out. Ahead of me was a
mound of loose dirt. I hopped over to it
and sat down; untied my shoelaces,
pulled off my shoe, and took the pebble
out and threw it at a stone angel a few
paces away. I missed. I tried again
with one of the pebbles lying at my feet.
This time I hit squarely on the face.
"What are you doing, sonny?"
I turned around; and, I saw a man in
a worn, leather jacket, in baggy trousers,
and with clay stained shoes leaning on
a shovel.
"Oh, nothing. Just taking a pebble
out of my shoe."
I quickly slipped my shoe on and bent
over it to tie the laces.
"Maybe you were, son, maybe you
were. But I wouldn't throw pebbles at
the tombstones if I were you. That's
blasphemy."
I did not know what "blasphemy"
meant, but, the intonation given the
word, hushed, awe filling and tinged with

a nameless fear, made me feel guilty of
some great offense, and brought me back
to the moment from which I had momentarily escaped.
"I didn't mean anything. Really, I
didn't."
"I know you didn't, son. You don't
know what these stones mean. They
are the mute signs of the living to the
dead that death has not wholly separated
them. Now, if your father died- "
He stopped; looked at me oddly and
then at something behind me.
"I'm sorry, son."
He picked up his shovel and walked
away.
I got up and clambered up the mound
of dirt to see what he had looked at.
There, below me, was the pit. It seemed
very deep from the top of the mound.
I kicked some dirt and watched it dribble
down the side of the mound and bound
off into space; all the while trying to
think what that old man was sorry about.
The others were now close by. I
jumped off the mound.
The pall bearers with the coffin were
coming up the pathway.
They were at the grave.
They laid the coffin on slings stretched
across the pit and slowly lowered the
black box until it came to rest at the
bottom.
I found my way to Mother's side. I
slipped my hand into hers. It was warm
and my cold fingers began to throb with
the warmth. Lennie was beside her,
snuggling against her thigh.
Mother did not move a muscle during
this last ceremony. Except for one
quick movement near the end, I thought
she was one of the carved stone figures
that were all about us.
As the first spade full of dirt landed
with a thud on the coffin, her hand tightened over mine.

Then, we were home.
I refused to eat any supper, but went
to my room, undressed, got into my
pyjamas and climbed into bed.
I cried. For no accountable reason,
I burst into tears. I was ashamed and
buried my head in the pillow. I heard
someone coming into the room. I stifled
my sobs and pretended to be asleep.
"Are you a wake ?"
It was Mother.
I did not answer but breathed deeply.
"He's asleep."
That was Aunt Esther.
"Thank God for that," I heard Mother
say. "It has been a trying day. I am
thankful it is over. The children behaved splendidly. But they need rest.
I, too. My nerves are frayed to their
last shreds. I still cannot forget his
face. I did not realize that the disease,
what a horrible thing it is! had ravaged
him so. His face was so guant; his eyes
were sunk into his very sockets. But
that look on his face, in his eyes, that
look of agony, of heart rendering pain,
my God! I could hardly control myself.
He must have died in the middle of his
worst attack."-H. W. S.
IMPROPAGANDA
PRESIDENT Lincoln was a great man.
The people made the Republican Party so
he could get elected. President Willkie
is a great man. He made the Republican
Party so he could get elected.
In Lincoln's day the people went to
the Polls and voted in Booths. Modern
science and invention now bring the
Polls to the people. Caeser had his
Brutus, Lincoln had his Booth, and
George III did not profit by their example. If that be reason, make the most
of it.
Now the word of God came unto

25

Jonah saying, ARISE, GO TO NINEVEH AND CRY AGAINST IT; FOR
THEY DEPART FROM THE AMERICAN WAY. But Jonah rose up to flee
from God and took ship into the Tennessee Valley. But God sent out a great
wind upon the Tennessee Valley and
there was a mighty tempest so that
Jonah's ship was like to be broken.
Then the mariners were afraid and they
cast forth the wares that were in the
ship to lighten it unto them. But Jonah
was gone down into the innermost parts
of the ship and he lay fast asleep. So
the mariners cast lots that they might
know for whose cause the wind swept the
valley, and the lot fell upon Jonah, and
they saw that Jonah was their Jonah. So
they took him up and cast him into the
water. And Jonah was like to have
drowned.
But God prepared a great Fish to pick
up Jonah. And Jonah spent some days
with Fish. Then God spake unto Fish
and he vomited Jonah out upon the land.
So Jonah arose and went unto Nineveh
and preached unto it of the American
Way and said, Yet forty days to save
Nineveh; yet forty days and Nineveh
shall perish.
And the people of Nineveh believed
God and they turned from their evil
way; and God repented of the evil which
he said he would do unto them and he
did it not.
But it displeased Jonah exceedingly
and he was angry, that God did not any
evil unto Nineveh. And Jonah went out
of the city and sat on the East Side and
there made him a booth and sat under it
till he might see what would become of
the city.
And God prepared a network to grow
up over Jonah that it might be a shade
over his head. And Jonah was exceeding

�26

ST. JOHN'S TRIVIUM

glad because of the network covering his
booth. But God prepared a worm when
the morning rose the next day and it
smote the network that it withered. And
the sun beat upon the head of Jonah that
he fainted and requested that he might
die and said, I do well to be angry. And
God said, Thou hast had regard for the
network for which thou hast not labored,
neither madest it grow; which came up

in a night and perished in a night. That
is the American Way.
Then the people of Nineveh cast lots
upon Jonah; and the Republican Party
went the American way. And Jonah
Willkie prospered according to the manner of his people; and the people erected
a monument unto Jonah and his booth
and called it Jonah Willkie's Booth.ERASMUS.

Books
TO CARTHAGE THEN I CAME

Love in the Western World. By Denis
de Rougemont. Translated by Montgomery Belgian. Harcourt, Brace and Co.
$3.00.
If the history of the West during the
past nine hundred years may be seen as
a tragic sequence having its embodiments on various planes of action, then,
just as the present war is proving to be
a catastrophe or turning-point, where
the literal, allegorical, and moral planes
of action intersect, so the conception of
Love in the Western World marks a major,
even if not yet widespread, recognition
on the allegorical and moral plane.
De Rougemont is primarily a moralist
and a theologian writing in the guise of
an historian: the subject of his history
is the birth, growth, consummation, and
degradation of the myth of passionate
love; he is a theologian because he views
the myth as the secularization of a heresy
about the relation between the world and
man's love of God; and, because he is a
theologian, he must become a moralist,
admonishing us to discover a casuistry
of act, virtue, and thought in order to
encircle, regulate, and lift up that which

has become a second nature in most of us.
Or to shift to the image in the Phaedrus,
that of the charioteer trying to guide a
chariot drawn by two headstrong horses,
black and white; whereas the Socrates
in that dialogue placed his rhetorical
emphasis on the dangers of letting the
black horse get out of control, De Rougemont is concerned to show what happens
when the white horse takes the lead in
running away with the chariot, and how
both the irrational and the supra-rational
brute are swayed by something which is
essentially the same, and that the movement of both must be curbed by the
rational charioteer.
It is a truism to ask, in comparing the
modern West with any other civilization,
why is it that passionate love plays a
much more important role in our conception of human living than in that of a
Greek, Indian, or Chinese. The Greeks,
for example, looked upon passionate love
as a kind of temporary madness, and
usually more of a calamity than a blessing: the tragedies of Aeschylus and
S9phocles and the comedies of Aristophanes ignore romantic love, and even
Euripides, who comes the nearest of
any to being like a modern dramatist,

ST. JOHN'S TRIVIUM

27

associates it with an inhuman plan of forever. But as regards the second alrevenge in the Medea and with incest in leged 'appearance,' if the reader will look
the Hippolytus. Even Plato, who is scrupulously into his own mind, he will
supposedly the real teacher of the doc- probably find that his thoughts of love
trine of love to the West, talks of love as are bound up with thoughts of death or
a frenzy and, if to be desired, still a gift surrogates for death. And if we turn
from the gods rather than an ordinary to the mythopoetic arts, we find that
human passion. Yet today what pub- from the Tristram romances, through
lishing house would be doing business Antony and Cleopatra, Le Cid, and Phedre,
if there were no novels about romantic down to Le Rouge et le Noir, Madame
fornication; and we need hardly remind Bovary, Wuthering Heights, Anna Kareourselves what the chief stock-in-trade nina, Rosmersholm, or even Garbo's
of the movies is. Most of us feel that Camille, love is not only linked to death
romantic love is the normal and desirable, but somehow achieves its consummation
or at least the vulgar but necessary, con- in death alone. And we have all read
summation of human experience,- in the newspapers of the boy and girl
women are perhaps more frank about this who committed suicide after going to see
than men, yet the men usually have a Mayerling. D. H. Lawrence remarked
sneaking feeling that the women are upon the necessity of the mutual inright. This everyday demand for pas- volvement of romantic love and death
sionate love, like bread and circuses, is as a sign of a sickness inherent in the
the general phenomenon, whose causes nature of romantic love, but he did not
Love in the Western World is investigat- prolong discursively his flash of insight.
For De Rougemont the Tristram and
mg.
But perhaps more leading and sug- Iseult story is the eminent case of the
gestive, for any causal inquiry, than the myth of romantic love. He finds the two
mere widespreadness of the belief that phenomena noted above present in a
falling in love is the one event which disguised form: the emphasis upon the
manages to compensate for the rest of the intensity rather than the humanity of
dull round of human destiny are two love may be detected in the episode of
other 'appearances,' namely, the unim- the love-potion, Tristram's marriage with
portance, or even irrelevance, of the the second Iseult, and even in the
person loved in comparison with the singleness of Tristram's passion, if inexperience of passionate love itself. The tensity of feeling is increased by the
first phenomenon, namely, that intensity oneness of the object; and the preoccupaof experience rather than a duly ordered tion with death, apart from the ending
relation to another human being is the of the story, in the various obstructions
important thing, will probably be more which Tristram and Iseult willfully and
readily admitted than the second; indeed, deliberately set between themselves and
for example, in the Heart's Intermittences the consummation of their love. Now,
sections of Remembrance of Things Past, granted those two phenomena, by what
Proust hardly does more than to argue, hypotheses can they be saved?
De Rougemont argues that the
though with great subtlety and skill,
that it would not matter with whom Tristram story is essentially a myth
you fell in love or what you did about it, about the kind of love the Troubadours
if only Time would let you stay in love were writing songs about in Provence of

�28

ST. JOHN'S TRIVIUM

29

ST. JOHN'S TRIVIUM

the twelfth century, and furthermore
that troubadour love-poetry bears the
same relationship to the Catharist (Albigensian) heresy as does surrealism
today to Freudian psychoanalysis. The
Catharist heresy was the way in which
a Manichaean doctrine of mystical love
corrupted Christian love during the
twelfth century. According to the Catharist heresy, the world was not made by
God but by an evil daemon; as the world
was wholly evil God would never suffer
Himself to become incarnate in it, that
is to say, Christ was not "very God of
very God" and the second Person of the
Trinity was much inferior to the First;
and as man was a part of the world, he
could only be saved through the cultivation of a mystical desire for God whereby
he would escape completely from the
world through death and lose his own
substantiality, his very being, in oneness of essence with God. Yet as man
is still within the world and God is
infinitely distant, the spiritual preparation for this mystical desire would be a
love which does not accept the beloved
person as he or she is but employs him
only as a pretext for intensity of passion,
a love which is hopeless rather than
happy and which looks forward to being
transfigured by death. Thus the most
perfect secular image of the Carharist
desire for God is an adulterous love which
obeys the code of chivalry and purifies
itself in death.
In opposition to this doctrine, the
Catholic Church taught that the world
was made by God, Who became incarnate
in it, that man could, by the gift of grace,
attain to a spiritual communion with
God, and that as a part of the world
wherein God had been incarnate, man
should express his love of God through
the "love of his neighbor." Thus the

secular image of communion with God
is found in the sacrament of marriage.
De Rougemont names the Catharist
love eros and identifies it with the love
defined by Socrates in the Symposium,
which climbs from beautiful bodies to
beautiful souls and to beautiful institutions and occupations, and thence to the
contemplation of beauty itself. This
Platonic love, says De Rougemont, dies
to the world on the ground that the world
is wholly evil, and, without charity,
leaves its neighbor to shift for himself.
Yet if we are to be exact historically, it is
the Plotinic rather than the Platonic
conception of love which turns you away
from the love of your neighbor; in the
Republic, it is surely as much through love
as by legal compulsion that the
philosopher goes back down into the
cave in order to serve the state.
. Thus the doctrine of romantic love , a
disguised passion for a mystical death
is the great heresy to which the West
succumbed in spite of its true virtue,
which lies in the exercise of Christian
charity. De Rougemont surveys the
past five hundred years in the West as
manifesting the gradual breakdown of
the. Tristram myth, which, although
ansmg from the Catharist heresy, served
to set up limits to pure passion and to
hold it in check. "Romantic love," as
prevalent today, is an unconscious longing for death, at a stage of arrested
development.
Love in the Western World may be divid_e d into four parts: the first part,
which comprises The Tristram Myth,
'I'he Religious Origins, and Passion and
Mysticism is analytical and theological
rather than historical in its emphasis
and is the most carefully and fully
thought out section in the book; it comprises, so to speak, the exposition of
elements and causes.

The second part, The Myth in Literature, is an historical survey of the gradual
popularization and degradation of the
Tristram myth in poetry and the novel.
Unfortunately it is somewhat hit or miss
in its scope: De Rougemont discusses
Romeo and Juliet but not Othello or
Antony and Cleopatra, Corneille's La
Place Royale but not Le Cid, and his
glance at the fate of the myth in the
nineteenth century is very cursory indeed.
There are however some brilliant
passages, such as his analysis of Phedre
as a chastisement inflicted by Racine
upon the myth, in making the romantic
heroine incestuous; or that of Don Juan
as the inverse, or Satanic counterpart,
of Tristram; or finally, his analysis of
'I'ristan und Isolde as the artistic consummation of the myth.
The fourth part is Love and War,
where he draws an extremely interesting
series of parallels between the styles of
making love and waging war in different
ages: the elaborate rules of the Courts
of Love in the twelfth century are
matched by the equally elaborate code
of knightly honor in warfare; in the
fifteenth century, wars in Italy were
carried on by mercenaries, and at the
same time the courtesan occupied a
respectable position in society; in the
eighteenth century the military tacticians
made the art of war as "scientific" as a
game of chess or an experiment in Newtonian mechanics, and the art of seduction attained the dignity of an applied
science, as may be seen in Les Liaisons
Dangereuses; early nineteenth century
romanticism reintroduced passion into
love at the same time that Napoleon
reintroduced passion into warfare and
won his battles by breaking the classical
rules; during the nineteenth century
proper, most wars were fought for economic reasons or in a flurry of senti-

mentality, like the Franco-Prussian War,
and similarly marriages were arranged
upon an economic or sometimes sentimental basis; and finally, in the Fascist
state, passion is transferred from the
individual to the state: love is depersonalized by eugenics, and warfare, by complete mechanization; and then, curiously
enough, just as romantic lovers are
transfigured in death, so the Fascist
state can attain its consummation only
in war. The reader wishes, however,
in going over both Love and War and
the Myth in Literature, that De Rougemont had tried to develop an analogical
dialectic showing how successive manifestations of the myth were brought about
by the preceding ones.
The last part of the book comprises
The Myth v. Marriage, and Active Love,
or Keeping Faith, where De Rougemont
writes as a moralist, viewing a world
where the Tristram myth, which once
governed men's lives, has broken down
completely and pulled down marriage
with it. At times, in this last section,
he appears to be uncertain whether there
is a Manichaean and irreconcilable opposition between passion and charity,
or whether romantic love can be made
to submit to the rule of reason and
charity. Now though we condemn as
wrong our proneness to romantic passion, we must not forget that while we
can always discipline or temporarily
trick or coerce a part of our nature, we
cannot expunge it from us, even though
St. Paul says, "there be some who have
made themselves eunuchs for the kingdom of heaven's sake." De Rougemont's
own Kierkegaardian solution to the
"break-down of marriage" lies in keeping
faith "by virtue of the absurd, by virtue
of an old promise, of human unreason, of
a reason of faith, of a pledge given to God
and underwritten by God."-C. G.
WALLIS.

�30

ST. JOHN'S TRIVIUM

BOOK NOTES
We are pleased to see that Franz
Kafka's novels and stories are being
published in America. Alfred Knopf
plans to print a new edition of The Castle,
which he issued some years ago, this
time with an introduction by Thomas
Mann. In early December the Twice
A Year Press will publish A Franz Kajka
Miscellany which will include shorter
works that have never before appeared
in book form in this country. Max
Brod, Kafka's literary executor, and
Edwin Muir are translating and preparing the book. Amerika, Kafka's first
novel, has recently been brought out
by New Directions. The Trial, Kafka's
other novel, has been previously published by Knopf, but is now out of print.
If Knopf would reissue this with The
Castle, all of Kafka's novels would be
available in America .... Members of the
St. John's faculty have been at work
during the summer on books for use in
the program. Mr. John Kieffer is preparing a new Greek grammar for the first
year language tutorials, and Mr. George
Bingley is translating Cantor's On Trans.finite Numbers for the fourth year students. The books will be published by
the St. John's Bookstore during the
year. Mr. Charles Wallis, who has done
more translating than any other member
of the College community, adds another
first translation into English to the
St. John's books. This is Pico della
Mirandola's essay On the Dignity of
Man . ... Freshmen at St. John's have
always read Aristotle in the Oxford
translations, with the exception of the
Physics which first year students read
last year in Mr. Wallis' version. This
year they will read Richard McKeon's
revised edition of the Oxford translations.
Random House plans to publish this in

January. Mr. McKeon, who is Dean Of
Humanities at the University of Chicago,
has lectured at St. John's. His publishers
have arranged his work in one large
volume. This will contain the Ethics,
Politics, On Generation and Corruption,
Physics and Metaphysics, De Anima,
Organon, Poetics all in complete form.
Besides these there will be selections from
Aristotle's other writings.
Random House is publishing other
Great Books. In fourteen months they
plan to issue an extraordinary mathematical work. This is the combined
magna opera of Ptolemy, Copernicus
and Kepler. Two years ago Mr. R.
Catesby Taliaferro, a tutor at St. John's,
translated into English for the first time
Ptolemy's Almagest. Mr. Wallis' "first"
translations of The Revolutions of the
Spheres by Copernicus and Kepler's
Epitome of Astronomy (Books IV and V)
will make the accompanying volume in
the Random House edition. These books
have been studied at St. John's in mimeographed format. Their appearance in
print in English has been delayed so
many hundreds of years that the event
of their publication will be both important and exciting .... In their first year
at St. John's, students spend almost
eight months studying the thirteen books
of Euclid's Elements in their mathematics
tutorial. They use the translation of
Sir Thomas L. Heath, which is in three
volumes (Cambridge University Press
and Macmillan). This edition is so
expensive that few freshmen are able to
buy it and they have used copies from
the College library. Within two years,
Random House will have published a
one-volume edition of Euclid, newly
translated by John Neustadt of St.
John's. This will enable every member
of the College to own Euclid, which they
find difficult to do without.

ST. JOHN'S TRIVIUM

Helen Hill Miller, a lecturer and member of the St. John's faculty last year
has written Beyond German Victory in
collaboration with Herbert Aegar, which
Reynal and Hitchcock have recently
published. Forsaking popular instruction, Mortimer J. Adler's new book is
Problems for Thomists (Sheed and Ward).
Mr. Adler will begin his series of lectures
in Annapolis in early December. Jacques
Maritain, who visited and lectured at
St. John's late last spring, also has a
new book; Scholasticism and Politics
(Macmillan) .... A great many of the
books read at St. John's have been out
of print a long while. Publishers do not
think it profitable to reissue these, so
the college has had facsimile reprints
made of some works. Books I and III
of Kerr's translation of Lavoisier's Elements of Chemistry has been reprinted for
third year students; Mottelak's translation of On the Loadstone by Gilbert
has been made available for sophomores,
and Dalton's New System of Chemical
Philosophy (Part I) for juniors. For the
fourth year, Freeman's translation of
chapters I-III of Fourier's Analytical
Theory of Heat and Virchow's Cellular
Pathology (Chance Translation) have
been reprinted. Macmillan has reprinted for St. John's a special edition of
Thompson's translation of Huygen's On
Light. These add considerably to the
College's remarkable list of reprints and
new translations.
All of these books, including the mimeographed publications may be purchased by mail at the St. John's Bookstore in Annapolis. A complete price
list of the Great Books may be had on
request. Knowing that there are a large
number of people outside the College
who are occupied in reading or rereading
the books of the St. John's program, the
Bookstore has provided a pamphlet

31

listing the books studied at the College,
noting all the available_ cheap editions.
This pamphlet also includes the reading
schedule followed by students during the
first three years of study .... To take
leave of the ancients, we'd like to note a
number of good books in cheap editions
that have appeared in the last several
months. Delmore Schwartz's translation of Rimbaud's A Season in Hell
has been published by the New Directions at $1.00. The Exiles' Press of
New York has also issued some of the
rest of Rimbaud's work in a new translation, Lionel Abel's Some Poems of
Rimbaud ($.50). Among other new
translations are Gilbert Neiman's- Blood
Wedding, a tragedy by F. Garcia Lorca
(New Directions, $.50)-and
R. Ellis
Roberts' Peer Gynt by Ibsen (Oxford
University Press, $.80). Some will remember Mr. Roberts' informal lecture at
St. John's last year on Yeats .... New
Directions has reprinted William Carlos
Williams' In the American Grain ($1.00).
The Modern Library has supplemented
their modern selections with Catherine
Anne Porter's Flowering Judas ($.95) and
Joyce's Ulysses ($1.2.5). The edition of
Joyce contains Judge Woolsey's famous
decision on Ulysses that is in the original
Random House imprint .... For readers
of excellent detective fiction, we must not
forget the books of Georges Simenon,
which Harcourt, Brace has put out. Simenon's sleuth is Maigret, who never makes
a deduction, and whose patience is inexhaustible. Each of the three books so
far issued contain two novels. The books
are The Patience of Maigret, lvfaigret
Travels South, and Maigret Abroad, all
at $2.00. Simenon is a Frenchman who
has written hundreds of mystery stories
under dozens of pseudonyms. His Maigret books are the first to be printed in
America, and they scarcely accord with

�32

ST. JOHN'S TRIVIUM

the modern devices of detective fiction.
We have been delighted with the change.
Mercury Books (1,.25) have also published
Simenon. His Maigret in The Death of
Monsieur Gallet is a little more conventional, but still the best contemporary
detective we know of.... Contrasting
the quiet Maigret is Elliot Paul's cosmopolite Homer Evans, who inevitably
makes major riots and minor deductions.
Paul's first Evans orgy, The Mysterious
Mickey Finn (Modern Age, 1,.50) is the
one amusing effort. The hugger-mugger
and mayhem he has made for his man
since are a little too much like the old
two-reelers. In the new Homer Evans
story, Fracas in the Foothills, the locale
is Montana. We expect Homer will be
taking shortcuts and heading them off.
-BILGUS.
IDIOTICA
It would be impossible, in a contest
before a committee of competent judges,
to show that temporalities are, in respect
of number, more than matched by
eternalities, and that, in respect of relative importance, changes are as dancing
wavelets on an infinite and everlasting
sea.-CAssrus J. KEYSER, PH.D., LL.D.,
D.Sc.: The Human Worth of Rigorous
Cf'hinking.
Five brilliant men got together for a
dinner party 2,000 years ago. What
they said about love is being re-discovered
to-day. Read Plato's Symposium. Then
listen to Huntington Cairns, Mark Van
Doren, and Allen Tate discuss the one
emotion in the world that makes a mouse
out of a man, and vice versa. Get
your copy of the Five Dialogues of Plato
now. Spend Sunday afternoon listening
in on a college reading course that will
help you to catalogue your ideas about

love!
Tmes,

ST. JOHN'S TRIVIUM

GIMBEL'S advertisement in The
October 19, 1940.

When human intelligence, the quality
hidden away in the central heart of the
lowest germ life, and arrived at after
infinite unfoldings and long ages of
development-when human intelligence
arrives, the survival of the fittest proceeds along new lines.-FRED HENDERSON: The Case for Socialism.
CINEMA
To OUR generation, Charlie Chaplin
is more of a myth than an actual personality. We have heard his name ever
since we can remember. Our elders have
always spoken of him with awe and
profound respect. At some point we
were sure that he must be an ex-President
capitalizing on the ill effects of a present
administration. Chaplin has been much
more than president, of course. He has
made the world laugh, and there is no
nation that has not known and loved him.
Charlie to us, he is also Carlos, Carlitos
and Charlot. He was the one person
in the new motion-picture industry who
convinced the public that they couldn't
do without the movies so long as the
small man with the derby, the baggy
pants, the cane and the fake mustache
kept on appearing. It was in the Keystone comedies before the war that Chaplin first adapted this costume. It was
there that he began to create one of the
few universal clowns. And when he had
perfected his character he knew that he
should never change it. He was aware
of his own capacities, and he knew that
he could accomplish everything he
wanted as the little clown.
Actors today avoid portraying similar
characters for a second time. They call
call it 'getting the rut', and their god

is Glamour. It is strange that they do
not know that the character performers
are the only players endeared by the
public for any length of time. Audiences
are delighted when they know what to
expect from a particular actor. Chaplin has always known this; it has been
his special problem to know what people
anticipate in the little clown, and he has
not disappointed them. Once they were
accustomed to him as a comedian with an
astounding sense of the pathetic and a
determination not to imitate the unnaturally distorted, Chaplin knew that
his audiences would never permit a reversal in his characterization. But he
foresaw that there should be surprises.
Since he did not speak his part, he improvised a kind of pantomimic ad lib,
thereby giving the impression that the
little clown was liable to make extraordinary gestures and decisions seemingly apart from character but immediately recognizable as distinctively his.
After Chaplin had completely captivated his international audiences, the
critics, who had appreciated him, thought
something was wrong. To them, popularity was indicative of mediocrity, and
not wishing to retract their admiration
for Chaplin, they raised him from a
comedian to an artist and gave his talent
phases and periods-like Picasso. (It
had not previously occurred to them that
he had been an artist all along the lme.)
So they took his films and analyzed them,
dissecting the little clown's movements
and gesticulations to such an extent
that they weren't funny any more . They
came to regard him as a tragedian as
well as a comic. There were suggestions
that he act in Liliom and Peer Gynt.
Despite this last the critics were
continually mistaken. When they diligently observed Chaplin's scenes they

33

discovered that there was no single motion or insinuation that the comedian
had not analyzed before them. They
saw that all possible effects had been
thoroughly investigated and that interpretive alternatives would lead towards
the desired end. Neither were they far
wrong in supposing that Chaplin could
do tragedy. In Ernest Hemingway's
The Sun Also Rises, two characters
agree on "Oh, Give them Irony and
Give them Pity." This might well be
Chaplin's motto, but for its despair.
With considerable subtlety Chaplin has
always mixed irony with pity, taking
care never to make use of the one without the other.
Chaplin has also consistently taken
us away to another planet. Deliberately,
he has made this change as quickly as
film footage will permit. In Modern
Times the substitution was difficult;
too much of the imaginative world depended on our own. The Great Dictator
introduces a new device. Here there are
two worlds, one of Hinkel, leader of the
Double Cross, and the other of the little
Jewish barber of the Ghetto.
When the film begins the little barber
is on the battlefield of I 9 I 8 operating
cannons and anti-aircraft guns. Everything he could do correctly he appropriately mismanages for Tomania. And
even though he rescues one of his country's generals, the war is lost. There is
one superb scene in the airplane when the
ship is flying upside down. Chaplin and
the general do not know this, and it is
only when the little barber slips out of
his seat that they are a ware of their
predicament. Not to be flurried, the
general offers his companion a cigarette
while he hangs down from the plane.
The motor stops, the general reminisces

�34

ST. JOHN'S TRIVIUM

pleasantly, and they glide down to spoken dialogue, his screen play is accrash on the trees.
complished and expert. Here is an
The little barber loses his memory example from the barber shop scene:
after the war and is sent to an asylum. HINKEL: I'm going to re-model the
When he comes back to his shop in the barber shop and put glass windows on the
Ghetto twenty years later he is sur- sides and the ceiling. N APALONI:
prised to find that there is a dictator. What's outside? HINKEL: A magHe ignores the storm troopers, and with nificent view of the bay and the mounthe help of the little laundress next door, tains. NAPALONI: What's overhead?
escapes their torment. Every time he HINKEL: The ballroom.
is attacked, the laundress hits the
But it is as the little barber that Chaptroopers on the head from her window. lin does his best work. When he shaves
On one occasion she accidentally hits the a man to Brahms' Fifth Hungarian
barber, and he dances on the curb in a Rhapsody he is certain of his effects, and
daze. This is the notable instance when the supper scene at which one member of
we are assured of the old Chaplin. The the party is to find a coin in his pudding
world of the little barber is that of the is so perfectly done that we find little to
little clown. Hinkel's is a world of approach it elsewhere. And when we
satire.
have become accustomed to this incomChristopher Morley, writing a brief parable personality his character is
history of the autumn of 1938, remarked changed and the film promptly collapses.
that Charlie Chaplin should sue Hitler Here Chaplin has made his one error in
for plagiarism. In The Great Dictator not knowing what his audience expects
he has done so with satirical vengeance. from him. At the end of the movie,
His characterization of Hinkel is bril- when the little barber is mistaken for the
liantly written and performed. The great dictator, he is called upon to make
several times the dictator speaks to his a speech as conqueror of the world.
people are classic examples of imitation. He is introduced by Hinkel's assistant,
Chaplin has taken Hitler's screeching Herr Garbitsch, as the man who will
crescendos and turned them into pig- someday rule all peoples on the earth.
German and pigeon-English. The por- The little barber, just free from a contrayal of an ignorant and emotional centration camp, is not surprisingly
ruler has been well done. There are nonplussed. His expression is one of
scenes in which Hinkel appears that rival exquisite suffering. He turns to his
the traditional actions of the little barber: companion, who motions him forward.
Chaplin's dance with the balloon, the But he still cannot be sure of the situaincident when he and Napaloni, his fel- tion. He simply cannot walk up to those
low-dictator from Bacteria, are burnt microphones and speak to those thouwith English mustard; the dance with sands of people. With one last look of
Madame Napaloni; Herring's attempt to futility, he hesitantly rises and slowly
use psychology on Napaloni, and the climbs the steps to the platform. There
brief interlude in the barber shop. For Garbitsch awaits him at rigid attention.
an actor who has stepped out of character The little barber does not understand his
for the first time, Chaplin's impersona- respect, and when he is saluted he can
tion of Hitler is prodigious. And for a only bow meekly, turning his cap in his
scenarist who has not previously written hands. But of a sudden he is inspired

35

ST. JOHN'S TRIVIUM

and steps forth to speak. The speech
that he gives is one any other person in
Tomania might have given but the
little barber. The man who addresses
the expectant crowd is unfaltering and
determined; he has thought it all out
before. He screams denunciation of dictators, demands that all races be treated
decently, bemoans the state of the world
and gives commands and hopes in the
name of democracy. Had he omitted
this last speech and the few actual scenes
Chaplin would have made one of his
greatest triumphs. But he has punctuated the two worlds he has made for us
with stark reality. It is a reality we do
not doubt, but one we refuse to accept
beside the others. Chaplin has joined
it with the life of the barber in order
that it will not be ignored, in order that
we might see truth and hear a message.
The truth he shows us is the persecution
of the Jews, and his message is to combat persecution and dictators. He has,
in a word, said that this is no time for
comedy. We are unable to forget that
Chaplin's means of arriving at his message is comedy. It is a means others
have used for similar ends. Aristophanes inevitably placed a message in his
comedies, but they were all cleverly obscured in brilliant satire. Chaplin's
satire of Hitler resembles the Aristophanic method. It is unfortunate that
he did not realize how much more forceful his argument is when it is exemplified
in Hinkel.
The Great Dictator ends in a Millet
setting with Miss Paulette Goddard as
the little laundress gazing despondently
at the ground. We observe her for several minutes of portraiture photography.
During this time she hears the little
barber as the great dictator. She raises
her eyes to the sky and smiles. Looking

at Miss Goddard's face for so long a
while reminds us of her singular talent.
The other members of the cast-Jack
Oakie, Reginald Gardiner, Henry Daniell
and Billy Gilbert-do much with the
opportunities their director affords them.
But for the one exception, Chaplin has
had excellent support in The Great Dictator. The music Meredith Willson arranged from Chaplin's themes is never
inappropriate and always an addition
to the perfection of particular scenes.
"The egregious merit of Chaplin,"
T. S. Eliot has said, "is that he has escaped in his own way from the realism
of the cinema and invented a rhythm.
Of course the unexplored opportunities
of the cinema for eluding realism must
be very great."
This was written in the days of an earlier motion-picture, but to Chaplin it is
still applicable. He has re-created realism in his own right with a spontaneity
and tempo that demands a place
with the great. Offering a pathetically
chaotic universe with sublime characters
has been his business. He has created
in the little clown a modern Petrouchka
whose world is both joyous and absurd,
gentle and true. But unlike the boyish
puppet, there is no need for the little
clown to thumb his nose at the charlatan
who does not believe he is real.-SREDNI
VASHTAR.
TRIVIA
SOMETHING should be said for the
woman who walked into the Book Store
and demanded "that book on Platonic
Love." "It's called The Republic, isn't
it?," she said. "You know, the one
where an apple is cut in half and if one half
finds the other, everything is all right."
At the earliest opportunity we're going
to make a special trip to the Big City

�36

ST. JOHN'S TRIVIUM

to see what The New Yorker's Wolcott
Gibbs means when he says the chorus
girls in the Ed Wynn show, Boys and
Girls Together, have a "rather literary
look about them!"
Mr.
orgies
return
Books

Willkie, having been spared the
of the presidency, is now free to
to his reading-204 Big Little
a year.

Mr. Mark Van Doren, in a recent
lecture here at the College, told us that
John Stuart Mill lived, during one period
of his career, in a state of living death.
This coma was charged to improper
education. Gives one a sense of security,
doesn't it?
Assistant Dean Raymond Wilburn, in
a recent sophomore Seminar, while jumping too hastily from the specific to the
general, confused the issue by introducing the term "intellectual tuition." The

error might have been pardoned had
Treasurer Wright made it.
We suppose that something should be
said about the fact that Housing Facility
Stromeyer's name was misspelled in this
column last month. On second thought,
however, it doesn't seem to make a great
deal of difference as this illustrious political figure is called by other names here
at the College. Anyhow, a rose by any
other name ....
This season Broadway is presenting
two comedies about film land. At least,
Hollywood is still laughable.
A Cockney suggests to the British
Government that it use a "screaming
bomb" which, instead of screaming,
whistles the "all clear" signal as it falls.
Last Monday morning someone remarked to us that it's a great life if you
don't weekend.-R. H.

The Play
THE charming Grace George has returned after five years to do a revival
of what is probably the finest of her many
famous roles. It's a joy to see a character portrayed with such skill as Miss
George lends to the part of Mary Berries
in Kind Lady. Peak suspense coupled
with genuine sympathy makes it difficult
to imagine anyone as unfortunate as
Mary Berries: for this again Miss George
is responsible. Felix J acovy, the Director, fulfills admirably the job of weaving
a fast-moving story of horror and
intrigue. Mr. Jacovy' s presence is defi-

nitely felt, although certain minor details
are, as yet, unsatisfactory.
The mood of suspense and terror sustained throughout nowhere resolves itself
into that burlesque, physical, Perils of
Pauline sort of melodrama typified by
last seasons's unhappy Goodbye in the
Night. The show is far more subtle
than Emlyn Williams' classic psychological play, Night Must Fall.
The well planned settings by Watson
Barrat are in perfect harmony with the
action and atmosphere of the play.
They have been ingeniously designed to

ST. JOHN'S TRIVIUM

provide an easily adaptable, never static
background which intensifies the effects
of the action and keeps pace with the
changing moods of the plot.
Kind Lady was adapted by Edward
Chodorov from a story by Hugh Walpole.
It was first produced in 1935. The
present run opened at the Playhouse
Theatre, New York in early September
and was one of the first offerings of the
present season.
The principle criticism of the original
presentation seemed to be the weak
script. Although certain faults in the
book-such as a rather slow opening and
indefinite delineation of minor characters-still exist, the structure of the
play on the whole has been improved
considerably.
Mr. Brady, Kind Lady's producer, has
seen his opportunity in the current trend
toward revivals; indeed in a sense he is
the father of the trend, for it was encouraged, if not started, by his excellent
presentation last season of Laurette
Taylor in Outward Bound. To mention
but a few other revivals of this season
and last, there are in addition to the
above mentioned: Blind Alley (another
melodrama); Charley's Aunt; The Show
Off, (in prospect); and, of course, Helen
Hayes and Maurice Evans in the Theatre
Guild's production of Twelfth Night.ROBERT MYERSON, '44·
When we first saw Robert Sherwood's
There Shall Be No Night, we were convinced that the contemporary theatre
had reached its apex and henceforth
would go into decline. Sherwood was
the world's greatest playwright and
Alfred Lunt and Lynn Fontanne were
the world's most superb acting combination. We held our breath until the
play was published, so that we might

37

read again the letter which Dr. Valkonen
sent to his wife, a testament to all that
was honorable and loving and brave in a
world filled with the crash of battle.
The play has been published, and we
have read it. Strangely, it awakened
in us not one of the emotions which we
felt when the Lunts were doing the interpretation for the audience. Perhaps
it had to be seen to be appreciated; we
journeyed to New York, and watched
them go through the motions. It was
sadly evident that the actors had long
since spoken their lines with any inspiration, and the highlights of the play
passed by as though a fuse had blown
somewhere.
In his introduction to There Shall Be
No Light, Mr. Sherwood has traced his
mental maneuvers in his past plays, and
from them extracted a growth of his
character and beliefs. Perhaps he has
reached maturity at last; perhaps he has
said in this play the things which deep
down in his heart he believes; but for
some reason his manner of saying them
does not bear repetition. He has a belief
in the fundamental dignity of man, and
he tells us that anything worth living for
is worth dying for, no matter how futile
or horrible the death may be.
He tells us these things through the
story of a Finnish-American family,
caught in Helsinki during the Russian
rape of Finland. Dr. Valkonen (Alfred
Lunt) is a Finn, the winner of the Nobel
Prize for researches in the human mind;
his wife Miranda (Lynn Fontanne) is an
American product of Cape Cod and New
Orleans. Together they have settled
in Helsinki and raised a son Erik (Montgomery Clift), who is seventeen, solid,
serious and healthy. In their house also
is portly Uncle Waldemar (Sydney Greenstreet), who plays a Finnish philosopher

�38

ST. JOHN'S TRIVIUM

in the Sibelius style. It is to these four
people that things happen.
In the first scene (the best in the play),
the audience is shown how happy the
Finns are, how democratic and peaceful
and idealistic. Dr. Valkonen has just
been awarded the Nobel Prize, and
speaks over the air to America; all is
jollity and peace. The audience loves
this family and its friends, despite the
undercurrent of impending tragedy which
is dimly felt. In the next scenes, tragedy
is the motif; we hear of the invasion of
Finland, followed by the call to bear arms
sent to every Finn capable of carrying a
rifle. Erik, who has done work on the
Mannerheim line, goes with the skitroops in the North, and his father, who
has not looked at a mump for twenty-five
years, serves in the Medical Corps in
the South. Erik is killed; but before
he dies, he is married to Kaatri Alquist
(Elizabeth Fraser), by whom he is to
have a child. Kaatri is sent to America,
through the assistance of Dave Corween
(Richard Wharf), the American radio
man who covers Europe for the news-mad
Yankees. Dr. Valkonen, caught in a
school-house in the path of the Russians,
together with several assorted citizens
of various countries, is told by one of
them of the death of his son, of which
fact he had hitherto been ignorant. He
is then inspired to make a speech, an
extremely optimistic speech, in which he
testifies to the nearing of the time when
men shall know the light, and find within
their own foreheads the place where there
shall be no night. He also writes a
letter of comfort to Miranda, and goes
forth to die gloriously on the ice for
Finland and the world.
Miranda discloses the letter's contents
to us when she reads it aloud to Dave
Corween and Uncle Waldemar; she is
sending it to America for Kaatri's child;

Miranda feels that the child, as yet unborn, is her link with the future. In
accordance with an old Finnish custom,
she and Uncle Waldemar have prepared
to raze the house, and die in defense of
the city; her soft hands are unused to
the touch of a rifle, but willing nevertheless. Uncle Waldemar plays a lovely
Finnish folk-song, as Miranda sits on the
couch, alone, where once her husband
and her son sat with her; and as the
curtain falls, the audience sees, as Mr.
Sherwood intends them to see, that
"there is a kind of peace in this FinnishAmerican house."
Throughout all this action, Mr. Sherwood has his actors say what he wrote
when he was inspired; but it has the
desired effect only upon those who share
his feeling. He therefore has failed in
his purpose; for if he desires that the rest
of us should feel as he does, then we
should be raised to his heights, and not
merely kept there.
We think the fault lies in his place of
action; Finland today is a dead issue:
events move too swiftly, and tragedy
overshadows tragedy. No longer is it
easy to make audiences feel the fate of
Finland as something alive and vital
and supremely cruel. This is a shame,
for a man of Mr. Sherwood's talents
should be made immortal when he has a
theme such as the author so obviously
felt. He read Mein Kampf in 1930, and
has been fighting for democracy ever
since: would that he could make many
more people feel the same way.
The whole play was written for three
main speeches, which testify to Mr.
Sherwood's beliefs: a confession by the
Nazi ambassador to Finland of the goal
of his country; the lecture which Dr.
Valkonen gives in the little school-house;
and the letter which he wrote to his
wife. The first of these is brutal, shock-

ST. JOHN'S TRIVIUM

ing, fantastic: and for that reason, believable. The second is a vision of the
future, seen through the eyes of a man
who takes the Bible as scientific truth;
and the third is a beautiful symbol of
one man's faith in his own mind and love
for a woman, coupled with understanding
of both.
Mr. Sherwood, to make the tragedy
forceful, has one example of it after
another, and it is almost too much for
an emotional animal to take; but that is
the way war is, and that is the way he
has shown it. He has tried to awaken
a nation, and sadly enough, succeeded
only temporarily. Both Mr. Sherwood
and Finland deserve a better fate.J. L. H.
CONTRIBUTORS
DR. RICHARD KuEHNEMUND (Of Doom
and Hope) is the second oldest member

39

of the St. John's faculty in years of service, having taught here since 1924. A
classical scholar of the old German
school, he obtained his Ph.D. from the
University of Gottingen in 1922, while
acting as assistant in the Philological
Seminar there. Before the advent of
the New Program at St. John's, he taught
modern languages, but now adds Greek
and Latin classes to his continued
tutorials in French and German, thereby
being an instructor in every language
studied here.
He writes numerous articles for newspapers and classical journals, usually
analyzing the present in terms of the
work of some ancient or modern scholar.
This habit he carries into his tutorials,
adding much of ,interest to them. Of
Doom and Hope is a condensed version
of a much longer treatise which he intends to bring out elsewhere in the near
future.

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                <text>Audio recording o f a lecture given by John Peters on March 6, 2026 as part of the Dean’s Lecture &amp; Concert Series.  The Dean’s Office has provided this description of the event: “As far as we know the most complex thing the universe has brought forth, besides itself, is the human mind.  Among many other things, minds know things.  But what should we make of the fundamental fact that knowledge is housed in such fragile, forgetful, and short-lived vessels as human beings?  Why do minds die—or do they?  Since the origin of writing, and likely long before that, humans found ways to externalize mind.  In complex societies, the library is the key symbol of mind embedded in matter.  At least since Socrates in Plato’s Phaedrus, thinkers have been anxious about this externalization.  Was he right to criticize writing?  And how might we think about the would-be total library of the internet, and of its administration by AI-intoxicated tech Caesars whose ambition often seems to be to by-pass death altogether?  This lecture pursues very basic questions, drawing on (at least) the Phaedrus and works by Jorge Luis Borges.”</text>
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                <text>Philosophy of mind.&#13;
Plato. Phaedrus.&#13;
Borges, Jorge Luis, 1899-1986.&#13;
Artificial intelligence.&#13;
Libraries.</text>
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                <text>Audio recording of a lecture given by tutor Ken Wolfe on February 6, 2026 as part of the Dean’s Lecture &amp; Concert Series.  The Dean’s Office has provided this description of the event: “In the Origin of Species, Darwin points to analogies between biological and linguistic evolution and classification.  How strong are those analogies?  Why do they exist?  What do they tell us about human evolution?  The first part of the lecture will discuss Darwin’s Origin of Species, focusing in particular on his diagram of the ‘tree of life,’ the definition of species, and the relation between species, varieties, and individuals.  We shall consider some issues raised in the Descent of Man in order to see how Darwin thought about human nature.  It will also include some considerations of more recent discoveries in genetics and how they bear on these questions.  The second part of the lecture will focus on linguistic evolution, on both what we know and don’t know about the development and beginnings of language(s).  It will discuss in particular the Indo-European family of languages, spoken by nearly half of the world’s population.  Are all the world’s languages related?  Do they have a single origin?  This lecture will end by returning to Aristotle and considering whether his definition of man as the animal with λόγος can still be defended."</text>
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                  <text>Items in this collection are part of a series of lectures given every year at St. John's College. During the Fall and Spring semesters, lectures are given on Friday nights. Items include audio and video recordings and typescripts.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;For more information, and a schedule of upcoming lectures, please visit the &lt;strong&gt;&lt;a href="http://www.sjc.edu/programs-and-events/annapolis/formal-lecture-series/" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener"&gt;St. John's College website&lt;/a&gt;&lt;/strong&gt;.  &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Click on &lt;strong&gt;&lt;a title="Formal Lecture Series" href="https://digitalarchives.sjc.edu/items/browse?collection=5&amp;amp;sort_field=Dublin+Core%2CDate&amp;amp;sort_dir=d"&gt;Items in the St. John's College Formal Lecture Series—Annapolis Collection&lt;/a&gt;&lt;/strong&gt; to view and sort all items in the collection.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;A growing number of lecture recordings are also available on the St. John's College (Annapolis) Lectures podcast. Visit &lt;a href="https://podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast/st-johns-college-annapolis-lectures/id1695157772"&gt;Apple Podcasts&lt;/a&gt; or &lt;a href="https://open.spotify.com/show/6GDsIRqC8SWZ28AY72BsYM?si=f2ecfa9e247a456f" title="Spotify"&gt;Spotify&lt;/a&gt; to listen and subscribe.</text>
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                <text>Video recording of a lecture delivered on February 13, 2026, by Annapolis tutor Brendon Lasell, as the 2026-26 NEH lecture.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Mr. Lasell offers the following description of his lecture: "Diophantus begins his &lt;i&gt;Arithmetica &lt;/i&gt;by saying that he has 'tried to establish the nature and power of numbers.' After a short general introduction, he goes on to pose and solve hundreds of difficult problems about numbers. We will explore whether numbers have a nature and how it can be established, looking at examples of the kind of work Diophantus does with numbers."</text>
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                  <text>Items in this collection are part of a series of lectures given every year at St. John's College. During the Fall and Spring semesters, lectures are given on Friday nights. Items include audio and video recordings and typescripts.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;For more information, and a schedule of upcoming lectures, please visit the &lt;strong&gt;&lt;a href="http://www.sjc.edu/programs-and-events/annapolis/formal-lecture-series/" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener"&gt;St. John's College website&lt;/a&gt;&lt;/strong&gt;.  &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Click on &lt;strong&gt;&lt;a title="Formal Lecture Series" href="https://digitalarchives.sjc.edu/items/browse?collection=5&amp;amp;sort_field=Dublin+Core%2CDate&amp;amp;sort_dir=d"&gt;Items in the St. John's College Formal Lecture Series—Annapolis Collection&lt;/a&gt;&lt;/strong&gt; to view and sort all items in the collection.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;A growing number of lecture recordings are also available on the St. John's College (Annapolis) Lectures podcast. Visit &lt;a href="https://podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast/st-johns-college-annapolis-lectures/id1695157772"&gt;Apple Podcasts&lt;/a&gt; or &lt;a href="https://open.spotify.com/show/6GDsIRqC8SWZ28AY72BsYM?si=f2ecfa9e247a456f" title="Spotify"&gt;Spotify&lt;/a&gt; to listen and subscribe.</text>
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                <text>&lt;a href="https://youtu.be/r7vBlmfIAkQ?si=dhzCT8j3Gia6BcBs" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener"&gt;&lt;span class="s-lg-book-title"&gt;Montesquieu’s Persian Letters: Cartesian Rationalism, Rebellious Souls&lt;/span&gt;&lt;/a&gt;&lt;a href="https://youtu.be/e17Q-D6ZQp8?si=-oE0QAVsHfhgsBOQ"&gt;&lt;/a&gt;</text>
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                <text>Video recording of a lecture delivered on February 6, 2026, by Annapolis tutor Janet Dougherty, as part of the Formal Lecture Series.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Ms. Dougherty offers the following description of her lecture: "&lt;span&gt;Usbek, the most prolific writer in Montesquieu’s epistolary novel &lt;em&gt;The Persian Letters&lt;/em&gt;, is in voluntary exile from his homeland and his harem. During his sojourn in Europe his perspective as a stranger provides the freedom he needs to develop an understanding of good government completely different from Persian despotic rule. His ideas cohere into a sort of Cartesian political science. But while these ideas diverge continually from an endorsement of despotism, he feels more and more compelled to impose his will on his wives and their guards. Usbek’s hope to be loved by the women he oppresses endures alongside his enlightened views of law and government. Eventually his wives openly rebel; the collapse of the seraglio leads to Usbek’s collapse. I will argue that Usbek’s blindness to his despotic authority derives from his Cartesian method of inquiry. His enlightenment is linked by ‘a secret chain’ to his deepest prejudice. Montesquieu is pointing to a more thorough science of human, i.e. erotic, beings."&lt;/span&gt;</text>
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                    <text>The Essence of Catholicism |1

This lecture has a thesis, and that thesis is that the essence of Catholicism is
sacramentality. What do I mean by that? I’ll need about an hour to explain it.
Sacramentality is not a word of my own, but I will be making my own use of it, so A.I.
won’t have anything on it. You might as well turn off your cell phone.
I like to begin lectures with apologies and disclaimers. Sometimes they’re
rhetorical, sometimes wry, usually amusing, but today’s is dead serious, and it has a
target audience: my own students. The disclaimer is this: DO NOT TRY THIS AT HOME:
ACCIDENTS MAY BE FATAL. I want you, my students, to take me for a hypocrite, and
to do as I say, not as I do. When you write an essay for me, I want you to engage the book
on its own terms, to explicate its claims textually, and to offer an engaged response to
your author dialectically. Do not use the text as a soapbox on which to declare your
opinions on the subject-matter of the text, because even if the deceased author be not
there to interrupt, your readership of one is standing with his pen poised high to gainsay
you, not paragraph by paragraph, nay, but sentence by sentence. If you want to declaim
without interruption, write a lecture.
Speaking of which … this lecture is a reprise of years of wondering about a
sentence from the first question of Aquinas’ Summa. That sentence is the springboard of
this declamatory lecture upon it. The sentence comes from the last article of the first
question. The first question of the Summa concerns the nature of Sacred Doctrine, but the
last article of it is given to Sacred Scripture. Aquinas enumerates and organizes
Jo h n T o ma rc h i o, S t. J o h n’ s C o ll eg e , M a y 2 0 2 5

�The Essence of Catholicism |2

traditional terms for different ways of interpreting Scripture figuratively. The question
he poses is whether in Sacred Scripture a word may have several senses. The answer is Yes—
which shows, yet again, how uninteresting a right answer is without a reason why.
Aquinas introduces his account of why with a quotation from St. Gregory: Holy Writ by
the manner of its speech excels all knowledge, because in one and the same sentence, while it
describes a fact, it reveals a mystery. This is a striking quotation. To state the obvious, Holy
Writ is written. One might have thought it would use words to reveal mysteries. Are we
to understand that it is not the words of Holy Writ, but rather the wordless facts they
describe, that reveal God’s mysteries? How do facts reveal mysteries?
Aquinas straightaway offers a reason for this in the first sentence of his reply:
The author of Holy Writ is God, in whose power it is to signify His meaning, not by words only—
as man also can do—but also by things themselves. So, whereas in all other knowledge things are
signified by words, this knowledge has the special property that the things signified by the words
themselves also have a signification.
Now, Aquinas seems to say that only God can do this. So, I figure it must be as the
Creator of Nature or the Lord of History that God can make use of natural things, or
historical events, or chosen persons, to serve as signifiers of his actions, his intentions, his
mysteries. This is an interesting reversal for Sacred Theology. Aquinas had earlier said
that in the natural theology of philosophers, knowledge of God is sought by reasoning
from creatures as his effects to God as their primary cause, however, in sacred scripture
Jo h n T o ma rc h i o, S t. J o h n’ s C o ll eg e , M a y 2 0 2 5

�The Essence of Catholicism |3

God reveals himself as he is known to himself alone, and by reasoning from this selfrevelation as from postulated first principles, sacred theology seeks knowledge of other
truths about God. But now it turns out that God often reveals himself by means of
creatures rather than words, so theology is back to reasoning about creatures.
Now, it seems to me that God won’t be very impressive if he uses creatures to
signify his meaning symbolically. Using a lion to signify courage, or a heart to signify
love, or an eagle an empire, is the stuff of rhetoric and poetry. In this case, the relation
between signifier and signified is associational, often within the context of a linguistic or
artistic tradition. It seems to me that if God’s way of signifying his meaning by facts is
unique to him, then it must be that he makes signs out of the intrinsic meaning of things.
The natural meaning of these divine signs must matter to their divine meaning.
Furthermore, a sign is a sign for someone, and in order to be significant, a sign
needs to be adapted to the dative of signification. Therefore, it is not just the natural
meaning of things in themselves, but rather their meaning for us human beings, that will
make them significant signs for us. For example: a virgin both conceiving and giving birth
virginally. Now, for us, that’s extraordinary. The question becomes, What did God mean
by that?
For an analogue from human affairs of this contrast between a sign that contains
what it signifies naturally and a sign that points beyond itself by an association, I propose

Jo h n T o ma rc h i o, S t. J o h n’ s C o ll eg e , M a y 2 0 2 5

�The Essence of Catholicism |4

to you the difference between a marriage vow and a marriage ring. In our legal system,
the speaking of the marriage vow before a witness legally effects the martial bond.
Although there are witnesses and documentation of the vow, it is the verbal act to which
these witness that creates the legal bond. In contrast, the wedding ring is but a symbolic
memento, associated with the vow by custom. It signifies the vow and its import socially
by an extrinsic association, not as a principle of it. Similarly, smoke can signify the
presence of fire as an effect of it, but the sound of a fire alarm does so by convention.
In the case of his revelation, however, God is able to do something even more
significant. He can make use of a thing’s own natural meaning to express his divine
meaning. Take, for example, the water of Christian baptism. Baptism is the first of seven
sacraments in the Church. The Church confesses these sacraments to be divine signs that
contain divine power to effect what they signify. They are physical signs given by God to
human beings to signify his spiritual action on them. The name sacrament is from the Latin
adjective sacer, meaning sacred, and a sacramentum was a sacred pledge—in this case, a
divine pledge. It was used in Christian Latin to translate the Greek work musterion, which
meant a secret. In particular, it meant secret knowledge revealed only to initiates, as in
ancient Greek mystery cults. The noun is from the verb to close, as initiates were to keep
their mouths closed about the mystery before the uninitiated.
Allow me to underscore that a religious mystery, both in pagan and Christian
senses, means divinely revealed knowledge: privileged knowledge about divine things.
Jo h n T o ma rc h i o, S t. J o h n’ s C o ll eg e , M a y 2 0 2 5

�The Essence of Catholicism |5

Belief is knowledge, and unbelief is ignorance; belief is enlightened, and unbelief is blind.
Such religious belief chooses to remain mute before unbelievers, because their ears are
deaf to it. But the minds of believers are enlightened by it, and their hearts understand
what they hear, and they judge it unfitting to dispute with the spiritually blind about
divine light or with the spiritually deaf about God’s word.
The Christian sacrament of baptism is an initiation into knowledge of the mystery
of Christ. A ritual act of cleansing the body with water signifies a divine act of cleansing
by the Spirit of God. Now, this ritual act of bodily bathing that God has adopted to signify
his own act of spiritual cleansing is in fact an act of human contrivance. The New
Testament testifies that John baptized repentant sinners in the Jordan River for a ritual
demonstration of their repentance, and historians assure us that this was not an
uncommon practice among Jews of the 1st century. Consistent with this is a long religious
tradition, attested to throughout the Old Testament, of ideating sinning as staining,
soiling, polluting; and accordingly of asking God for forgiveness by way of cleansing,
purifying, or blotting out. This poetic symbolism recurs throughout Sacred Scripture.
There is of course a natural basis for such religious symbolism. Such a natural basis
is well described by Ludwig Feuerbach in his anthropological deconstruction of it. The
title of my lecture is a little less presumptuous if you catch its allusion to the title of
Feuerbach’s book, the Essence of Christianity. To reduce the thesis the book to a sentence,
he writes, The secret of theology is anthropology. Feuerbach argues that religious
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�The Essence of Catholicism |6

consciousness of God is nothing but the unconscious projection by a primitive human
consciousness of its own essence, and that in reality the only essence there is for human
consciousness to love and adore is the essence itself of human nature. In his critical effort
to retrieve what is true from Christian consciousness, Feuerbach offers for an example
the following deconstruction of Christian baptism:
We give a true significance to Baptism, only by regarding it as a
symbol of the value of water itself. Baptism should represent to us the
wonderful but natural effect of water on man. Water has in fact not merely
physical effects, but also, and as a result of these, moral and intellectual
effects on man. Water not only cleanses man from bodily impurities, but in
water the scales fall from his eyes: he sees, he thinks, more clearly; he feels
himself freer; water extinguishes the fire of appetite. … In the stream of
water the fever of selfishness is allayed. Water is the readiest means of
making friends with Nature. The bath is a sort of chemical process, in which
our individuality is resolved into the objective life of Nature. The man rising
from the water is a new, a regenerate man.
The doctrine that morality can do nothing without grace, has a valid
meaning if, in place of imaginary, supernatural means of grace, we
substitute natural means. Moral feeling can effect nothing without Nature:
it must ally itself with the simplest natural means. The profoundest secrets
lie in common every-day things, such as supernaturalistic religion and
speculation ignore, thus sacrificing real mysteries to imaginary and illusory
ones ; as in Baptism, for example, the real power of water is sacrificed to an
imaginary one. … But baptism is a rational, a venerable institution, if it is
understood to typify and celebrate curative virtues of water, both moral
and physical.
I’m persuaded by some of this description of the anthropological significance of
water, but I’m not convinced of the power of my hot salt-bath to allay my selfishness,

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�The Essence of Catholicism |7

beloved though it be after the salutary castigations of a deep tissue massage. I have no
doubt that water does not have the power to cleanse my conscience of my consciousness
of sin; to wash away my self-condemnation, my self-contempt, my painful self-awareness
that the good I will to do, I do not do, and the evil I will not to do, that I do, wretched man
that I am. I have no doubt that water does not have the power to wash away the harm
my sin has done to my thinking, my feeling, my desiring; to my memory, my imagination,
my will; to my perceptions, my affections, my habits; to my family, to my friends, my
fellows. I’m sure that water cannot heal all those maladies of my soul, with all due
disrespect to Feuerbach.
The religious penitent does not look to water for healing. Such an expectation
would be true superstition in the eyes of faith. Rather, the penitent adopts a ritual bath to
signify his desire to be freed from his sins. He knows his sin and his need to be cleansed
of its effects, and he adopts water as an expressive symbol of his desire, by way of a poetic
transference from bodily needs. Implied in the religious symbolism is an analogy
between what the body needs for its life and what the spirit needs for its life. This is the
extent of John’s baptism: he calls it a baptism of repentance. He ministers this sign of the
penitent’s acts of repenting of his sins and of asking forgiveness for them. This religious
sign is an empty sign to the extent that it is a sign, not of what is present, but of what is
wanted: of what is needed; of what is desired. It has no power to effect what it expresses.

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Now, for a Christian to reduce the significance of Christian baptism to such
symbolic self-expression would suit Feuerbach’s thesis just as well as his own naturalist
deconstruction. Feuerbach aimed to do for Christianity what Lucretius aimed to do for
Roman religion, namely demythologize its belief in supernatural agency. Of course,
Lucretius’ deconstruction of supernatural agency is a scientific deconstruction to natural
causes, whereas Feuerbach’s, being anthropological, is historical in bent, offering a
coming-of-age story for human consciousness. Now, Feuerbach was a student of Hegel's,
who disapproved of Feuerbach's thesis. I suspect Hegel rejected it as too historically
minded. For his part, Hegel concludes his Phenomenology of Spirit with a chapter about
Christian theology, which we do not read in the Program. In that afterword, he purposes
to demythologize Christian theology symbolically, rather than historically. In particular,
he shows how the theological doctrine of the Trinity is an expression in symbolic thinking
of the emergence of absolute consciousness in the world. I think that for Hegel the stages
of this emergence are not historical, except incidentally. The stages are modes of
consciousness rather than historical epochs of it, and their order of emergence from one
another is genetic rather than historical. The fact that Hegel achieved absolute
consciousness in his age doesn't mean that anybody else did.
Both of these demythologizations of Christianity have been highly influential in
Christian Biblical Studies, and they have trickled down to Christian preaching—or rather
flooded it, I’d say. Feuerbach’s anthropological hermeneutic takes the form of historical

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contextualization of the Bible, and Hegel's takes the form of formal analysis. These 20th
century trends in biblical hermeneutics seem to me understandable when you consider
that both Theology and Biblical Studies are academic disciplines. When Physics became
Queen of the sciences, History became Prince of the humanities, because history can
mimic the experimental method. To qualify as scientific, humane studies need complete
enumeration of measurable data, categorized according to normative definitions and
analyzed according to stipulated measures. The data of the humanities are historical
artifacts, archaeological or documentary. Humane sciences had to take the form either of
historical or formal analysis of such measurable data to continue to count as scientific.
Philosophy, for example, became History of Philosophy or Analytic Philosophy.
In academic Christianity, biblical texts became historical documents to be
explicated historically, or else mythopoeic narratives to be explicated symbolically.
For over a century now, much of Christianity has been in search of the historical Jesus,
and the hermeneutical keys of the kingdom of heaven are held by biblical historians who
reveal the significance of sacred scripture in historical retellings. When Jesus told Pilate
that he came to bear witness to the truth, Pilate replied, What is that? Many today would
answer: the facts. Well, the scriptures cannot be trusted to testify to the historical facts,
because their intention is rather to testify to the truth. Thus enter the hermeneuts, who
explain to us that the biblical mode of discourse must be understood as more rhetorical

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or poetical than historical. One must explicate accordingly in terms of the literary forms
of the texts and the rhetorical intentions of the authors.
Now, none of that is not true. It's just not the whole truth, nor the heart of the truth,
so that it is only reducing the whole truth to that, that makes it untrue. I think that all
these historical considerations pertain only to the historical matter of the divine signs,
and not to their divine significance. Now, the natural matter of the divine sign does
indeed matter. It is of the essence of Catholicism that, as Aquinas puts it, grace builds on
nature and revelation on reason. Aquinas says that grace completes nature, and that
nature is the natural potency of grace, so that the two are interrelated essentially as
perfectible and perfection. It is of the essence of Catholicism to believe this about nature.
The revelations of God are much complicated—or perhaps I should say enriched—
by the fact that they are conveyed in the language of the sons of men. On a Catholic view,
divine revelation is not divine dictation, but divinely inspired interpretation.
Accordingly, the scriptural descriptions of the divine signs are anthropological through
and through. All the human powers of the sacred writer are in play when he authors his
narrative of the historical facts and his interpretation of their divine significance. His
intention is to testify that these historical facts are divine signs of divine mysteries, and
to explicate their mystical meaning. All the resources of human logic, rhetoric, poetry,
history, science, philosophy, are at his disposal, and like any other writer, he speaks from

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his own person and time to his contemporaries. But at the same time he intends to speak
of eternal mysteries that transcend his own time, place, and subjectivity.
God’s grace thus builds on human nature and God’s revelation on human reason.
We know from sad self-experience, however, that human nature and reason are far from
perfect. In fact, it is of the essence of Catholicism to testify that they are fallen from their
original state of grace. Sin’s a big complication. (How’s that for understatement?) But it
is of the essence of Catholicism to say that this corrupted perfectible called human nature
is predestined by God to be reclaimed for supernatural sublation. Sinful nature is
understood to be wounded, or ill, or sullied, yes; and it needs to be healed, purified, and
restored, yes; but precisely in order to be elevated, glorified, even divinized.
Every natural good is therefore to be reclaimed by the Church for the glory of God.
For this reason is the Catholic Church, on its best days, a patron of all arts and sciences.
For this same reason, besides its sacraments, the Church has innumerable sacramentals.
Any human symbol of anthropological significance can be adopted by Catholics as a sign
of their devotion. For one example, as the wedding ring is a memento of the wedding
vow, so is holy water a memento of the water of baptism. For another, all the
paraphernalia of Mosaic Temple sacrifice, which perished from Judaism with the Temple,
has been adopted by the Catholic Church for the sacramental sacrifice of the risen Christ’s
body and blood. Every new proselytized culture adds its devotional sacramentals to the
treasury of Catholic tradition. The Church’s mandate is that everything naturally good,
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true, or beautiful should be claimed for Christ. This burgeoning of sacramentals in the
Church expresses the fecundity of the Incarnation. When the Word became flesh to dwell
among us, he rendered the whole material creation fit to be a sign of his indwelling in it.
Returning to John’s baptism, God has adopted this human sign, resonant with all
its anthropological and religious significance, to serve as his sign of his fulfilling the need
and desire that it signifies. As a human sign of a human desire, it was an empty sign. God
adopted it to fulfill it. He fills the human sign with his divine power, so that it becomes a
divine sign that effects what it signifies. John himself testifies to this, saying I indeed baptize
you in water for repentance, but he that shall come after me, he shall baptize you in the Holy Spirit
and fire. John also testifies that this power of Christ’s baptism was divinely revealed to
him: The one who sent me to baptize with water said to me: ‘He upon whom you shall see the
Spirit descending and remaining, he it is that baptizes with the Holy Spirit. John offers the figure
of fire to signify the purgative action of Christ’s Holy Spirit. He expands upon this figure
of fire as follows: His fan is in his hand and he will purge his floor, and he will gather the wheat
into his barn, but the chaff he will burn with unquenchable fire. The water of Christ’s baptism
is thus revealed to be a divine sign of a divine fire/
Okay, physical water signifies spiritual fire. That’s complicated. Worse yet, Christ
himself never baptizes anyone with water. He will command his chosen Apostles to
baptize in the name of the Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy Spirit after he leaves
the world, but while in the world, neither they nor he baptize with water. On the other
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hand, he does submit to John’s baptism, over John’s objection, overruling it by saying
that he must fulfill all justice. Much later, he calls his sufferings to come a baptism, saying:
I have a baptism with which I must be baptized, and how I am in anguish until it be accomplished.
This association by Jesus of his passion with baptism resonates with John’s calling Jesus
at his baptism the Lamb of God who takes away the sin of the world. This declaration identifies
Jesus with the paschal lamb of the Mosaic Passover. John the Evangelist likewise testifies
to this identification of Jesus with the Pasch in his gospel narrative of the crucifixion,
when he relates that the Roman soldiers did not break Jesus’ bones, but rather pierced
him with a lance. It was a sign yet more significant, testifies John, that there then flowed
from Jesus’ pierced heart not only blood but also water. In one of his subsequent letters,
the evangelist explicates this sign thus: And there are three that give testimony: the Spirit and
the water and the blood. And these three are one. They are one? How are they one, John?
Do you see how a sacred semiotics is what is needed to understand the signs to
which the sacred scriptures testify? Neither an anthropology nor a symbology can get to
the heart of the matter. The essence of sacred theology is, rather, divine semiotics.
Divinely inspired scripture reveals the water of Christian baptism to be an effective sign
of the purgative power both of Christ’s Spirit and of his blood. These signs, prophetically
interpreted, reveal to faith both the action of God and the eternal intentions of God that
are the first and final cause of his divine signs. These divine intentions are the
hermeneutical key to the signs’ mystical meaning.

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The temporal signs are evident, but their mystical significance is not. Jesus’ signs
are rather like Jesus’ parables, intended at once to conceal and to reveal. He tells his
disciples that he speaks to the crowds in parables, “so that seeing they may not see, and
hearing they may not understand.” Here Jesus is echoing more than one prophet. Among
them is Jeremiah, who says, Hear this, O foolish and senseless people, who have eyes but do not
see, who have ears but do not hear. Then there is Isaiah, who is commanded by God thus:
Make the hearts of this people calloused; deafen their ears and close their eyes, lest they might see
with their eyes, hear with their ears, understand with their hearts, and turn and be healed.
Augustine refers to his own failure to understand the figurative meaning of scripture by
saying: God resists the proud. God’s signs are performed for all the world to see, yet their
divine intention resists the proud, the foolish, the hardened heart. These signs are not
magical. Their effective power is for the faithful: so much so, that Jesus says to them,
According to your faith, so may it be done to you;” and then, “Your faith has healed you.
Perhaps the sign of all signs is Christ crucified himself. When he is presented in
the Temple as a firstborn, the priest Simeon prophesies to Mary: Behold, this son of yours is
set to be a sign that shall be contradicted; and a sword will pierce your own soul too, that the thoughts
of many may be laid bare. His Christ rejected is a sign of God’s to men—a sign of their own
human making and his divine appropriation. Paul writes, Jews demand signs and Greeks
seek wisdom, but we preach Christ crucified, a scandal to Jews and foolishness to Gentiles, but to
those who are called, both Jews and Greeks, Christ is the power of God and the wisdom of God.

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Christ crucified is for believers the ultimate sign of God’s power and wisdom at work in
the world redeeming humankind from its sin. The crucifixion is a historical fact witnessed
by both believers and unbelievers, but for the one, the manner of his death signifies divine
wisdom and power, and for the other, human frailty and absurdity.
In Matthew’s gospel account of Jesus’ crucifixion, Jesus says from his cross,
My God, my God, why have you forsaken me? Jesus is quoting the well-known first line of a
psalm—and Matthew well knows that his audience of Jewish Christians will know that.
It is clear that Matthew thinks the psalm is prophetic of the manner of Jesus’ death. It
describes a just man delivered into the hands of his enemies and tormented by them unto
death, although ending with a hope of rescue by God. How shall we understand such
psalm as prophecy?
The historicist may well posit some contemporary historical figure who suffered;
or else explain the psalm as a figurative expression of the historical sufferings of Israel;
or else a prediction of the sufferings of a suffering servant to come. Now the symbolist
might want to rescue us from the hermeneutical ingenuousness of such historicism by
interpreting the psalm’s application to Jesus poetically: Matthew sees in the psalm’s
description of the just man delivered over to his enemies a figure of Christ’s suffering,
and makes use of it as a paradigmatic prefigurement of what has its culminating
expression in Jesus’ crucifixion. Indeed, the evangelist may well have fictionalized details
to suit his application of the psalm to the event.
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For an alternative to such historicist and symbolist hermeneutics, listen to how
Melito of Sardis identifies Christ as the paschal lamb, in this Easter homily from the
Church’s Liturgy of the Hours on Holy Thursday:
There was much proclaimed by the prophets about the mystery of the
Pasch: that mystery is Christ. For the sake of suffering humanity he came
down from heaven to earth and clothed himself in that humanity in the
Virgin’s womb. And he was born a man. Having then a body capable of
suffering, he took the pain of fallen man upon himself, .... It is he who
endured every kind of suffering in all those who foreshadowed him. In
Abel he was slain; in Isaac he was bound; in Jacob, exiled; in Joseph, sold;
in Moses, exposed to die. He was sacrificed in the Passover lamb;
persecuted in David; dishonored in the prophets.
On this account, God the Son takes human nature to himself in order to take to himself
the history of its suffering from its sin. He suffers all manner of human sin as a just man
despised, scorned, reviled, tried with torments, and unjustly condemned to death with
criminals. In such sufferings, God the Son identifies himself existentially, not merely
symbolically, with the sufferings of Abel at the hand of his brother; and of Jacob at the
hand of his brother; and of Joseph at the hand of his brothers. As Moses was persecuted
by the unjust Pharaoh; and David by the unjust Saul; and the prophets by the unjust kings
of Israel; so was Christ by the rulers of Empire and Temple. In his own sufferings God
the Son personally appropriated to himself the history of human suffering, learning a
human obedience by what he suffered, and he adopted as his own the perennial cry of
the just man in the hands of sinners: My God, my God, why have you forsaken me? He

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adopted this human cry in order to convert it into a sign of his divine power to answer it
with resurrection from the dead to an eternal life freed of all suffering from sin.
Such intentions of God are not temporal. For us, human history unfolds, but it is
present as a whole to God eternally. What he wills and does, he wills and does eternally,
even if what he wills and does eternally unfolds for us temporally. Unlike ours, God’s
thoughts bring about what he thinks. In human temporal terms, we say that God foresees
all that he sees and predestines all that he intends, but God’s adoption of the psalmist’s
cry for his own sign is not either retrospective or prospective. The psalmist’s cry is known
to him and willed by him eternally, as is his adoption of it for a sign of his eternal intention
to redeem us from such sufferings in time.
Prophetic interpretation of God’s historical signs are enriched with symbolism
because man is not only the rational or political animal, but also the artistic animal, the
poetic animal, the figurative animal. Maimonides says that God speaks to the sons of men
in the language of the sons of men. For Maimonides, because God transcends his creation
absolutely, because his otherness to it is absolute, all scripture can’t but be metaphorical,
a poetic stand-in and substitute for the ineffable. Revelation can reveal the truth about
God to the metaphysically-minded believer only indirectly, in progressive negations of
created perfections. Aquinas’ Catholic reply to Maimonides is that, on the contrary, it is
metaphysically necessary that every effect resemble its cause, however remotely,
including the first and primary cause, the Creator of all being. Thus, although it is
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certainly true that the sacred scriptures are often metaphorical, revelation can also by
analogy with created being reveal to us in part truths about the Creator. Such selfrevelations of God’s are called mysteries in the sense of divine knowledge revealed,
spiritual enlightenment beyond human ken. The Law was given by Moses, writes St. John,
but grace and truth came by Jesus Christ. The one and only Son, who is himself God and is at the
Father’s side, he has made him known. It is of the essence of Catholicism to believe that you
can know the truth about God, and that truth can set you free from your sin.
Now, no talk on the essence of Catholicism may conclude without adulation of the
Blessed Virgin Mary. Allow me to propose an understanding of that Catholic adulation
in terms of Catholic sacramentality. In a word, Mary is the sacrament of the Church.
To this woman, the Mother of Jesus, God vouchsafed the fullness of grace which he wills
ultimately for the whole Church and for each member of the Church. By a sacramental
metonymy, its preeminent member personifies the Church. She is the first member of the
Church to whom the mystery of Christ is revealed, and the first to assent to it with faith.
Every other member of the Church assents in faith to what God has done in her; she alone
assented to his doing it. Why did God want this prior human assent given to his will?
Meditation on this mystery continues in the Church to this day.
It is not only by his choice that this woman mothered God, it was also by his grace.
She had been prepared for her momentous assent by a fullness of God’s provident grace.
In the Gosepl of Luke, the angel Gabriel greets Mary, not by her name, but by an
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extraordinary new name, signifying an extraordinary vocation—a vocation far exceeding
Abraham’s, for his was for a chosen people and hers is for all the world. God calls her, O
fully graced! In Greek, this is the participle of the verb to grace, used substantively in the
vocative voice, and in the perfect tense, which always connotes a superlative degree.
Because the Latin participle does not carry this superlative connotation, the name was
translated first into Latin, and then into English, by the adjectival phrase “Full of grace.”
Hail, most fully graced, says the angel sent by God, the Lord is with you! The Church testifies
that this extraordinary fullness of grace given Mary for her extraordinary collaboration
in salvation history included sinlessness from the first moment of her conception. And
her sinlessness is a sign given the Church of the sinlessness which God has promised to
every member of the Church. Christ intends to render his Church holy, and immaculate,
and blameless before him, testifies Scripture, and he begins with Mary for a sign.
It is upon Mary, the Mother of Jesus, that the Holy Spirit of God descended, and
whom the power of God overshadowed—as it did the tabernacle in which God spoke
with Moses face to face—so that she might conceive in the tabernacle of her womb the
Son of God, and bring him forth for the salvation of the world. In the fullness of time, writes
Paul, God sent his Son, made from a woman, that we might receive the adoption of sons. Her
virginal conception of Christ is a sacramental sign of the spiritual begetting by God’s
Holy Spirit of every believer in Christ, as John testifies in the prologue of his Gospel:

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To all who receive him, to those who believe in his name, are given the power to become children
of God—children born not of blood, nor of the desire or will of man, but of God.
It is at the sound of Mary’s voice that Christ’s herald, John the Baptist, is filled with
the Holy Spirit from his mother’s womb. Scripture shows Mary’s voice performing the
priestly function of mediating the presence of Christ, for Elizabeth testifies that as soon
as Mary’s greeting sounded in her ears, the infant in her womb leapt with joy. They both
fill with the Holy Spirit, and she cries out to Mary, Blessed are you among women, and blessed
is the fruit of your womb! After praising Mary for believing that the promise made her by
the Lord would be fulfilled, she goes on to ask, “But who am I that the Mother of my Lord
should come to me? When Elizabeth thus gives Mary the Davidic title of the Queen Mother
in Israel, Mary is revealed to be not only progenitor of the long-awaited Son of David,
but also Queen Mother of his kingdom to come.
When Mary presents Jesus in the Temple to offer up the Mosaic sacrifice for the
firstborn of Israel, the prophet Simeon reveals the unique participation in Christ’s passion
that her motherhood entails: This son of your is set to be a sign that shall be contradicted; and
a sword will pierce your own soul too, that the secret thoughts of many may be laid bare. And
when his hour does come, she is at the foot of the Cross, filling up what is lacking in the
sufferings of Christ, as Paul says every Christian must. And when from his cross Jesus gives
her to John as a mother, the Church identifies itself with the beloved disciple and accepts
Jesus’ command: Behold your mother, as it trusts that she accepts hers, Behold your son.
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All the Church’s Marian liturgies apply to her the promises made to the Church
universal; and contrariwise, apply to the Church universal the graces vouchsafed to her
personally. Isaac of Stella enunciates the following hermeneutical rule of scriptural
interpretation: Whatever scriptures are used of the Church in a universal sense, apply to
Mary in a special sense, and to the individual Christian in a particular sense; likewise,
whatever scripture says of Mary in a special sense, applies to the Church in a universal
sense, and to every Christian in a particular sense. This rule of semiotic interpretation
holds because Mary’s person is given by God to the Church as a living sign of that fullness
of grace which he promises to all Christ’s members. She is what she signifies.
The temple of God in heaven was opened…. And a great sign appeared in heaven: a woman
clothed with the sun, with the moon under her feet, and a crown of twelve stars on her head.
John reports this divinely given vision in his Book of Revelation. The woman gives birth
to a son who will rule the nations with an iron rod. But who is this woman? Is she the old
Israel, which gave birth to Christ historically? Is she the New Israel, the Church, which
bears Christ to the world spiritually? Is she Mary, who gave birth to him bodily, in a
manger in Bethlehem, in the reign of Tiberius, in the fullness of time? The woman is all
three at once, I answer. The symbol of John’s vision resonates like a triadic chord. But
what is the root note, I wonder? Well, Israel and the Church give birth to Christ
figuratively, but Mary did so factually, and that makes her, not just a symbol of John’s
vision, but a sacramental sign of God’s.

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Mr. Tomarchio describes his lecture: “This lecture is inspired by the Letter to the Hebrews as a theological tour de force. Hebrews transfigures the brutal Roman execution of Jesus into the perfect Mosaic sacrifice. The Author brings Mosaic sacrificial ritual to bear in detail on the crucifixion of Jesus, to reveal it as the quintessential offering to God that accomplishes once and for all the human intentions of all ritual sacrifice. The lecture looks at sacrifice in Genesis and in the Law of Moses to elucidate its use in the Letter to the Hebrews to sacralize the crucifixion of Jesus. This account of that death as a sacrifice has inspired much of the ritual of Christian celebration of it, which has sacramentalized Mosaic sacrifice ritual. The ulterior intention of the lecture is to elucidate these sacramental forms of Christ’s sacrifice.”</text>
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                    <text>On Christ’s Sacrifice |1

This lecture is inspired by the Letter to the Hebrews. The Letter to the
Hebrews is a theological tour de force. It transfigures the brutal Roman
execution of Jesus into the perfect Mosaic sacrifice. Sacralizing that
crucifixion is quite a rhetorical feat. The Author of the Letter brings Mosaic
sacrifice ritual to bear in detail on the crucifixion of Jesus, to reveal it as the
quintessential offering to God that accomplishes once and for all the human
intentions of all ritual sacrifice. It is this account of that death as a sacrificial
one that has inspired so much of the ritual of the Christian celebration of it.
In particular, the apostolic churches of Catholicism and Orthodoxy have
adopted and perpetuated much of the paraphernalia of Mosaic ritual, which
passed out of Judaism with the destruction of the second Temple at the
advent of Christianity. The Mosaic religion of the Tabernacle and the Temple
that had been centered on sacrifice reinvented itself in the Common Era as
the Rabbinical religion of the synagogue and the shule; and of the hearth and
the heart. Catholic Christianity, for its part, sublated Mosaic ritual, recasting
it as sacramental forms with supernatural meanings. The ulterior intention of
this lecture is to explicate the religious meaning of those sacramental forms.

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�On Christ’s Sacrifice |2

Let me begin with the familiar biblical narrative of Cain and Abel. I
interpret one intention of this narrative to be prefigurement in the literary
sense of Mosaic sacrifice. In the first place, Cain and Abel bring offerings to
God, unbidden. There is of course no Law, but neither is there any command.
And the narrator does not tell the reader why Cain and Abel do so. The
meaning of sacrificial offering seems to be taken for granted. I think that to
interpret its meaning we are meant to triangulate with both Natural Law and
Mosaic Law.
Aquinas claims that ritual sacrifice is as natural to the human being as
speech, and he counts it a virtue of natural religion. Echoing Aristotle, he says
that because human knowledge originates from bodily things, it is natural for
human beings to express their thinking with bodily things. Gestures and
postures are signs of our thoughts, affections, intentions, as much as words.
Just as human beings nod the head, bow the body, bend the knee, to show to
other human beings reverence, submission, or affection, so also to God.
Gifts are likewise given by human beings as tokens of the heart. Thus
do Cain and Abel bring gifts to God: Cain, a tiller of the soul, brings some of
his fruits, while Abel, a keeper of sheep, brings God the best firstlings of his

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flock (GEN 4:4). Now, the Law of Moses will require the choicest firstfruits of
oil, wine, and wheat be offered to the Lord, for them I have given to you, says
the Lord. Likewise, the firstborn of every ox, sheep, or goat are holy to the
Lord: every male that opens the womb is to be offered to the Lord. Thus
Abel’s best firstlings satisfy the demand of the Law freely, without a
command. He does what is right from the heart. Cain , in contrast, falls short
of it, and we are told that God looked unfavorably on Cain’s offering. Now,
if the essence of the sacrifice is the intention of the heart, then it is Cain’s heart
that God looks upon unfavorably.
This disfavor points to an important disanalogy in Aquinas’ analogy
with human signing. God has no need of the gifts. On the contrary, he is the
giver of the gifts being offered him. In Deuteronomy God admonishes the
Israelites while still in the desert about the gifts of the promised land. as follows:
For the Lord you God is bringing you into a good land … a land where
you will eat food without scarcity, where you will lack nothing ….
When you eat and are satisfied, you are to bless the Lod your God for
the good land that He has given you…. You might say in your heart,
The power and strength of my hands have made this wealth for me. But
remember that it is the Lord your God who gives you the power to gain
wealth, in order to confirm his covenant that he swore to your fathers
even to this day. (Deuteronomy 8:7ff)

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�On Christ’s Sacrifice |4

Thus not only the offering but the power to produce it comes from God, so
that the only offering possible is an offering of thanksgiving to God for the
gift, the giving, and the power to give. Fittingly, in the Law such freewill
offerings of thanksgiving are followed by a communion feast before the Lord.
The Lord leaves the sacrificial gifts to the givers to enjoy, favorably regarding,
rather, the intention of the heart they express. That is the heart of the sacrifice.
The function of the offering as signifier points to another disanalogy
with human signing. One human being signifies their thoughts to another
who has no access to them otherwise. But the Psalmist testifies:
O LORD, You have searched me and known me.
You know when I sit and when I rise;
You understand my thoughts from afar.
You search out my path and my lying down;
You are aware of all my ways.
Even before a word is on my tongue,
You know all about it, O LORD.
You hem me in behind and before;
You have laid Your hand upon me.
Such knowledge is too wonderful for me,
too lofty for me to attain. (Psalm 139:1-7)
To whom, then, is the offeror signifying the intentions of his heart, if not to
God, who already knows them even better than the offeror? If it is not for the
benefit of God, is the sign rather for the benefit of the offeror, as was the gift?
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�On Christ’s Sacrifice |5

If so, then we have here another reversal of human signing: the offeror
signifies the intentions of his heart, not to make his heart known to God, but
rather known to himself before God. By his rituals of sacrifice he rouses his
own heart, mind, and body to the worship of God, as does the Psalmist when
he addresses his own soul thus:
Bless the Lord, O my soul,
and all that is within me bless his holy name!
Bless the Lord, O my soul,
and forget not all his benefits. (Psalm 103:1)
However, surely it matters that these ritual acts of self-reflection take place in
the presence of God, so to speak. I say so to speak because the offeror believes
that God is always present everywhere and always cognizant of the offeror.
It is the offeror who builds altars and temples dedicated to mindfulness of
God. When he approaches these sacred places to bring his mind, heart, and
body before God, what does he seek? What desire of his heart does his
sacrifice signify? He seems to wish to know himself as he is known by God,
the Searcher of hearts, according to the words of the psalmist:
Search me, O God, and know my heart;
test me and know my concerns.
See if there is any offensive way in me;
lead me in the way everlasting.

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�On Christ’s Sacrifice |6

This judging of the heart of the offeror by God can be seen in God’s disregard
of Cain’s offering. By means of a question, God refers Cain’s external offering
to his internal disposition:
Why are you angry, said the LORD to Cain,
and why has your countenance fallen?
If you do what is right, will you not be accepted?
But if you refuse to do what is right,
sin is crouching at your door;
it desires you, but you must master it. (Genesis 4:6-7)
Why indeed is Cain angry? Does he himself not know whether he meant to
do what is right? It is a freewill offering, so no disregard of an express law or
command is at issue. And if God has no use for the fruits of the earth, no
defect in the matter of the sacrifice matters. The defect is in the intention of
the heart. The visible sacrifice is regarded by God as a sign of an invisible
sacrifice of the heart, and he looks with disfavor on Cain’s.
This first presentation of sacrifice in the Bible reduces it to its bare
essentials. The mother of all sacrifices is a freewill offering of thanks for the
gifts of God. The presentation of the finest fruits of the creation and work of
one’s hands is a visible expression of the invisible intentions of one’s heart:
the heart seeks God’s favorable regard, and in it, its own favorable self-regard.

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�On Christ’s Sacrifice |7

Now, sacrificial ritual as such concerns the external expression rather
than the internal intention. It takes the form of conventional signs. This first
biblical vignette of ritual sacrifice anticipates a first distinction between
offering fruits of the earth and fruits of the womb, or food and animal
sacrifices. These two primary types are developed in the next two vignettes
of Genesis: the sacrifice of Noah and of Melchizedek.
The story of Noah’s sacrifice introduces animal sacrifice in the sense
not only of presenting but also of slaying. As with Cain and Abel, there is no
command of God’s. The sacrifice is a freewill offering of Noah’s, as follows:
In Noah’s six hundred and first year, on the first day of the first month,
the waters had dried up from the earth. So Noah removed the covering
from the ark and saw that the surface of the ground was dry. By the
twenty-seventh day of the second month, the earth was fully dry.
Then God said to Noah, Come out of the ark, you and your wife, along with
your sons and their wives. Bring out all the living creatures that are with
you—birds, livestock, and everything that crawls upon the ground—so that
they can spread out over the earth and be fruitful and multiply upon it. So
Noah came out, along with his sons and his wife and his sons’ wives.
Every living creature, every creeping thing, and every bird—
everything that moves upon the earth—came out of the ark, kind by
kind.
Then Noah built an altar to the LORD. And taking from every kind of
clean animal and clean bird, he offered burnt offerings on the altar.

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When the LORD smelled the pleasing aroma, He said in His heart,
Never again will I curse the ground because of man, even though every
inclination of his heart is evil from his youth. And never again will I destroy
all living creatures as I have done. (Genesis 8: 13-21)
This narrative prefigurement of Mosaic sacrifice anticipates several of its
ritual elements: there is an altar; and there is a distinction made between clean
animals acceptable for offering and unclean ones; and there is not only the
slaying of the animals but the burning of them on the altar. In form, this
sacrifice of Noah’s anticipates what the Law will call a whole burnt offering
or holocaust, which was not feasted upon, but rather completely consumed
by fire on an altar, for a pleasing aroma to God.
Was this the intention of Noah’s heart in offering burnt offerings? The
text does not tell us the intention of Noah’s heart. Rather, it gives us the
thought of God’s heart. He is appeased enough for the evil inclination of
man’s heart to vow never again to destroy the living creatures of his creation
because of man’s evil. So, has sin entered in, and with it the sin-offering? But
Noah was saved because he is a righteous man. A sacrifice of thanksgiving
for deliverance seems called for rather than of propitiation for sin.

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�On Christ’s Sacrifice |9

Can we infer the intention of Noah’s sacrifice from its prefigurement?
Noah’s burnt offerings recall the daily offering that God will command Israel
to offer him at the beginning and close of each day, as follows:
This is what you are to offer regularly on the altar, each day: two lambs
that are a year old. Offer one lamb in the morning and the other at
twilight. With the first lamb offer a tenth of an ephah of fine flour,
mixed with a quarter hin of oil from pressed olives, and a drink
offering of a quarter hin of wine. And offer the second lamb at twilight
with the same grain offering and drink offering as in the morning, as a
pleasing aroma, a food offering to the LORD.
For the generations to come, this burnt offering shall be made regularly
at the entrance to the Tent of Meeting before the LORD, where I will
meet you to speak with you. I will also meet with the Israelites there,
and that place will be consecrated by My glory. So I will consecrate the
Tent of Meeting and the altar, and I will consecrate Aaron and his sons
to serve Me as priests.
Then I will dwell among the Israelites and be their God. And they will
know that I am the LORD their God, who brought them out of the land
of Egypt so that I might dwell among them.
These holocausts were kept burning all night and day, for a perpetual
offering. The heart of this perpetual offering, the invisible offering it signifies,
is Israel’s consecration to God. The complete burning up of the animal makes
clear that any use of it to man is renounced. This is not a thanksgiving
sacrifice for benefits received, to be delighted in before the Lord after blessing
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him for it. The holocaust is, rather, an act of adoration and purification. In
response to it God will consecrate the Tabernacle and altar that have been
dedicated to remembering his presence, power, and favor dwelling among
the Israelites. Such a daily recognition is no doubt ordered to fulfilling the
first and greatest commandment of the Law:
Hear, O Israel: The LORD our God, the LORD is One. And you shall
love the LORD your God with all your heart and with all your soul and
with all your strength. These words I am commanding you today are
to be upon your hearts.
In this way, again, sacrifice is a matter of the heart, indeed of love.
Noah’s heart is represented as freely anticipating the demands of the
Law to come. And God’s favorable regard is expressed as delight in the rising
aroma of roasting meat. I take this to be a poetic transference: God’s sharing
in man’s delight in the aroma figuratively expresses God’s delight in man’s
offering it up. It is a poetic expression of God’s acceptance of Noah’s worship,
namely, the delight Noah takes in delighting God. The pleasing aroma will
be invoked repeatedly in the Law of Moses as the sign of God’s favorable
regard of the sacrifice—or more to the point, his acceptance of the worship
rising from of the heart of the one offering it up.

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God’s delight in Noah’s sacrifice is followed by an extraordinary grant
by God, as follows:
And God blessed Noah and his sons and said to them: Be fruitful and
multiply and fill the earth.
The fear and dread of you will fall on every living creature on the earth, every
bird of the air, every creature that crawls on the ground, and all the fish of the
sea. They are delivered into your hand. Everything that lives and moves will
be food for you; just as I gave you the green plants, I now give you all things.
But you must not eat meat with its lifeblood still in it. Surely I will require the
life of any man or beast by whose hand your lifeblood is shed.
The roasting flesh that delighted God is in turn given by God to delight man.
The slaying of animals for man’s food and pleasure is sacralized: it is granted
by the Lord, and a sacrificial form of acknowledging his Lordship has been
initiated by the righteous patriarch Noah, the Adam of the second creation.
But there is a limit to the divine grant, a perpetual reminder of the
Lordship of the Lord who grants it: the lifeblood of the animal is reserved to
the Lord and prohibited to man. It is the Lord who gives life, and only the
Lord may justly take it away. It is only by a divine grant that man has a right
to use the animals for his food and pleasure. But God remains the sole Lord
of life, and he will avenge any spilling of lifeblood done without his leave.

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This understanding will become the heart of Mosaic animal sacrifice.
The essence of the sacrifice will be the collecting of the blood of the slain
animal and pouring it out at the base of the altar, or else anointing or
sprinkling the altar with it. That will be the essential act of worship. Here is
what the Lord says in Leviticus: For the life of the flesh is in the blood, and I have
given it to you to make expiation for your souls upon the altar; for it is the blood that
expiates the soul.
Fatty portions of the animal are then burned on the altar for a sweet
aroma, to rise up to God as a sign of the offeror’s heart being raised to God’s.
In peace offerings, the other parts of the animal are shared with the priest and
offeror for a sacred feast. This visible feast among men is a sign of an invisible
one with God, a communion of the offeror’s heart with God’s. The offeror seeks
the peace of being at one with God—hence the English coinage atonement or “atone-ment”.
On the other hand, there is the unbloody form of sacrifice, which is
prefigured in Genesis in the sacrifice of Melchizedek. The story seems to
come out of nowhere, as does Melchizedek, in the middle of a narrative about
warring kings, as follows:

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After Abram returned from defeating Chedorlaomer and the kings
allied with him, the king of Sodom went out to meet him in the Valley
of Shaveh (that is, the King’s Valley). Then Melchizedek king of Salem
brought out bread and wine—since he was priest of God Most High —
and he blessed Abram and said:
Blessed be Abram by God Most High, Creator of heaven and earth,
and blessed be God Most High, who has delivered your enemies into your
hand. Then Abram gave Melchizedek a tenth of everything.
The new element of Mosaic sacrifice that the story prefigures is priesthood,
an order of divinely appointed intercessors. Abraham freely gives to
Melchizedek the tithe due the priest under the Law. But the narrative does
not give us the lineage of this king nor tell us how he became appointed a
priest of God Most High. The Law’s ordination to the priesthood of the
descendants of Aaron and the tribe of Levi will be a matter of much legal and
ritual detail. Notwithstanding, Melchizedek’s offering of bread and wine to
God Most High, Creator of heaven and earth, as a thanksgiving sacrifice for
deliverance, is clearly approved of by the narrator and by Abraham.
We saw in the passage I quoted above that such cereal offerings were
commanded alongside the daily holocausts. But they were also offered on
their own, mixed with olive oil and frankincense for a pleasing aroma when
a portion was burned on the altar, accompanied by a libation of wine. The
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remainder was given to the priest as his “most holy” portion of the offering,
to be eaten by him within the Holy Place. If the priest offered a cereal offering
for himself, then all of it was burned on the altar for a sweet aroma to the Lord.
Another offering of loaves of bread was offered perpetually on behalf
of all Israel in the Sanctuary beyond the courtyard, which contained a golden
table for the purpose. There was a perpetually burning menorah beside it,
and another golden altar for offering incense during animal sacrifices in the
courtyard. The golden table of the Presence was so called because God
commanded that twelve loaves of unleavened bread for the twelve tribes of
Israel be on it perpetually before his Face, together with two portions of
frankincense. Once a week the priests would replace the loaves with fresh
ones, and eat those removed in a sacred place. This perpetual offering of the
Bread of the Presence was likewise called by the Lord a most holy part of the
priest’s share of the offerings to the Lord.
Beyond this Sanctuary of the two golden altars and the menorah was
the curtained Holy of Holies, where the ark of the covenant was reserved,
which contained the two Tables of the Law; and a portion of the manna that
sustained the Israelites during their wandering in the dessert; and the rod of

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Aaron which miraculously flowered to prove the divinity of his ordination
as high priest. This elaborate provision of a Sanctuary, altars, and a
priesthood; and detailed ordinances for the types, times, and rubrics of
sacrifice, is all commanded by God expressly through the Law of Moses.
God thereby appropriates and regulates human practices of ritual sacrifice.
The freewill sacrifices are reformed by God and made duties of religion. God
teaches the Israelites how to approach him ritually; and he teaches them how
to make peace with him ritually; and he commands them to do so continually.
There is a prefigurement of such divine pedagogy in the story of
Abraham’s sacrifice of Isaac. Out of the blue God commands Abraham: Take
your son, your only son Isaac, whom you love, and go to the land of Moriah. Offer
him there as a burnt offering on one of the mountains, which I will show you. The
text remains silent about what Abraham thought or felt about this command.
The informed reader, knowing the story of Isaac’s miraculous conception by
Sarah in her old age, may well infer that this beloved only-begotten of
Abraham’s was his dearest blessing from God. The informed reader knows
also that God had earlier prophesied to Abraham that his progeny would
serve as slaves in a foreign land for 400 years, until God should redeem them.

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In the fourth generation your descendants will return here, God tells Abraham,
for the iniquity of the Amorites is not yet complete. Prominent among the
iniquities of the Amorites, whom God would destroy by the returning
Israelites’ genocidal warfare, was the burnt offering of their children to their
god Molech. God mentions this practice in particular as abominable to him.
So why command Abraham to do it?
Abraham does not question the command, nor remonstrate with God,
as he had to save his brother Lot from God’s destruction of Sodom and
Gomorrah. His carrying out of the ritual is described in dramatized detail:
So Abraham got up early the next morning, saddled his donkey, and
took along two of his servants and his son Isaac. He split the wood for
a burnt offering and set out for the place God had designated.
On the third day Abraham looked up and saw the place in the distance.
Stay here with the donkey, Abraham told his servants. The boy and I will
go over there to worship, and then we will return to you. Abraham took the
wood for the burnt offering and placed it on his son Isaac. He himself
carried the fire and the sacrificial knife, and the two of them walked on
together.
Then Isaac said to his father Abraham, My father! –Here I am, my son, he
replied. The fire and the wood are here, said Isaac, but where is the lamb for
the burnt offering? Abraham answered, God Himself will provide the lamb
for the burnt offering, my son. And the two walked on together.

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When they arrived at the place God had designated, Abraham built the
altar there and arranged the wood. He bound his son Isaac and placed
him on the altar, atop the wood. Then Abraham reached out his hand
and took the knife to slaughter his son.
Just then the angel of the LORD called out to him from heaven,
Abraham, Abraham! –Here I am!, he replied. Do not lay a hand on the boy
or do anything to him, said the angel, for now I know that you fear God, since
you have not withheld your only son from me.
Then Abraham looked up and saw behind him a ram in a thicket,
caught by its horns. So he went and took the ram and offered it as a
burnt offering in place of his son. And Abraham called that place The
LORD Will Provide. So to this day it is said, “On the mountain of the
LORD it will be provided.”
This dramatic resolution of the ritual action hearkens to the enigmatic
reply of Abraham to Isaac’s question: God himself will provide the lamb for the
burnt offering, my son. Was this what Abraham expected? Or hoped?
Or wished for? Did he believe it? In any case, if it was an expectation, it was
met; if a hope, it was realized; if a wish, it was granted; believed or not, it
proved true. The narrative began with this much explanation to the reader:
God put Abraham to the test. That he passed the test is perhaps clearer than
what the test was.

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This offering of Abaraham’s was not a freewill offering, but rather
commanded by God. It was a duty of obedience. Was it a thanksgiving
offering? Did Abraham take delight in making it? Presumably not. Was it an
act of submission, an acknowledgement of the Lord’s lordship over the
lifeblood of Isaac? Perhaps it was. Was it an act of love of God above even
love of Isaac? Was adoration the intention of Abraham’s heart? The narrative
does not say. Rather, it reveals the thought of God’s heart: Now I know that
you fear God, since you have not withheld your only son from me.
God approves Abraham’s awe of him, as well as his willingness to give
back to God the son God gave to him. God then provides Abraham with a
ritual expression both of his awe and of his willingness to spare God nothing.
It is the ritual principle of substitution. In the Law of Moses, the offeror or
priest will lay his hands upon the victim, to identify the victim with the
offeror and the offeror with the victim, before first slaying it and then offering
it on the altar. Thus, ritually, every offering is a self-offering. By providing
Abraham with the ram to slay instead of his son, God provides a ritual sign
of Abraham’s willingness to not withhold even his beloved son from God,

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but even more than that, to acknowledge that there is nothing God has not
given and may not take away.
This is still true. The willingness of Abraham must be the willingness
of every believer. God has always provided the offering. The only question
has ever been about the willingness of the offeror’s heart to give it up to God.
In the Law of Moses, every Israelite will be commanded to offer his firstborn
son to God, in remembrance of God’s destruction of the firstborn of Egypt:
God commands every Isralite to redeem his firstborn by the sacrifice of a
lamb. God has provided this ritual substitute as a perpetual reminder of the
unconditional awe that is owed him and of the imperative of a perpetual
readiness to show it.
[ PREGNANT PAUSE ]

Now, what has any of this to do with the crucifixion of Jesus? Well, his
crucifixion is called a sacrifice in many places in the New Testament. And
Jesus himself uses sacrificial language to describe his death to his disciples at
his Last Supper with them, the supper itself being the communion feast
following a thanksgiving offering of the Paschal lamb following the Law of
Moses. Jesus had commanded Peter and John to procure the Pasch for the

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supper, which meant its being sacrificed at the Temple by the priests, who
poured out its blood at the base of the altar and gave back the body for a feast.
When Jesus sits down with his twelve Apostles to the communion banquet,
he says, With desire have I desired to eat this Pasch with you before I suffer (LK 22:15).
Why? What was the intention of Jesus’ heart that night before he died?
When at the usual blessing of the bread Jesus adds the words, Take and
eat. This is my body, which is given up for you, he is using the language of
sacrificial oblation (LK 22:19). He uses even more express sacrificial language
in blessing the cup of wine: Drink from it, all of you. This is my blood of the
covenant, which is poured out for many for the forgiveness of sins (MT 26:27-28). I
have cited Matthew. When Luke and Paul cites Jesus’ words, they add this
imperative, Do this in commemoration of me. Then Paul adds this gloss: For as
often as you eat this bread and drink this cup, you show the death of the Lord until
He comes (COR 11:26). How is that? How would consecrating bread to eat and
wine to drink show the Jesus’ death on the cross? How is that signified?
This final command of Jesus’ to his Apostles to commemorate his death
in this way is a complex anticipation of that commemoration. He teaches
them both what is to be commemorated and how it is to be commemorated.

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He had anticipated his violent death before, much to the consternation of his
Apostles, telling them that he is to be betrayed into the hands of sinful men,
to be condemned, mocked, and crucified. But it is on this final night with
them that he interprets that death for them in sacrificial terms: his blood will
be poured out and his body offered up as a sin offering, to ratify a New
Covenant with them and with many in his blood. He enjoins them thus to
remember his death as a sacrifice by means of a Passover rite of blessing
bread and wine, a rite transformed into a cereal sacrifice by his identification
of it with his bodily sacrifice. Made by him into signs of his sacrifice on the
cross, the consecrated bread and wine become a sacramental sacrifice in their
own right. They are in truth the cereal sacrifice of the eternal Melchizedek,
the true High Priest of God Most High, who has entered with his own
glorified blood into the Sanctuary of God’s Majesty to intercede for sinners.
Jesus thus provides that his bloody sacrifice on the cross be
commemorated by an unbloody one. In himself he has provided his Apostles
with a new offering and a new priesthood. The death of the cross is a sacrifice
he himself will offer but once, but believers will re-offer it perpetually in the
form of a cereal sacrifice signifying it. Moreover, in the eating of it, this cereal

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offering of the sacrifice of the cross takes the form also of a communion
sacrifice of thanksgiving for it. Christ our Pasch has been sacrificed, writes Paul:
Let us keep the feast with the unleavened bread of sincerity and truth.
Thus do I come at last to the Book of Hebrews, which explicates in
detail this identification by Jesus of his crucifixion with a Mosaic sin offering.
To anticipate, the Author identifies Jesus’ death not only as a sacrifice of
atonement, but as the consummating sacrifice of all sacrifices—not just by way
of analogy with, but as a fulfillment of them all.
The Letter begins by declaring that we are in the last days of divine
revelation because in these days God has spoken to his through his Son, who
is the radiance of his glory and the seal of his substance. He sets the keynote
of his Letter when he says, After he had provided purification for sins, he sat down
at the right hand of the Majesty on high. We will see, in fact, that this provided
act of expiation must extend on high, in that it has its expiatory effect from a
heavenly Sanctuary, of which the Mosaic Sanctuary was but an earthly image.
The Letter declares that God’s intention was to bring many sons to this
heavenly glory, and it was fitting for him to make the Author of their
salvation perfect through suffering (2:10). He shared in our humanity so that

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by his death he might destroy the power of death and the fear of death (2:1415). For this reason, writes the Author, he had to be made like his brethren in every
way, so that he might become a merciful and faithful high priest in service to God, in
order to make expiation for the sins of the people. Thus the identification of Son
with the people and the people with him began, in the first place, with his
taking on their humanity—the Son of God becoming the Son of Man—and,
in the second place, with his suffering the death they suffer for their sins.
Next begins the Author’s explication of his sacrifice in terms not of the
Paschal lamb of the Passover, but of the sacrificial goat of the Day of
Atonement. Once a year, the high priest was commanded by the Law to offer
sacrifice in expiation of the sins of the whole people of Israel. On that day
alone the high priest, dressed in the linen ephod, entered into the inner
Sanctuary, the Holy of Holies, with the blood of the goat, to sprinkle the ark
with the blood. We, however, have a great high priest, writes the Author of
Hebrews, who has passed through the heavens (HEB 4:14ff). This disanalogy with
the Mosaic high priest’s proves more significant than any analogy: Jesus
enters the Sanctuary that is eternal, and the blood is his own glorified blood.

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The Author appeals to the figure of Melchizedek to explain further the
difference of Jesus’ priesthood:
Every high priest is appointed from among men to represent them in
matters relating to God, to offer gifts and sacrifices for sins. …
No one takes this honor upon himself; he must be called by God, just
as Aaron was. So also Christ did not take upon Himself the glory of
becoming a high priest, but He was called by the One who said to Him:
You are My Son; today I have begotten you. And in another passage God
says: You are a priest forever, in the order of Melchizedek.
During the days of Jesus’ earthly life, He offered up prayers and
petitions with loud cries and tears to the One who could save Him from
death, and He was heard because of His reverence. Although He was
a Son, He learned obedience from what He suffered. And having been
made perfect, He became the source of eternal salvation to all who obey
Him and was designated by God as high priest in the order of
Melchizedek. [HEB 5:1ff]
This appeal to Melchizedek clearly resonates with Jesus’ injunction to
commemorate his death with an offering of bread and wine. But an eternal
ordination of him by his Father as high priest is the Author’s main point.
Jesus’s priesthood is from eternity and to eternity, a source of eternal
salvation to all who obey him. A further disanalogy with the priesthood of
Aaron is that this High Priest can sympathize with the sinners he saves, not
by being a sinner, but by suffering sin, and his assimilation is perfected by his

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willingness to suffer it. His offering is not a ritual substitute for himself. His
sacrifice is himself; yet not offered for himself, but rather for others.
We have much to say about this, but it is hard to explain, writes the Author,
because you are dull of hearing. Therefore let us leave the elementary teachings about
Christ and go on to maturity. [See! He too thinks the reading list is boring!]
The Author bids our hope enter into the inner Sanctuary, behind the curtain,
where Jesus has entered on our behalf, as a high priest forever in the order of
Melchizedek (6:19-20). In a continuing comparison with Melchizedek, the
Author explains that Jesus became a priest not by a law of succession, but by
the power of an indestructible life (HEB 7:16). This rests the power of Jesus’
priesthood and sacrifice on his resurrection. It is because he now lives forever,
because he can no longer die, because his divine life is an indestructible life,
that his priesthood and its effect is permanent. It is also why he can save
completely those who draw near to God through him.
Christ Jesus lives eternally to intercede for sinners, who are under the
power and fear of death, the wages of sin (ROM 6:23). Such sinners have need
of such a high priest, says the Author, who is holy, innocent, undefiled, set apart
from sinners, and exalted above the heavens. Unlike the other high priests, he does

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not need to offer daily sacrifices, first for his own sins and then for the people’s: this
he did once for all when he offered up himself (HEB 7:26ff).
The Author proceeds to explain that the sacrificial rituals of the Law
were expressions of desires they could not fulfill and signs of what was yet
needed and yet to come. He describes the Sanctuary of the Mosaic Tabernacle
as arranged by the Holy Spirit to show the way into the heavenly one. It is an
illustration for the present time, he writes, because the gifts and sacrifices being
offered were unable to cleanse the conscience of the worshipper (HEB 9:9). He called
them external regulations for purification of the body. They concerned only
ritual purity, a legal fitness to approach the altar of Moses.
But what the heart of the approaching sinner desires is the purification
of his guilty conscience. And the Law can never by the same sacrifices year
after year make perfect the offerors who draw near, for it is impossible for
the blood of bulls and goats to take away sins (HEB 10:1-2). Those sacrifices
are intended as an annual remembrance of sins. The Law, the Author says,
was only a shadow of the good things to come, not the realities (HEB 9:11ff):
But when Christ came as high priest of the good things that have come,
he went through the greater and more perfect Tabernacle that is not
made by hands and is not a part of this creation. He did not enter by

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the blood of goats and calves, but He entered the Most Holy Place once
for all by His own blood, thus securing eternal redemption.
For if the blood of goats and bulls and the ashes of a heifer sprinkled
on those who are ceremonially unclean sanctify them so that their
bodies are clean, how much more will the blood of Christ, who through
the eternal Spirit offered Himself unblemished to God, purify our
consciences from works of death, so that we may serve the living God!
In sum, Christ has appeared once for all at the end of the ages to do away with
sin by the sacrifice of himself (HEB 9:26). But self-sacrifice is not selfexplanatory, is it? The Author offers us offer us some account. He ascribes the
40th Psalm to Christ, as follows:
Therefore, when Christ came into the world, he said:
Sacrifice and offering you did not desire,
but a body you prepared for me.
In burnt offerings and sin offerings You took no delight.
Then said I, Here am I: It is written about me in the scroll:
I have come to do your will, O God. (HEB 10:5-7)
And by that will, asserts the Author, we have been sanctified through the sacrifice
of the body of Jesus Christ once for all.
The essence of Christ’s sacrifice was his willingness to do the will of
God. And the will of God was that he accept crucifixion at the hands of
sinners, and beg forgiveness for them from the cross they prepared for him.

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This suffering of their evil, his victimhood at their hands, is the completion
of his sacrificial identification with them, the consummation of his taking
flesh to dwell among them. And now the people must identify with their
victim. In his crucifixion narrative, John upon the death of Jesus quotes this
prophecy of Zecharaiah’s: They shall look upon him whom they pierced; and they
shall grieve for him as one grieves for an only-begotten son (12:10). The removal of
sin begins with this grievous recognition. My God, my God, why have you
forsaken me? is the cry of the just man in the hands of his enemies. When the
Son of God makes this cry his own, and the evil of human sin is displayed in
him crucified, it receives God’s final judgement. This final conviction is God’s
final appeal to the human conscience. Finally his sent his Son, thinking: They
will revere my son (MT 21:37).
Christ obediently accepts this death. For what? He tells the Roman
ruler who condemned him to it: I came into the world for this: to bear witness to
the Truth. His death was the price of his bearing witness to the world of the
truth about sin, and about righteousness, and about judgment (JN 16:8).
Crucifixion was the price of our salvation set by the rulers of this world, the
rulers of Temple and Empire. Christ’s acceptance of this price in his blood

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was a freewill offering of it to God to achieve God’s will. He tells Pilate,
You would have no power over me whatever if it was not willed above; and he tells
Peter, Do you not think I can call on my Father to at once put at my disposal twelve
legions of angles? But how then would the Scriptures be fulfilled that say it must
happen in this way? For this is the way of saving sinners willed by the Father.
He who knew no sin became sin for our sake by suffering our sin (2 COR
5:21). The love of God was shown for us most of all in this, writes Paul: that while
we were yet sinners, Christ Jesus died for us (ROM 5:8). In an awful reversal, God
did not spare his own Son, but offered him as a sacrifice for us all, writes Paul
(ROM 8:32). God has provided us with the sacrifice to offer Him, the
acceptable propitiation for our sins: Christ’s willingness to pay our price.
There were two sin offerings under the Law. The first was to atone for
unintentional sins that rendered the offeror ritually unfit to approach the
altar. The second was to offer satisfaction for sins against others, including
reparations. But such legal exoneration did not have the power of eternal
forgiveness and regenerative sanctification wielded by the risen Christ,
according to Hebrews:
But when this Priest had offered for all time one sacrifice for sins, He
sat down at the right hand of God. Since that time, He waits for His

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enemies to be made a footstool for His feet, because by a single offering
He has made perfect for all time those who are being sanctified. The
Holy Spirit also testifies to us about this. First He says:
This is the covenant I will make with them after those days, declares the Lord:
I will put My laws in their hearts and inscribe them on their minds. Then he
adds: Their sins and lawless acts I will remember no more. (HEB 10:12ff)
In Christ we have the sinless intercessor who has pleased God perfectly
with his perfect self-offering. God accepts his bloody intercession for sinners
as an acceptable propitiation for their sins, and God has provided it to sinners
as the acceptable offering to him for their sins. Therefore, writes the Author,
we have confidence to enter the Most Holy Place by the blood of Jesus, by the new and
living way opened for us through the curtain of his body. Here the visible body of
the risen Christ is represented as the veil of his invisible divinity in the
Sanctuary of God’s glory. Those who draw near with sincere heart and sure
faith may do so with confidence only because their hearts have been
sprinkled with blood that has power to sanctify them for entry. Let us hold
resolutely to the hope we profess, writes the Author, for He who promised is faithful.
And let us consider how to spur one another on to love and good deeds. If we
deliberately go on sinning after we have received the knowledge of the truth, no
further sacrifice remains, but only a fearful expectation of judgment (HEB 10:23ff).

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It is in his commanded commemoration of if that Christ’s sacrifice on
the cross becomes a sacrifice of thanksgiving, a eucharistic sacrifice. The form
of this commemoration has been set by Christ himself as an oblation of bread
and wine. In the risen Christ, God has provided for both the sacred offering
and the sacred banquet. In the Catholic Church, the consecrated bread and
wine are believed to be sacramental forms: God-given signs that contain the
mystery they signify and effect what it pledges. What they signify is Christ’s
body offered up and blood poured out as a sin-offering; and what they effect
is the forgiveness of sins and the sanctification of believers.
To begin with, the Church in its liturgy presents to God at its altars giftofferings of bread and wine, as in the Law, as fruits of the earth and works of
human hands, and God is blessed for his blessings. In the Law of Moses, the
oblation of such offerings was signified by an alteration of it, namely burning
a portion on the altar for a sweet aroma. In these new rites of the New
Covenant, God is entreated to effect the alteration by his Holy Spirit,
according to the words of Christ: the bread becomes his body and the wine
his blood, and under this sacramental separation of his blood from his body
is shown forth ritually his death on the cross, for the adoration of believers.

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This sacramental presentation of Christ’s saving death on the cross is then
offered to God as a true sacrifice on behalf of those offering it, a sin-offering
acceptable to God for the forgiveness of their sins and their consecration to
him in Christ. It is at the same time also a sacrifice of praise and thanksgiving
for this same forgiveness and sanctification. It is a sacrifice provided to the
offerors by God for the benefit of the offerors, who feast on it before God in a
sacred communion rite, each communicant taking and eating their priestly
portion of this most holy food in the holy place.
The forms of Mosaic sacrifice are signs that could not fulfill the human
desires they signified. But they have all been fulfilled by Christ’s sacrifice.
The forgiveness they sought has been secured by Christ; the sanctification
they sought is in the power of Christ; the salvation from the power of death
they sought is promised by Christ; the peace with God they sought is in
Christ—and only in Christ. Christ’s sacrifice effects every intention that every
other human sacrifice can but signify. In the Bread of his indwelling Presence,
he descends among the offerors in the form of a most holy food, thereby to
come dwell within them as their heart’s desire. This living Bread that comes
down from heaven has power to nourish the spirit of the offeror with intimate

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knowledge of God’s love for it; and this blessing cup can save the offeror’s
soul from death by making it a partaker of Christ’s divine life. Indeed, those
who with a sincere heart and sure faith partake of it, are made partakers in
the divine nature (2 Peter 1:4).
In the spirit of the Letter to the Hebrews, the Apostolic churches of
Christianity have brought to bear on their sacramental offering to God of
Christ’s sacrifice much of the ritual of Mosaic sacrifice. What perished from
Judaism with the destruction of the Temple lives on in Catholicism. In
Rabbinic Judaism sacrifice is perforce perpetuated only in devotional practices
and spiritual symbolism; and in much of Protestantism, because of a decided
eschewal of ritual sacrifice. Islam has neither sacrifice nor priesthood. It is
only in the catholic and apostolic churches of Christianity across the earth
that the prophecy of Malachi is believed to be fulfilled to the letter:
My name will be great among the nations, from the rising of the sun
to the setting thereof. In every place incense and pure offerings will
be brought to me, because my name will be great among the nations,
says the Lord Almighty. (Malachi 1:11)

Jo h n T o ma rc h i o, S t. J o h n’ s C o ll eg e, 2 .2 2 .2 6

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Mr. Tomarchio describes his lecture: “This lecture is inspired by the Letter to the Hebrews as a theological tour de force. Hebrews transfigures the brutal Roman execution of Jesus into the perfect Mosaic sacrifice. The Author brings Mosaic sacrificial ritual to bear in detail on the crucifixion of Jesus, to reveal it as the quintessential offering to God that accomplishes once and for all the human intentions of all ritual sacrifice. The lecture looks at sacrifice in Genesis and in the Law of Moses to elucidate its use in the Letter to the Hebrews to sacralize the crucifixion of Jesus. This account of that death as a sacrifice has inspired much of the ritual of Christian celebration of it, which has sacramentalized Mosaic sacrifice ritual. The ulterior intention of the lecture is to elucidate these sacramental forms of Christ’s sacrifice.”</text>
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                    <text>Telegraphy and Radiotelegraphy1
Howard J. Fisher

Welcome, everyone, to this first of three talks on early radio technology.
The talks are three in number because the history of radio communication
may be said to fall into three periods. The first was the era of signaling, in
which radio transmission was limited to the dots and dashes of Morse code;
accordingly, this first talk will be on telegraphy and radiotelegraphy. The
third period, which dates from about 1920, is that of transmission and
reception of voice and sound; so that the final talk in this series will be on
broadcast radio. Between these periods there appeared one magnificent
invention, which alone made it possible to advance from the first era to the
third. This was the vacuum tube, and that will be the topic of my next talk, to
be given in April.
Thus the three periods of radio development are more or less defined by
three specific technologies. These bodies of knowledge and practice are
highly interesting, both historically and in their own right; but I wish to pay
special attention to what we might call their rhetoric—because each of them
embodies, in its own way, an implicit image of electric current. Each of them
implies a picture of electric current as some sort of motion; but they appear
to paint with different palettes when they try to contend with what, exactly,
is doing the moving.
Let us begin by considering—or, for some of us, remembering 2—the
telegraph. If you have ever made an electromagnet from a nail, a length of
wire, and a battery, you have already constructed the heart of a potential

telegraphy system. The telegraph “sounder,” on the left, is basically a pair of
electromagnets; they pull down the pivoting bar when current flows through
the coils, and the bar springs back when the current ceases; both the pull
and the release make a distinctive click. The telegraph “key,” on the right, is
1
2

Lecture delivered at St. John’s College, Santa Fe, on 18 February 2026.
Western Union sent its last telegram on January 27, 2006.

�2

simply a switch that closes when the knob is pressed. (The shorting switch,
marked with a red arrow, keeps the key closed when it is engaged; we will
see in a moment why this is useful.) I have connected this battery and key to
the sounder at the side of the room; you can hear it respond as I press the
key: a short press for a dot, a long press for a dash. Does anyone here know
Morse code? . . . I just sent “S J C”: dit dit dit for “S,” dit dah dah dah for “J,”
dah dit dah dit for “C.”
Here is a diagram of our wired connections. The battery and key are here

at the table, the electromagnet is part of the sounder, and when the key is
closed we have an unbroken pathway, which evidently transports electricity
from the battery to the sounder, and back again. The “back again” element is
crucial. If a break occurs anywhere in the path—whether in the red or the
black wire in our drawing—the action will cease. We usually speak of this
fact as showing the need for “a closed circuit.”
The terminology we conventionally use to describe this system is
revealing. We say that the wire is a “conductor,” and that a “current” of
electricity “flows” through it. These are all, clearly, metaphorical terms,
drawn from the behavior of water or other liquid. The metaphor portrays
electricity as a mobile substance which, just like ordinary liquids, requires a
source of motive power to maintain its flow.
Can we be content with metaphorical imagery? Don’t we want a true
image of electrical action? But I don’t see how we can escape metaphor. We
cannot observe “electricity itself” (whatever that means); so it is impossible
to speak “literally” about electricity, or to imagine it in any terms other than
what we had previously gleaned from other realms of experience. But what
we can do, and should, is to remember that our description is
metaphorical—and that other metaphors may be possible, perhaps even
preferable. Our telegraph system, in its present form, gives perfect
expression to the fluid-flow metaphor by treating the wires as paths of
circulation for electricity. But as familiar systems expand into new settings,
new phenomena sometimes appear, which may not be easily accommodated
by the received imagery. When that happens, alternative idioms of
expression, images which might previously have seemed merely speculative
or idiosyncratic, may perhaps take on new persuasive force. I think we will
encounter an example of this, as our telegraphic system becomes more
refined.

�3

Now, with the apparatus I have assembled, I can send messages to you,
but you cannot send back to me. We can fix that by adding a second key at
your end and a second sounder at mine, like this:

We might also want to add an extra battery, since we will be operating two
sounders at once. Now I can send to you and you can send to me. As long as
my key is closed, your key is what turns the current on and off; so I can
receive the message you send; that was the purpose of the shorting switch I
pointed out in our first slide. When it is time for you to receive, you keep
your key closed; then my key controls the current, and you can receive the
message I send.
But a useful telegraph system must be capable of operating over greater
distances than the length of a lecture hall! When the first railroad tracks
were laid from Lamy Station to Santa Fe, in 1880, telegraph lines were
strung along the right-of-way, a distance of some 17 miles. How would you
adapt our telegraph system to that distance? Would you suspend the wires
on poles, like this?

That would work, of course; but it would involve twice as much wire, and
nearly twice as much labor, as you really need. For the earth itself can serve
as a conductor; in fact, over long distances it is often more effective than a
wire would be. So instead of stringing both the red and blue wires on poles,
as pictured here, connect the blue wires to the earth by driving a long copper
rod into the ground at each station; like this:

�4

Now our system seems complete. Is there any reason why it could not in
principle be extended to greater and greater distances? True, we find that
longer distances require additional batteries; but that presents no great
challenge. We understand that the wire in some measure resists the flow of
current even while conducting it. Longer distances therefore represent
more resistance, and that is overcome by using more batteries—sometimes
by simply adding to the ones already in use; but more often by another
technique, which I want to take note of here because the same principle will
come up later in another connection.
To produce a clearly audible signal, a telegraph sounder requires a fairly
strong current; mine needs a current of about 375 milliamperes for reliable
operation. But the currents which could realistically be maintained in a
telegraph wire hundreds of miles long were typically only about one-eighth
of this. How then, with a such a small current, could the sounder be
activated? That problem was solved by the relay: this is an electromagneti-

cally operated switch that requires only a weak current to turn it on. As you
see here, the incoming current energizes the relay’s electromagnet and
closes the red contacts. Once these contacts are closed, a much stronger
current from the batteries can pass and activate the sounder. It is as though
the weak current were able to do the job of a much stronger current.
Although telegraphers sometimes spoke of this arrangement as “magnifying”
the incoming current, you can see that such a description is misleading. The
relay cannot “magnify” anything; it is a control mechanism, not a
transforming one. It does not alter the incoming current, but only enables it
to trigger a more powerful one.
With this latest development, it seems that the only barrier to unlimited
expansion of our telegraphic system is the ocean: you can’t erect telegraph
poles in the middle of the deep blue sea! But poles would be unnecessary if a
telegraph wire could be laid directly on the seabed itself. In 1850 a
telegraph cable was indeed laid along the floor of the English Channel. The

�5

first successful transatlantic cable was achieved in 1865. 3 But not only were
undersea cables enormously expensive, their transmission speeds proved to
be extremely slow compared to overland telegraph lines; let’s try to see why.
The 1865 transatlantic cable ran 2900 miles from the west coast of
Ireland to the shores of Nova Scotia. As we just saw, distance in itself is not a
novel problem. 2900 miles happens also to be the distance between New
York and San Francisco; and that mileage had already been covered with the
completion of the transcontinental telegraph line in 1861. But overland
wires are surrounded by air. What happens to such a wire when it is
surrounded by seawater?
The 1865 cable is reported 4 to have contained a central conductor of
about 64 thousandths of an inch in diameter, surrounded by gutta-percha

insulation to a diameter of 3/8 of an inch. Then the wire proper will have
had a circumference of .204 inches. The cable was 2900 miles long, or 183
million, 744 thousand inches; so the outer surface of the conductor would
have had area of nearly 37 million, 484 thousand square inches. This means
that more than 37 million square inches of copper was separated by a little
over 1/8 inch from an equal surface of excellently-conducting saltwater.
What do we have when these two conductive surfaces are separated by a
thin layer of insulating material? We have the equivalent of a gigantic Leyden
jar. 5

3
4

An earlier cable, the first, carried its inaugural message in 1858 but failed within three weeks.
Bright, Charles, The Story of the Atlantic Cable (1903), pp. 46, 52.

5 Faraday observed behavior similar to that of the Leyden jar when very long wires were buried

in the earth. See Faraday, Michael, “On Subterraneous Electro-Telegraph Wires,” Philosophical
Magazine, June 1854.

�6

Imagine what would happen if we added such an enormous Leyden jar to
our telegraphic line between Lamy and Santa Fe:

For simplicity, we’ll consider only a one-way system, with a single battery.
When the key is closed, current flows to the Leyden jar as well as to the
sounder; the jar becomes charged, and the sounder clicks as its
electromagnet is energized. But when the key is released, the Leyden jar will
still be charged. It will then discharge through the sounder, keeping the
electromagnet energized until discharge is complete. This means that after
the key is released, there will be a delay before the sounder is released. If
the key operator sent a “dot,” the receiving operator might hear a “dash!”
We can mimic this effect. Here I have connected the sounder normally;

you can see it respond faithfully when I tap “dots” and “dashes” on the key.
Next I will connect a capacitor—the modern equivalent of a Leyden jar—
across the sounder’s terminals to represent the result of submerging the

cable. The capacitor is only about an inch in diameter; nevertheless it is
electrically equivalent to many millions of Leyden jars! Let’s see how the

�7

sounder responds . . . Did you notice how sluggishly the sounder’s armature
released? When I tried to send “S J C,” the sounder quickly became
paralyzed, and the message was completely garbled.
The only way to avoid confusion is for the key operator to allow time for
the jar to discharge between each “key up” and the next “key down.” But this
requires sending very slowly. The 1865 undersea cable could not carry more
than about 8 words per minute. 6 By comparison, skilled landline
telegraphers were expected to send and receive between 20 and 40 words
per minute; while the lines themselves could support speeds three times as
fast using automated sending and receiving apparatus.
The problem, then, with an undersea cable is not the cable but the sea!
But doesn’t that cast serious doubt on the imagery of electric current as a
species of flow, with the telegraph wire as its channel or conduit? For the
performance of a pipe or channel is ordinarily determined by the conditions
inside it, not the conditions outside it. To take only the most naive example,
water flowing through a pipe is majestically indifferent as to whether that
pipe is suspended in air, lying on the ground, or buried in the earth—in stark
contrast to the submarine cable’s susceptibility to its environment. Moreover, if a telegraph cable immersed in saltwater behaves conspicuously like
a Leyden jar, then surely the same cable suspended in air must likewise act
like a Leyden jar—but merely to a lesser extent. How, then, can any realistic
image of electric current privilege a supposed process of “flow” within the
wire, while excluding any representation of the conditions surrounding the
wire? Yet that is just what the conventional “flow” image does.
Faraday, in his Eleventh and Twelfth Series, especially, found that for
purposes of understanding the Leyden jar, an image of electrification that
emphasized tension in the surrounding dielectric was far more fruitful than
was the image of electricity as residing in or on a conductor. A more
Faradayan account of our telegraph system might proceed like this:

6 Even this was a vast improvement over the first, 1858, cable, which required 16 hours to
transmit a 98-word message from Queen Victoria to President James Buchanan—a speed of
1/10 word per minute!

�8

The telegraph key has just sent a single “dot”—a short pulse. While the
key was closed, the battery began to impose tension between the left end of
the wire and ground. That tension spread to the right as each region
affected the adjacent region. Similarly, when the key was opened, tension at
the wire’s end returned to zero; and this condition too propagated to the
right from region to region. The result is a zone of tension that has moved
from the telegraph key about halfway to the first telegraph pole.
A moment later, that zone of tension will have moved just beyond the
first telegraph pole...

And from that point nearly to the second pole...

Finally it will approach the telegraph sounder; and when it reaches that
device, the tension will discharge in the sounder’s coils, developing the

momentary magnetic field which attracts the armature, thus signaling that a
“dot” has been received. Let us view these images as a sequence, to give a
better sense of how this wave of tension—for it is a wave—travels. Notice
that while the wave may be said to be guided by the telegraph wire and the

�9

earth; it is not travelling through either of them. It is traveling through
space.
You see how the behavior of the transatlantic cable is far more
concordant with Faraday’s “tension” image than with the image of flow
through a wire. Moreover, by acknowledging the relevance of action outside
the wire Faraday’s image provides a more natural rhetorical context for the
phenomena encountered in submarine cables. But I would not wish to argue
that either image is the “true” one. Both of them bear a metaphorical stamp,
in that both work to render unfamiliar phenomena in familiar terms.
Returning, then, to the telegraphic predicament, I had suggested earlier
that the problem was not the cable but its submersion in the sea. On the
other hand, inasmuch as there is no way to suspend a cable above the sea,
from a practical point of view the problem was the cable; and the solution
would be to eliminate the cable altogether. 7 But how is that possible?
Indeed, it is not possible if electric current is essentially flow through a
wire, as the conventional image represents it; for then a wire will be
indispensable. But if current is essentially a wave of tension, new
possibilities for transmission would seem to open up, in imagination if
nothing else. I am not sure to what extent Faraday actually contemplated
the idea of “separating the current from the wire,” so to speak, though some
of his later writings are highly suggestive. 8 But Maxwell certainly did—and
largely on the basis of Faraday’s views on the nature of conduction. As
juniors will see for themselves later in the semester, Maxwell’s theory
implies that every electric current necessarily generates an electromagnetic
wave—and although currents cannot travel without wires, electromagnetic
waves travel in space.
Maxwell’s calculations provided compelling reasons for him to believe
that light was an electromagnetic wave, but he did not conjecture whether
there might be other kinds of electromagnetic waves, nor whether such
waves could be produced in practice by electrical means. That
achievement—the generation of electromagnetic waves—was accomplished
by Heinrich Hertz in 1888.

By no means, of course, have submarine communication cables been abandoned! Dramatic
improvements have resulted from the use of better insulation, inline repeaters, and, since
about the 1980s, transition from electrical to optical cables.

7

8 See, for example, “Thoughts on Ray-Vibrations,” Experimental Researches in Electricity, vol. III,

p. 447; “On Subterraneous Electro-Telegraph Wires,” ibid., p. 521; “On Electric Induction—
Associated cases of current and Static Effects,” Phil. Mag, Series 4, vol. 7, no. 44 (March 1854),
p. 197.

�10

Hertz’s apparatus is shown in this haunting photograph—taken, I believe,

by Hertz himself. The pair of long rods with large globes at their ends form
the radiating structure—what we now call the “antenna.” 9 The large coil at
the far left end of the bench produced pulses of very high voltage which
discharged through the spark gap at the center of the rod pair, and so
initiated in them a rapidly oscillating current. Although a spark discharge
inherently produces waves exhibiting a huge range of frequencies, Hertz’s
rods and spheres were sized to favor waves having a length of about 6
meters and a frequency of about 50 million cycles per second.
Hertz demonstrated the existence of these waves by showing their effect
on a separate wire loop, interrupted by a spark gap of its own; here is
Hertz’s diagram. 10 Whenever the main apparatus sparked, a discernable

spark developed across the gap at M, even when the loop was held twenty or
thirty feet away, thus demonstrating that the waves were indeed traveling
through the air.
Antenna—Latin term for sailyard, yardarm; later (15th cent.) the long protruding “feeler” of
an insect—became the accepted name for such a radiator by 1902.

9

10

Redrawn from Hertz, Electric Waves (1893).

�11

Hertz’s apparatus could not transmit waves over distances useful for
practical communication. Nor had Hertz harbored any such intention; his
interest was in confirming Maxwell’s electromagnetic theory. But a young
Guglielmo Marconi saw these “Hertzian waves,” as they were then called, as
a potential means of wireless communication. Instead of turning an electric
current on and off in short and long pulses, it was only necessary to turn the
spark generator on and off. Pulses of electromagnetic waves would then
carry messages in the same form as landline telegraphy did; but it would be
wireless telegraphy. Marconi began experimenting with his own wave
apparatus in 1894; he succeeded in transmitting over distances that
gradually increased from one-half mile, to 10 miles in 1897, across the
English Channel in 1898, and in 1899 to a vessel at sea 66 miles away. 11
A few years ago I made a spark transmitter from old automotive ignition
parts; I even tried to imitate Hertz’s antenna:

The two copper sheets correspond to Hertz’s globes, while the brass
spheres at the center form the spark gap. The two cylindrical objects are a
pair of automotive ignition coils, wired back-to-back. They take the place of
Hertz’s enormous induction coil.
Here is the transmitter in operation . . . The buzzing sound you heard is a
set of contacts in the battery circuit; each time they open, a spark is
generated. With the aid of this Hertzian memorial, Mr. Franks and I were
able to send a signal from the portico of Weigle Hall to his office in ESL—a
magnificent range of one hundred twenty feet!
The wave produced by this series of sparks is, accordingly, a series of
wave pulses. A new pulse is produced each time the buzzer contacts open—
in my transmitter that is about 500 times per second. But each pulse itself
oscillates at a frequency of roughly 50 million times per second, and it also
decays slightly in amplitude. So if I hold down the transmitter key for the

11 Largely because of Marconi’s single-minded pursuit of wireless telegraphy, it is his name that

is most prominently associated with its development; but Marconi was by no means the sole
originator. In the year when Marconi began his experiments Oliver Lodge, already a scientific
luminary, would introduce the “syntonic” (tuned) transmitter in a memorial lecture on Hertz
(Royal Institution, June 1894) and transmit wireless Morse messages between two Oxford
University buildings (British Association meeting, August 1894).

�12

length of one “dash” (about a third of a second) it produces a wave shape
like the one drawn at the top of this slide. A Morse “dot,” which should be
about a third of the length of a dash, is drawn at the bottom.

With the steady growth of wireless range it seemed inevitable that wireless
transmission would eventually extend from continent to continent; it was only
a matter of commandeering more electric power for the spark and building
more efficient radiating and receiving structures. But the intermittent
character of the spark wave was a serious
impediment to transmission power. As the
slide shows, only about 50% of the
transmission time was actually occupied by a
wave! This is deplorably inefficient, and
various methods were developed to make the
radiated wave more nearly continuous. One
of them utilized a Leyden jar and a coil, like
the ones highlighted on the right, to prolong
oscillations in the antenna. Instead of the
intermittent pulses generated by the earliest
transmitters, this and other improvements
resulted in a wave that was nearly continuous, so that Morse “dashes” and
“dots” had waveshapes like these:

But even with the greater efficiency obtained with improved wave
continuity, the power needed for long-distance wireless transmission was

�13

far greater than any battery could supply. Marconi’s most powerful
transmitters employed steam-powered electric generators like these: 12

As you might imagine, the sparks produced by such enormous machines
were distressingly noisy. The residents near one installation 13 complained
that the sound of the spark could be heard four miles downwind of the
station!
The radiating and receiving antenna structures likewise grew in scale and
complexity, as more and more came to be known about the behavior of
electromagnetic waves. Here are two of Marconi’s transatlantic antenna

arrays, the one on the left was located in Nova Scotia, Canada; the one on the
right was constructed in Cornwall, England around 1902. But successful
reception of the transmitted electromagnetic wave was not, in itself,
sufficient to establish communication; the recipient had to know that it was
received! The wave had to be detected. How was this to be achieved?
When an electromagnetic wave is intercepted by a conductor, an electric
current tends to develop in it. Roughly speaking, a conductor will develop a
current insofar as it is parallel to the incoming electric field, or
perpendicular to the incoming magnetic field. (Recall that Faraday had
shown, long before, that a conductor tends to develop a current when it
12
13

Bucher, Elmer. Practical Wireless Telegraphy (1917), p. 295.

South Wellfleet, Mass. See https://www.nps.gov/caco/learn/historyculture/marconi.htm

�14

“cuts” lines of magnetic force.) Any phenomenon associated with this
current will, therefore, signal the reception of an electromagnetic wave.
So long as Hertz’s wire loop was within a few dozen feet of the
transmitter, the currents that developed in it were strong enough to produce
a spark, though a very feeble one (Hertz had to darken the room and use a
magnifying lens to see it). But the currents that would develop in a far
distant conductor—even in a sophisticated and elaborate array like the ones
shown here—would be incomparably weaker. A far more sensitive
indicator would be required to discern them.
Numerous such indicators were contrived, several of them truly
ingenious; but most were either too delicate or too slow for practical use.
The first device to gain widespread adoption was one whose operation no
one really understood. This was the “coherer,” widely credited in principle
to the French physicist Édouard Branly, although many other investigators,
including Marconi, contributed to its practical utility.
On the left is one of Marconi’s coherers; and on the right you see how it
would have been incorporated in an actual wireless receiver, mounted in a

mechanism I will explain in a moment. The coherer itself is a length of glass
tubing fitted with two electrodes, the space between them filled loosely with
metal filings. Although metals are generally good conductors, tiny shards of
metal do not contact one another very well, so the coherer does not readily
conduct an electric current. But in the presence of a high-frequency
electromagnetic wave the metal filings mysteriously “cohere”—hence the
name—and the device becomes suddenly conductive.
We can see the “cohering” behavior using little more than a heap of
metallic spheres. 14 I have squeezed about a dozen four-inch squares of
This was one of Branly’s early versions; see Fleming, J. A., Principles of Electric Wave
Telegraphy and Telephony, 3rd ed. (1916), p. 478. My version is adapted from a YouTube
video whose presenter identifies himself only as “Mr. Whibley”: look for
https://youtu.be/ESgoNEH__E8?si=Xw5a7Zzmhb8Q5G6Y—truly a little gem.

14

�15

aluminum foil into spheres about one-half inch in diameter and placed them
loosely in the glass beaker. Strips of foil taped to opposite sides of the
beaker connect the pile of spheres in the circuit of a battery and flashlight
bulb. As you see, the bulb is not lit, even though aluminum is a good
conductor. Evidently the loose contact between the spheres cannot pass
enough current to light the bulb.
But we know from Hertz that an electric spark generates electromagnetic
waves. This battery-operated stove lighter generates a series of electric

sparks when I press the trigger; it’s what I use to light my propane stove at
home. In a wireless telegraphy receiver, the incoming electromagnetic wave
would have been routed to the coherer by means of a wire from the antenna;
but since my sparker is only a few feet away, we need no special conductor.

See? When the discharge occurs, the pile of spheres suddenly becomes
conductive, and the lamp lights. But you can also see the great deficiency of
this device: it remains conductive, and the lamp stays lit, even after the spark

�16

and its radiated wave have ceased. It cannot distinguish a dot from a dash;
indeed, so long as it remains conductive it will not be able to detect the
arrival of a subsequent pulse, whether dot or dash.
What seems to be happening is that the sudden spike of electromagnetic
disturbance generates tiny sparks between the foil surfaces, which
momentarily raise the temperature at the discharge points sufficiently high
to weld the spheres together. But notice that when I give the cup a sharp
tap, the current ceases. Evidently a slight disturbance is enough to break the
tiny bonds—today they are called “microwelds”—between the foil spheres.
Such was the purpose of the elaborate mechanism in which the coherer
was typically mounted. The moment Marconi’s coherer became conductive,

it passed a current through an electromagnet; this in turn caused a steel
tapper to strike the glass tube and “de-cohere” the particles, opening the
circuit. The tapper would immediately spring back; and if the received pulse
had been a short “dot,” the coherer would now be ready to receive the next
pulse. If, however, the pulse had been a long “dash,” the wave would still be
present; the particles would cohere again, the tapper would strike the glass
once more; and this process would repeat, and the tapping would continue,
until the cessation of the “dash.” This principle—the “switch that turns itself
off”—is the principle of the electric buzzer, and when the decoherer was in
operation it created a similar buzzing sound. 15
The coherer was, however, far from satisfactory. One engineer
complained, “It was publicized as wonderful, and it was—wonderfully
erratic and bad. It would not work when it should, and it worked overtime
when it should not have.” 16 Another described it as “the bête noir of
radiotelegraphy,” since it could not reliably distinguish between “legitimate
signals, static disturbances, a slipping trolley several blocks away, and even
This “buzzer” style of decoherer was only one of many methods that were developed to
enable the coherer to control an indicator, or even a recorder.
15
16

Robert Marriott, quoted in Lewis Coe, Wireless Radio, A History, 2nd ed. (2006), p. 6.

�17

the turning on and off of electric lights in the building.” 17 But perhaps the
most serious deficiency was its sluggishness; the coherer’s cumbersome
tapping mechanism limited reception to about 12 or 15 words per minute—
barely a third of the standard for landline telegraphers. Still, even with these
limitations, the coherer was a tremendous advance over Hertz’s spark
detector, because it acted indirectly. Let me explain what I mean by this.
The spark Hertz observed in his wire loop detector was the direct
manifestation of the current induced in it by the intercepted electromagnetic
wave. Nothing intervened between the current and the spark; indeed, from
Faraday’s point of view, the current was the spark. Necessarily, then, the
perceptible indication of the electromagnetic wave could be no more
energetic than was the received wave itself. The coherer, by contrast, allows
a weak incoming current to trigger a separate and much stronger current—
the same principle we saw earlier in the telegraphic relay, only effected by
different means. The relay used electromagnetic attraction to close a switch

mechanically, thus completing a battery circuit. In the coherer, heat from
tiny sparks creates microscopic welds between the metal shards; it
completes the battery circuit by fusing conductive fragments together. The
coherer, like the relay, makes possible a much more pronounced effect than
the wave itself would have been able to produce; and since the wave-current
only triggers the current which produces the sensible outcome, I call the
coherer an indirect detector.
Notice that the crucial element in the operation of the coherer is
production of heat; everything else depends on that. But until about twenty
years ago, when research finally confirmed it, 18 the role played by heat in the
operation of the coherer could at best be only surmised. Nevertheless, to
G. W. Pickard, “How I Invented the Crystal Detector,” Electrical Experimenter (August 1919),
p. 325.

17

18 Falcon, Eric; Castaing, Bernard. "Electrical conductivity in granular media and Branly's
coherer: A simple experiment," American Journal of Physics 73 (4): 302–307 (2005).

�18

early twentieth-century investigators, explanations based on heat would
have seemed the most reasonable and natural among the available
candidates. We find a striking example of this in the work of G. W. Pickard,
an American engineer.
In 1902 Pickard was experimenting with the detector shown here on the

left, a sewing needle laid across two carbon supports; and perhaps because
it involved loose contact between conducting bodies, Pickard thought of his
detector as a type of coherer. In contrast to Marconi’s coherer, though, this
one was self-restoring; it did not need to be tapped after each received pulse.
Nevertheless, Pickard was using it just as he would have employed an
ordinary Marconi coherer: the detector was connected to a set of batteries,
so that when it became conductive in the presence of an electromagnetic
wave, the resulting rush of current from the batteries would produce a
distinctive clicking sound in a Bell-style telephone earpiece, pictured on the
right.
Pickard’s great discovery occurred when he accidentally disconnected
the batteries, yet continued to hear clicks in the earpiece whenever a wave
pulse was received at the antenna. But with the batteries disconnected, the
only source of electrical energy was the current from the antenna. Pickard
was astonished to realize that
the telephone diaphragm was being operated solely by the energy
of the receive[d] signals. 19

What was astonishing about this? I’m guessing here, because Pickard did
not say very much more about the course of his thinking. But everyone
knew, and he would have known, that the current coming directly from the
antenna should have been incapable of activating the telephone.

G. W. Pickard, “How I Invented the Crystal Detector,” Electrical Experimenter (August 1919).
Emphasis in the original.

19

�19

Let us understand why this is so. Remember that every wave has an
oscillatory or, we might say, alternating character. For example, when we
send a wave along one of our Bell wave machines, the wave itself travels
horizontally; but every point on it moves vertically—alternating between
motion up and motion down. Here is a clip from a 1959 instructional film;
the presenter is John Shive, who invented the Bell wave device. Keep your

eye on any of the crossbars, and notice their alternating up-and-down
displacement. A vertical red line will assist you in this.
Analogously, each of the components of an electromagnetic wave—the
electric field and the magnetic field—undergoes a similar alternation
between positive and negative. Maxwell depicted that alternation in this
drawing; it is Figure 66 from his Treatise on Electricity and Magnetism.

When the incoming electromagnetic wave is intercepted by the receiving
antenna of a radiotelegraphy station, the alternating fields induce an
alternating current. What happens, then, if this current is sent directly to a
telephone receiver?
The Bell telephone earpiece of 1900 (and they really haven’t changed all

that much, even today) consists of a permanent magnet, shown here in blue,
and a coil and a flexible steel diaphragm, shown in red. The diaphragm,

�20

being attracted to the magnet, is permanently deflected in the magnet’s
direction. But when an alternating current is sent through the coil, the coil’s
magnetic field will alternately reinforce and oppose the magnet’s field. As a
result, the diaphragm will be deflected now more, and now less; it will
attempt to vibrate with the frequency at which the current alternates.
But this frequency would have been in excess of hundreds of thousands of
vibrations per second, for that was typical of the electromagnetic waves used
in radiotelegraphy. No telephone diaphragm could sustain such rapid
vibrations; and even had it done so, Pickard could never have heard them!
For the limit of human hearing is at best about twenty thousand vibrations
per second.
What Pickard did hear in the earpiece was a sequence of clicks. What
kind of current would cause that? The same kind of current that produced
the clicks in our telegraph sounder earlier: a steady current—what we now
call a direct current—turning on and off. Just as with the sounder’s
armature, the telephone’s diaphragm is pulled towards the magnet when the
current is on, then released when the current is off.
Here I have an actual Bell receiver mechanism from about 1915; listen in
the following video as I repeatedly connect, then disconnect, a battery. In
the video I have amplified the sound considerably, and you can also see the
diaphragm moving in and out.

Here, then, is the problem. Pickard’s antenna was sending an alternating
current to the detector—but the telephone was receiving a direct current
from the detector! The detector, then, must either be transforming an
alternating current into a direct current, or it must be replacing one current
with the other. Pickard assumed the second option: replacement rather
than transformation. We know this because in his patent certificate of
1906 20 he states:
The energy of the received oscillations is converted into heat at
the .. . junction.. .. This heat energy is then, according to this
invention, regenerated or converted into a direct electric
current.

20

U.S. Patent no. 836,531 issued November 20, 1906.

�21

Pickard is asserting that the process has two stages: first, the alternating
current produces heat; next, the heated junction between two dissimilar
materials produces a direct current. Both of these phenomena were well
known. Electrical production of heat had been described by Joule in 1840,
and the thermal generation of electricity—Faraday called it “thermoelectricity” in his Third Series—was discovered by Seebeck in 1821.
On what basis did Pickard offer this interpretation?—or, rather, this
conjecture, since as far as I know, there existed at that time no research
confirming the idea that heat was really involved. I think his word
“regenerated” is telling. In the absence of a clear picture of electric current,
he cannot think of “current” as a thing capable of being wrought from a
serpentine profile, like this:

into a rectilinear profile, like this:

Current, for him, does not seem to be the sort of thing that can be fashioned
“as clay in the hands of the potter.” 21 Without a clear picture of its nature,
electric current can only be conceived as a manifestation of the power that
generates it; the only way it can change its character, therefore, is to perish
in one form, then be re-generated in another.
Pickard’s attempt to avoid the idea of “transformation” would prove to be
mistaken. His device actually does transform the current as such—not by
converting it to heat and back again, but by a different process altogether.

21

Jeremiah 18:6

�22

That process would finally reveal itself with the advent of the vacuum tube.

That invention will be the topic of my talk in April, and I hope many of you
will be able to come. The vacuum tube would not only address the problem
of wave detection in a much improved way, it would make possible sweeping
advances in the production and transmission of electromagnetic waves. It
would, above all, enable electromagnetic waves to convey sound—giving rise
to the fascinating technology we now call “radio.” Additionally, the vacuum
tube will raise anew, and perhaps in a more visualizable form, our former
question, that of the nature of electric current. I hope you will join me for
that discussion.

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                    <text>Gargantua’s Gaines

Jonathan Tuck
A lecture delivered at St. John’s College, Annapolis
January 16,2009

This lecture is dedicated to the memory ofBrother Robert Smith.

1

�(A

GargantHa’s Games
In the first twenty-four chapters of Gargantua, Francois Rabelais describes the
birth, childhood and education of the giant whose name is also the title of his book.

Chapter 22 begins as follows:
Then, most lazily mumbling a snatch of grace, he [Gargantua]
washed his hands with fresh wine, cleaned his teeth with a pig’s
foot, and chatted joyfully with his men. Then, when the green cloth
was laid out, they brought out plenty of cards, plenty of dice, and
enough boards for checkers or chess. There he played:

Flush,
Grand slam.
Trump,
Primiera,
Beggar my neighbor,
Odd man out.
Tarots,
Backgammon,
Shuffleboard,
Hopscotch,
Lawn billiards.
Coddling the hare.
Trudge-pig,
The moping owl.
Gossip, lend me your sack,
Marseilles figs.
The false clown.
Quoits,
Chaw-turd,
Barley-break,
Whirlygig,
..
Fast and loose.
Pick-a-back to Rome,
Fart-in-throat,
Billy boy, give me my lance.
Frogs and toads.
The greedy glutton.
The pigeon has flown.
Fatass,
Lady, I wash your cap.
Baste the bear.
Cross questions and crooked answers.
Butting rams.
The madge owlet.

2

�Flirts on the nose.
Larks.

After playing well, sifted, passed, and bolted the time, it was
time to have a little drink—that was eleven gallons per man—and,
right after banqueting, to stretch out and sleep two or three hours on
nice bench or a nice big bed, meanwhile to think no evil or speak no
evil.
(p.1.22, pp. 50-54. All quotations from Rabelais are identified
by book and chapter numbers and by pagination in the
translation of Donald Frame, U. of California Press, 1991.)

Now those of you who have read The Chronicles of Gargantua and Pantagruel,
or at least Book I of it, known as Gargantua, will realize that I have seriously misquoted

and mi ^represented this passage. I only gave thirty-six of the games that Rabelais lists.

The true number is 216, three fiill double column pages in Donald Frame’s excellent
translation, plus parts of two other pages. There are many such lists in Rabelais’ work,

but this is one of the longest. What on earth can be the point of such an enumeration?

Perhaps in approaching this question, I can also more generally suggest some of
Rabelais’ strategies, his designs on us, his readers, and some of the reasons that we

should cherish his strange but wonderfill book.
In reading such a list, or in hearing it read, we feel a mixture of perplexity and

pleasure. Where does die pleasure come from? Perhaps we are gladdened at the thought

that there can be so many games, real or imaginary, in the world, or that our author can

think of so many. Plenitude, copiousness of imagination, is an emblem of the abundance

of nature itself perhaps, or at least of human nature, since the games are human artifacts.
And if some of the games are imaginary, so much the better. No human, of course, could
actually play all these games in a single afternoon; but remember that Gargantua is a

giant— Rabelais is telling a tall tale. In fact, there was a lengthy oral and wntten

3

�tradition about the giant Gargantua in the Touraine, the region where Rabelais lived—a

cycle of tales comparable to our yams about Paul Bunyan or Pecos Bill. Gargantua’s
adventures (and those of his son, Pantagruel) often have some of the almost surreal,
daimonic, out-of-control quality of these folk tales. Paul Bunyan is a hero of sorts, but

not a comfortable one; we may not feel for him the normal empathy that we would expect

to have for the protagonist of a conventional narrative. Perhaps we’re not altogether sure
that he is the “good guy,” or that he feels as humans do. Such a question can certainly

arise about Gargantua, whose pranks include stealing the bells of Notre Dame to use for
the neck of his mare, and drowning 260,418 nameless Parisians by casual urination. But

as often with Rabelais, this is only cartoon violence. We do not pause to mourn for the

drowned Parisians, any more than we fear for Wile E. Coyote when he plunges off a cliff.
Gigantism here may be monstrous or hyperbolic, but as we come to learn, it may also be
an emblem for the possibilities of humanity, a literalizing of human greatness, power, and
freedom. No longer is humanity cowering and subservient, dwarfed by the stature of our

ancestors or our God. Instead, we may consider Rabelais as a Renaissance humamst,
hyperbolically portraying what Pico della Mirandola called “the dignity of man.”

But perhaps I’m waxing hyperbolic myself. The list of games lacks the grandeur
and nobility of an epic catalogue—the catalogue of the ships in Hiad Book II, for
example. There the purpose was not simply to amass a multitude, but to order it. The list

of games, by comparison, is a mere heap; the sequence seems arbitrary and the whole

effect is grotesque. Though at the outset, the narrator mentioned cards, dice, and board

games, many of the games enumerated are of a different kind altogether—^hop-scotch and
lawn-billiards, for example. Others seem to be children’s role-playing games, a kind of

�make-believe. Some of them seem to be made up on the spot. We are reminded of the
list given by Jorge Luis Borges:
The ambiguities, redundancies and deficiencies recall those
attributed by Dr. Franz Kuhn to a certain Chinese encyclopedia
called the Heavenly Emporium ofBenevolent Knowledge.
In its distant pages it is written that animals are divided into
(a) those that belong to the emperor; (b) the embalmed ones;
(b) those that are trained; (d) suckling pigs; (e) mermaids;
(f) fabulous ones; (g) stray dogs; (h) those that are included
in this classification; (i) those that tremble as if they were mad;
(j) innumerable ones; (k) those drawn with a very fine camel’shair brush; (1) et cetera; (m) those that have just broken the
flower vase; (n) those that from a distance resemble flies...

(“John Wilkins’ Analytical Language,”
in Selected Non-Fictions, p. 231.)
The implication of any list is that its elements are units, of like kind. The wild
heterogeneity of Rabelais’ list of games raises the question of what kind. What is a

“game,” anyway? If an imaginary game is enumerated in the list, does the act of listing it
give it existence? And if so, is that act of creation peculiar to games—do we think that

an imaginary game is as much a game as a “real” game, or perhaps more so? Is any game

“real”? Would the act of listing some other kind or class of beings call its items into

existence? What power does the teller of this story implicitly claim to have, and does he

really have it? Rabelais, in listing so many games, implies but does not mention yet
another game, the one he is playing with us, his readers, and with language itself.

The power exerted by listing and naming is illustrated in another list of
Gargantua’s activities as a younger child:
He was always wallowing in the mud, getting his nose dirty.
Messing up his face, wearing down his shoes at the heel, gaping
after flies, and running happily after butterflies...he pissed on his
shoes, shat in his shirt, blew his nose on his sleeves, sniveled in
his soup and made a mess everywhere...He sharpened his teeth
with a clog, washed his hands with soup, combed his hair with a
goblet, sat between two saddles with his tail on the ground,...

�farted for fat, pissed against the sun, hid in the water for rain,
struck while the iron was cold...flayed the fox, said the
monkey’s paternoster, returned to his sheep, turned the sows
out to hay...put the cart before the oxen, scratched himself where
he did not itch, drew worms from his nose, bit off more than he
could chew, ate his white bread first, shod grasshoppers... offered
the gods straw for wheat... ate cabbage and shat leeks...counted
without his host....always looked a gift horse inthe mouth...hoped
to catch larks if the skies fell, made a virtue of necessity, cared as
little about the shaven as the clipped...

(I.ll, pp.30-31)

In this enumeration, which I have once again drastically abbreviated, a list of actual
forms of toddler mischief somehow metastasizes into a Sancho Panza-like list of

proverbial expressions. Some, but perhaps not all of them, seem to be there because they
are metaphors for activities that are ill-advised or counterproductive. I think many of the

*

items on the list are there only because they are vividly concrete and nonsensical. The
list lists for the sake of listing. Whatever this is, it is not narrative as we usually

understand it. Language seems to have taken on a life of its own.
When poets make lists—epic catalogues, for example—they are often lists of
proper names: warriors or nymphs, rivers or cities or other place-names. It seems to be

the act of a true poet to love exotic, resounding but ultimately meaningless names—think

of Whitman or Sandburg or Stevens, rolling out a polysyllabic Native American proper
name, tasting it, luxuriating in its sound alone. Rabelais has some of this poetic impulse
too—he is one of the greatest French prose stylists, primarily because there is a wild,

anarchic energy in his language. Consider the first introduction of one of his main

characters:
In the abbey at that time there was a claustral monk named Friar
John of the Hashes, young, gallant, fiisky, cheerful, very deft, bold,
adventurous, resolute, tall, thin, with a wide open throat, well fixed
for a nose, a great dispatcher of hours, a great unbridler of masses, a

6

�*5

fine polisher-off of vigils, to sum it all up briefly a real monk if ever
there was one since the monking world first monked in monkery...

(1.27, p.66)
The word “monk” is repeated partly in derision—Rabelais, as will become clear, is no
admirer of the monastic ideal as we usually think of it, despite being techmcally a monk

himself. More to the point, the sound of the word “monk” becomes a jingle, an

incantation, even a sensual act. Rabelais loves words, especially nonsense-words, madeup words, ridiculously long words, spoonerisms, bad puns, and words in resonant,
learned-sounding foreign languages. When Gargantua takes the bells of Notre Dame for

his mare, the Faculty of Theology sends its oldest sophist, Janotus de Bragmardo, to

recover them. Here is an excerpt from his oration, which is generously sprinkled with
outrageously bad Latin: “Ozuw's clocha clochabilis, in clocherio clochando, clochans
clochativo clocharefacit clochahiliter clochantes’’’ (1.19, p.45). Roughly translated:

“Every bellable bell, in belling bellery, belling hellishly makes the bellers bell.” Of

course Rabelais offers no such translation; he expects us to be a learned audience, even as
he mocks learning itself.

The same zest for languages emerges in a scene in the second book, known as
Pantagruel, where we first meet Panurge, who will become the manic sidekick of

Pantagruel, the son of Gargantua. Note in passing that the name Panurge is taken,
without gloss or explanation, from the Greek word Ttavoupyog, one who will do anything,
a rascal or scoundrel. (The same Greek etymologizing is present in many of Rabelais’
names—^for example. King Picrochole, the villain of Book I, the Xerxes-like figure

whose dreams of world conquest trigger the war between himself and Grandgousier,
Gargantua’s father. Clearly we are expected to recognize that “Picrochole” is derived

7

�r

from TciKpog, “bitter” and ^o^c,, “wrath.”) When Pantagruel and his companions first

meet the mysterious stranger Panurge, he hails them successively with fourteen little one-

paragraph untranslated orations in German, in an imaginary language from the
Antipodes, in Italian, in Scots dialect, in Basque, in Lantemese (another imaginary
language), in Dutch, in Spanish, in Danish, in Hebrew, in Greek, in Utopian (a third

imaginary language)^ in Latin, and finally in French, which turns out to be his native
tongue (11.9, pp. 163-166). We might think that the linguistic dispersion of the human
race, after the Tower of Babel, is no cause for rejoicing; but the sheer profusion of

languages^ their plenitude, seems to be celebrated here. Panurge, who as his name

implies will do or say anything, in any language, and Rabelais, his creator, both take
pleasure in the fact of language and languages, for their own sake. Both are profound

scholars in their own way, and both are highly irreverent toward scholarship. Even so,
there is also a moral lesson: Each of Panurge’s elegant polyglot addresses is to the same

effect: “Please, for charity’s sake, give me something to eat and drink.” And each time,
his listeners focus on the philology instead of giving him aid. In this scene, Rabelais
implies, there is a universal language of physical need that transcends the Babel of
linguistic differences among humans. Generosity is simple and unlearned, but it trumps

the learning of the wise.
Since we are now entered on the subject of Rabelais’ view of learning, I should

certainly mention that the list we began with, the list of Gargantua’s games, is actually

given in condemnation of Gargantua’s idleness, to show that his education is being
neglected. The young giant is naturally possessed of many intellectual virtues, but it

seems that they are misdirected. We get an early glimpse of his natural curiosity and

8

�desire to learn: At the age of five he embarks spontaneously, with the energy of a Bacon
or a Faraday, on a course of experimentation whose object is the discovery of the perfect

ass-wipe. After a long list of candidates tested and rejected, Gargantua announces

proudly that the softest, warmest and most delightful thing to wipe your ass with is the
downy feathers of a young, live goose. This discovery delights his father, but in tide
following years Gargantua’s potent intellect is left to fust unused. A sophist named

Thubal Holofemes proves unequal to the task of the education of a noble youth. The two
lists I gave, of games and other proverbial activities, are both given as evidence of the
waste of the young giant’s time. So his father the King engages a true humamst tutor
with the appropriate Greek name of Ponocrates—“the power of work.” We then get an

enthusiastic seven-page description of the best educational regimen, both in music and

gymnastic. Not an hour of the day is to be wasted. Even at dmner, Gargantua and his
tutor discuss the origins and properties of everything they are served, complete with a

citation of pertinent passages from “Pliny, Athenaeus, Dioscorides, Julius Pollux, Galen,
Porphyry, Oppian, Polybius, Heliodorus, Aristotle, Aelian and others” (11.23, p.56). The
concern for education is passed on to the next generation: In Pantagruel there is a

famous letter to the hero from his father, Gargantua, setting forth his own omnivorous
zest for learning and his wishes for his son to feel the same. Referring to his own

education, Gargantua says:
The time was still dark, and smacking of the infelicity and
calamity of the Goths, who had brought all good literature
to destruction; but, by God’s goodness, in my own day light
and dignity has been restored to letters...Now all branches
of learning are reestablished, languages restored: Greek,
without which it is shameful for a man to call himself learned;
Hebrew, Chaldean, Latin; truly elegant and correct printings are
now customary, which were invented in my time by divine
inspiration.. .The whole world is full of erudites, of veiy learned

9

�teachers, of very ample libraries; and in my judgment, neither in
Plato’s time, nor Cicero’s, nor Papinian’s, were there such
facilities for study as we see now... As for the knowledge of
nature’s works, I want you to devote yourself to that with
care: let there be no sea, stream, or spring, whose fish you
do not know: all the birds of the air, all the trees, shrubs,
and bushes of the forests, all the herbs of the earth, all the
metal hidden in the bowels of the depths, the precious stones
of the Orient and Southern Hemisphere: let nothing be
unknown to you.

(II.8, pp. 160-161)
The vaunting and exultant spirit of the Renaissance seems to breathe forth,

completely unironically, in this passage, perhaps the most famous in Rabelais’ work,
although not necessarily the most typical. The book as a whole seems to be a medley of

different genres—by turns a mock epic, a romance, a satire, a folk tale— but one genre to

which it clearly alludes here is the humanist treatise on the education of the ruler. The
tradition starts with Plato’s Republic and Xenophon’s Cyropaideia, both recently
rediscovered in the grand retrieval of classical texts. It continues with books as varied as

Machiavelli’s Prince, Erasmus’s Education ofa Christian Prince, Sir Thomas More’s
Utopia, The Book ofthe Governor by Sir Thomas Elyot (from whom the twentieth­

century poet Thomas Steams Eliot claimed he was descended). Castiglione’s The Book of
the Courtier, and a book called The Schoolemaster by Roger Ascham, tutor to Queen

Elizabeth L All of these works, in different ways, exhibit a vivid confidence in the power

and possibility of human learning. The trope of educational reform is used as a way both
to hand down the received tradition and to rethink it. Young Gargantua, having fallen

initially into the wrong hands, must be rescued from a rigid but perfunctory scholastic

education. What we might call the “progressive” aspect of Rabelais’s humanistic

educational prescriptions is taken up again by Montaigne, in his chapter “Of the

10

�•1

Education of Children,” and we can thence trace its effects all the way to Rousseau, to
Dewey, and to our own curriculum.

It’s always hard to tell when Rabelais is being sincere, or what he really cares
about; but I want to claim that the right kind of education is very close to his heart. He
himself had made the wrong move of entering the Franciscan order in his youth. Not

only did the austerity of the corded Friars disagree with him, but at this time and place, at

least, they were actively hostile to the new learning and the Greek and Latin texts that
conveyed it. It was not necessarily safe to be a Humanist in early sixteenth century

France—several of the greatest scholars fell victim to the Inquisition. After Erasmus

published a commentary on the Greek New Testament, the priestly scholars of the
Sorbonne caused a law to be passed forbidding the teaching of the Greek language
anywhere in France. Rabelais was later able to disengage himself from the Franciscans

and throw in with the Benedictines, who were more tolerant of his intellectual
adventurousness, up to a point. Even so, he seems to have drifted away from the Church
more and more, as he found powerful patrons and won the favor of the King himself. He

took all knowledge for his province, even the carnal kind: In middle age he studied and
practiced medicine—a more earthy and secular occupation—and he seems to have
fathered several illegitimate children.

This may be as good a time as any to address the issue of Rabelais’ obscenity.
The story of the search for the perfect ass-wipe may have caught your attention, or the

somewhat raunchy names of several of the enumerated games. Rabelais sometime seems
to exhibit an inexhaustible, childish joy in the portrayal of the sheerly physical—
interestingly, at least as often in excretion as in sexuality. I have observed that for some

�* k

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readers of his books, scatology and other kinds of explicitness can be a significant
stumbling block. Isn’t he being merely nasty—^rubbing our noses in it, as it were? I’m

not sure that I can undertake a full-scale defense of Rabelais on this score, and as an

aficionado of scatological humor. I’m not even sure that I want to. But here are a few
observations: Rabelais’ world is a comic world, a carnival world, as his great modem
critic Mikhail Bakhtin has shown. Carnival, etymologically, means “farewell to flesh”—

not only to meat-eating, at the beginning of Lent, but to many other kinds of fleshly
activity; and we value more that which we must forsake. The carnival world is

characterized by inversion—the rule is misrule. Kings are reduced to beggars, and

beggars are temporarily crowned king. This comic world is also a comic-book world,
crude and exaggerated. Whatever truth it has is true only in context, and by a kind of
necessary contrast with its opposite. I think that Rabelais would have heartily approved

of a children’s book published in 1993, whose title was an incontrovertible truism:
- Everyone Poops. On its first appearance the book aroused a firestorm of protest: Yes,

everyone does, but what is the point of dwelling on it? Rabelais might answer this way:

The point is to elicit that very response. If you are among the dainty-minded, perhaps
you need to examine your own motives for seeking to deny your own physicality. It is
not a particularly safe thing to do; the physical world has its way of taking its revenge on

those who deny its importance. In this way as in so many others, Rabelais is a

provocateur. One of the games that the book Gargantua plays with its readers is to make
them self-conscious about their responses to it.

Another physicality much celebrated by Rabelais is the heroically excessive
consumption of alcohol. Notionally at least, wine is a venue for the intersection of the

w

12

�physical and the spiritual—not only a sacrament but a source of wisdom. Early on in the
Gargantua, just before the birth of the hero, a whole chapter is devoted to phrases used

by drinkers to urge each on; Frame translates its title as “The Palaver of the Potted.”
There is also, throughout the Chronicles, a lot of very enthusiastic eating, overeating,
farting, and belching, as well as much talk about sexuality (though very little of it

actually happens within the story). In short, one of the master images of the Chronicles

is physical metabolism. I want to claim that Rabelais uses it partly as a metaphor for
cognitive activity: intellectual intake, processing and output, learning, reading,
interpreting, writing. I have used the word “omnivorous” in describing his zest for
learning; that such a usage is still common—we devour books and drink in learning—

shows that the metaphor is not strange to us. The chronic allusiveness of Rabelais’

book—^perhaps exceeding even that of Montaigne—shows his intellectual metabolism at
work, processing what he reads. It is an ancient trope, reaching back at least to Plato, to

refer to one’s own books as “children,” attempts to perpetuate oneself in a bid for a
qualified kind of immortality. But we might think of a book as a less glorious kind of
bodily product: Montaigne ironically refers to his chapters as “excrements” (111.9, “Of
Vanity,” near the beginning). Perhaps the scatology of Rabelais is playing a similar game

with us. Even excrement has its uses after all, not only for catharsis but as a means to

future fertility.
We can see the metaphors of eating and drinking in the Author’s Prologue to
Book I, which I have distributed to you as a handout. [The text is appended.] I want to

spend a little time on this Prologue, which seems to me to anticipate many of the themes

of the whole work. The speaker is presumably M. Alcofidbas Nasier, Abstractor of the

13

�•“

“ '

'J

■A

Quintessence, the anagranunatic pseudonym Rabelais used for the first two books of his
Chronicles. In reading Rabelais, as in reading Chaucer, Cervantes and many other

storytellers, we must be wary of identifying the persona of the narrator with the actual

author. He addresses us at the outset as “Most illustrious topers” and “most precious

poxies.” We are “topers,” drinkers, consumers both literally— since he later urges us to

read with the book in one hand and the bottle in the other—and metaphorically,
according to the metaphor of metabolism. We are “poxies” perhaps because of the
book’s occult curative powers. (The prologue to Book 4 will spell out this metaphor
more fully; we remember that Rabelais was in fact a physician.) Despite this earthy

beginning, the first paragraph plunges immediately into an ostentatious classical
allusion—^appropriately, to Plato’s Symposium, where there is truth in wine, and where
the highest things may be talked of in the midst of pleasure and laughter. But as we will

see, the Prologue, like the rest of the book, will continue to employ allusions to Plato and
other classical authors, in ways that will turn to be more and more suspect. In the same
way that Socrates resembled a Silenus, so too does Rabelais’ book: grotesque and
misshapen on the outside, but containing within itself divine and precious wisdom. The

“outside” is identified in the third paragraph with the title, by which the book should not
be judged. The juxtaposition of lofty learning and earthy physicality is perfectly summed

up by such titles as On the dignity ofcodpieces and On peas with bacon cum commento.
(Both titles appear again in Rabelais’ work, the first in Chapter 8 of Book I and the
second in Book II, in a long list of the titles of the books supposedly in the theological

Library of St. Victor in Paris [11.7]. A few—but only a few—of the other titles in the list
refer to actual works.)

W

14

�The word/flesh duality of the titles corresponds to the two possibilities the

Prologue discusses: If the story the narrator is about to tell has a higher, spiritual
significance—like the allegorical meanings some readers found not only in Scripture but
in Plato, Homer and Ovid as well—then patience and leamedness are needed to extract it;

we must bum the midnight oil, as it were, puzzling it out. But if it does not point beyond
itself to some precious marrow of meaning contained within, we can simply enjoy it as

itself, as a fiction, an ephemeral entertainment. The description of Socrates by Alcibiades

seems to privilege the claim of a higher significance; we should disregard the rough and
grotesque exterior of the Silenus-like Socrates in order to view the valuable content
inside.

The reference to the Republic in the third paragraph is more equivocal. In Plato’s

version, Socrates’ characterization of the dog as a philosopher is already a joke, but at

least it refers to the socially useful function of the dog. In performing his assigned task of

guarding the house, he barks at those visitors he does not recognize, thus proving that all
dogs by nature desire to know. Rabelais’ dog, however, shows his philosophic nature in

performing a merely appetitive, private, metabolic function. And after all the labor of
breaking the marrow bone, the speaker of the prologue asks us, “What is the hope of his

endeavor? What good does he aspire to? Nothing more than a little marrow.” It sounds
here as if our expectations, and those of the dog, have been frustrated. The forbidding

exterior of the bone did not hold the golden images of the gods after all. But wait—there
is another inside to the marrow, even after its extraction from the bone. It may not look
like much, but it is exceptionally delicious. And if we are willing to wade through two

formidable passages in Galen—sort of an intellectual version of the bone’s tough

15

�exterior—we discover that marrow is the most nutritious food in nature. But it is still
food for the body, not the soul. Ironically, the image of the philosopher-dog offers only a
a fleshly reward.

Paragraph 5, however, gives us the allegorical significance lurking behind the
literary image of the marrow, that is, “abstruse doctrine,” “lofty sacraments and horrific
mysteries.” In passing we get a brief allusion to yet another Platonic dialogue, this time

the Meno, in the phrase, “in the certain hope of being made more astute and brave by the

said reading.” “Certain hope” in itself sounds a bit conflicted. We remember that at
Meno 86B, Socrates does not confidently assert that we will be made better, braver and

less useless by actually searching for what we do not know; but he will fight, in word and

deed, to defend the claim that we will be made braver and better by supposing ft is

necessary to search. The process of reading “these exquisite books” may be more openended than we hoped; perhaps we should not have expected that “abstruse doctrine” and

“horrific mysteries” would offer us any closure or enlightenment. But are they even there
to be found? In the very next paragraph, the prologue veers back in the opposite direction
with no explanation or excuse: “Do you believe in all good faith that Homer.. .ever

thought of all the allegories with which he has been calked...? .. .If you believe it, you

come nowhere near my opinion by either hand or foot...” What happened to the marrow

we were meant to search for inside the bone? “These were as little thought of by Homer
as were the sacraments of the Gospel by Ovid.” It seems that Homer’s precedent, not

Plato’s, will now be decisive for the speaker of the Prologue. The beginning of
paragraph 7 manages to confuse us completely: “If you don’t believe that, on what

grounds will you not do so with these merry new chronicles, although, while dictating

16

�them, I had no more thought of it than you..If you don’t believe what? Aren’t there
too many negatives in this sentence? And even if the author had no deep meaning in

mind, are we thereby absolved of the need to look for one? Do wine and oil never miy?
Paragraphs 7-9 seem to dismiss the possibility of a higher spiritual sense. But in
Paragraph 10 we get yet another reversal:

Demosthenes was reproached by one sourpuss claiming that
his orations smelled like the clean up rag of a filthy dirty
oil-seller. Therefore interpret all my deed and words in the
most perfect sense; hold in reverence the cheese-shaped
brain that is stuffingyou with these fine idiocies, and, as
best you can, always keep merry.

“The most perfect sense” reminds us of the “perfection” of the marrow in
Paragraph 4. Surely “perfection” must imply greater refinement or a higher degree of

spirituality? But here we seem to be told not to look beyond the merry surface, on

penalty of being pretentiously learned, like Demosthenes. Wine, not oil, was expended in
this work’s composition. The book is no longer like a Silenus whose inside belies its
outside. The frolicsome title is a true indicator of the content; the robe does make the

monk. But the injunction to “interpret all my words and deeds in the most perfect sense”

still sounds like a plea for a reading that, as St.Augustine would say, furthers the reign of
charity. Once again, at the prologue’s end, how we are to interpret what we read is made

both a theme and a problem.

Has the Prologue in any way settled the question of how we are to read the book?

I claim that it has raised the question and left it open. Phony, ostentatious learning is
lampooned in this passage, but true and fully assimilated learning is needful in order to

read it at all. In appearing—at least at the Prologue’s end—to disclaim any deep

17

�It

« «

intention for his book, may Rabelais not be practicing a little reverse psychology?
“Don’t put beans in your ears.” “Don’t look for deep significance in my story.” Or in

Mark Twain’s words:
Persons attempting to find a motive in this narrative will be
prosecuted; persons attempting to find a moral in it will be
banished; persons attempting to find a plot in it will be shot.

It’s appropriate that I quote from Huckleberry Finn, because it, like Tom Jones, Don
Quixote and Gargantua (a book which I believe Fielding, Twain and Cervantes all knew

and loved), certainly does have a motive, a moral and a plot. One of the motives of all

four books is to make us more self-conscious about how we read, and how we interpret
what we read. The theme of interpretation is always cropping up in Rabelais’ work. In
Gargantua, we see it again almost immediately after the Author’s Prologue. In Chapter

1, we are told that the genealogical records of Gargantua were unearthed in a farmer’s
field, in a “huge, stout, big, gray, pretty little moldy book smelling more but not better

than roses,” which the narrator was able to decipher by “practicing the art by which one

can read invisible letters, as Aristotle teaches.” In addition to the genealogies, the
volume contained a treatise entitled “The Antidoted Friggleffaggles,” a long poem in
ottava rima, with many initial letters of lines omitted, as if the rats had nibbled at the

manuscript. The poem is, so far as I or any commentator I know of can tell, entirely

gibberish. What is the purpose of its inclusion? Who knows? Perhaps to make us
laugh, at others who might think it means anything or at ourselves once we realize it

doesn’t. Perhaps to knock us off kilter right away, to destabilize the reader.
There is a similarly long and portentous poem at the end of Book I, symmetrically
framing the Gargantua by imposing another interpretive task on the reader. The Chapter

(number 58) is entitled “A Prophetic Riddle.” It is not quite the same as the
18

�“Frigglefraggles,” however. Here we are given what sounds like an apocalyptic

annunciation of the dire torments that the round earth will suffer at the end of days, to try
the faith of the true Christian elect—^including deluges of waters, violent blows to the
globe itself, and the darkening of Heaven’s light. At the poem’s conclusion, Gargantua

and Friar John have a brief exchange on the meaning of the poem. Gargantua claims that
it is all about “the continuance and upholding of divine truth.” The monk, however, gives

a contrary interpretation: The poem is about a tennis match: the deluge of waters is the

perspiration of the players as they inflict blows on the round globe, the tenms ball.
Heaven’s light is darkened at the end of the day, when the game is suspended by the
coming of evening. The first book leaves us exactly there, and we are not told which is
the “true” interpretation. What would it mean for either reading to be “true”? Would

Rabelais’ book be better if he privileged one reading over another, the sacred reading
over the earthy, trivial one, or the other way around?

I want to adduce one more example of the way Rabelais continually makes
interpretation both a theme and a problem. Chapter 38 of the Gargantua was particularly

loved by Brother Robert Smith, who taught me how to begin to read this crazy book. It
recounts how, during the Picrocholine War, six pilgrims are frightened by the battle and

take refuge in a garden, hiding “between the cabbages and the lettuce.” Gargantua
arrives with his army; and feeling in need of refreshment, the young giant goes into the

garden and takes greens to make himself a salad. The hapless pilgrims are carried off in

his hands, deluged when he washes the greens, and swallowed whole, like the prophet

Jonah. But they manage to find safety in the recesses of Gargantua’s teeth and avoid
being washed down by an enormous draft of pinot noir. Prodding his gums with their

19

�staffs, they cause him to dislodge them and spit them out; they then endure several other

tribulations, including near drowning by another of Gargantua’s ruinous urinations and

being caught in a wolf net. Once they finally escape, the six pilgrims reflect on their
experience and find that all their torments had been predicted, point by point, in Psalm
124, which they proceed to quote in the Vulgate version and gloss from one phrase to

another.

Here the “text” to be interpreted is the pilgrims’ physical experience, and the
interpretation is furnished by another text, that is, the Holy Scriptures. But in order to
find clarification, the pilgrims must be willing to read the psalm in a certain way. Should

it matter to them, or to us, that the psalm seems to speak of the experience, not of these

six pilgrims but of the children of Israel? Does one interpretation exclude another?
There is a longstanding hermeneutic tradition that the Bible can have different meanings

on different levels. As the old rhyme puts it,
Littera gesta docet;
Quid credos allegoria;
Moralis quidagas;
Quo tendas anagogia.

In translation: The literal sense teaches deeds, the allegorical sense teaches what to

believe, the moral sense teaches how to act, and the anagogical sense teaches where we
are tending toward. This fourfold tradition, grounded in the interpretive practices of St.
Paul and St. Augustine, among others, allows us to take episodes in the Hebrew

scriptures as both historically true and prophetically referring to episodes in Christ’s life,

while simultaneously applying to our own moral lives. A whole system of Biblical

typology emerges: For example, when Moses strikes the rock with his staff and brings

20

�X

forth water, he foreshadows the piercing of Christ’s side by the spear, bringing forth life­
giving blood. Things can both be themselves and simultaneously symbolize other things.

Clearly this possibility of multivalent meanings is the basis for using scriptures as a kind

of fortune-telling tool, as Augustine does at the climax of his conversion narrative in the
Confessions. We might ask ourselves if it is also the basis of our taking any book

seriously and appropriating it for our own purposes.
If the pilgrims’ interpretive method has such a distinguished and sacred history,

how can we cope with Rabelais’ Chapter 38, which appears to ridicule it? The pilgrims
are miniaturized in a way that might seem to belittle them intellectually; but to

themselves, they are foil-sized, their tribulations are genuinely terrifying and their

deliverance is genuinely miraculous. They are the normal-sized humans; their stature, we
have to admit, is the same as our own. Nonetheless, we are invited to look at them
through the eyes of a giant, and the portrayal gives them a charming daintiness, a bit like

Gulliver’s Lilliputians, but presented far more sympathetically. It is instructive generally
to compare Swift’s use of scale with that of Rabelais. Swift’s portrayal of both the tiny

people of Lilliput and the giants of Brobdingnag maintains a very consistent and precise

set of ratios in comparing each race to Lemuel Gulliver. Though the reader’s eye may be
directed to see in different ways, no character changes size. The giants of Rabelais, on

the other hand, seem to have a bewildering mutability, as if the author felt free to change
the scale at will and without announcement. Compare the episode of the pilgrims in the

salad with another near the end of Book 2. Here, in Chapter 32 (p. 238), the narrator
claims to have climbed into the mouth of Pantagruel, whom we might expect to be of

roughly the same size as his father Gargantua. Inside his mouth, the narrator finds a

21

�whole new world, with its own sun and moon, and with such large cities as Larynx and
Pharynx, mountain ranges, meadows, fields, country villas, tennis courts, and so forth.
He enjoys himself so much that he stays inside there for four months.

This episode is brilliantly analyzed by Erich Auerbach in one chapter of his great
critical work Mimesis. I cannot do justice here either to the complexity of the episode or
to Auerbach’s treatment of it; I only want to use it to illustrate the way the physical
stature of the giants is subject to continual revision. Clearly, Pantagruel in this chapter is
far bigger than Gargantua in the chapter of the pilgrims in the salad. Both, however, are
far bigger than the Gargantua who seems to be able to associate on equal terms with

normal-sized human beings like Friar John, or the Pantagruel who sails in a normal-sized
ship in Books 4 and 5. It cannot be the case that the size of Gargantua is simply

irrelevant; so much is made of his gigantism that we are positively invited to wonder how
big he is, and what his size represents. But once again, we are given no stable and

comforting viewpoint from which to look at him. At one moment a giant can be a whole
parallel universe, and we are left wondering if we as humans are microcosms, containing
multitudes and mirroring all possible outer experience within ourselves. At the next

moment, the same giant is only slightly larger than ourselves. Size itself becomes
another treacherous signifier. If indeed it points beyond itself, we might expect to find

moral or intellectual greatness in Grandgousier, in Gargantua or Pantagruel; and indeed,
sometimes they behave with admirable piety and magnanimity. But then there are the
other, more disquieting episodes. Changing scale is another game that Rabelais’s book

plays with the reader.

22

�It should be clear why Rabelais is now fashionable again, among the post-modem

theorists of textuality, to use their trendy word. The stories of Gargantua and Pantagruel

continually call attention to themselves as texts, in need of interpretation. Even the
choice not to interpret, to read only for amusement or for escape, is itself an

interpretation. The interpretive choices we make tell us as much about ourselves as about
the book we are reading. The wildly various history of the interpretation of Rabelais’

own book would delight him, I think. Early in the twentieth century he was being hailed
as a precursor of the Enlightenment, frankly pagan, at best a Deist, an apostle of Reason.

Later in the twentieth century it was claimed that he was a reforming evangelist and a

crypto-Protestant —even though he was roundly vilified by his archenemy, John Calvin.
Later still, he was seen as a man of his own time, a sincere (if somewhat anticlerical)

Catholic. His book is put in the tradition of late medieval folk literature and then
characterized as a severely classical epic, an imitation of the Aeneid, or an oddly
prescient anticipation of modernism, a grotesque experiment whose style was taken up by

Sterne, Joyce and Nabokov. Sometimes he is funny or ribald, at other times pious and
sincere, sometimes genuinely and deeply learned, at other times dry and almost
unreadable in his mockery of false or pretentious learning.

Which Rabelais is ours? We are free to choose. The problem of interpretation

becomes, for Rabelais, another occasion for the reader to affirm his human freedom by
exercising it. The intent of the Chronicles is made explicit near the end of Book V, in a

passage I especially want to claim as genuinely Rabelaisian. In response to the puzzling

Oracle of the Bottle, the priestess Bacbuc tells Panurge and his fiiends, “You yourselves
be the interpreters of your own undertaking”(y.45, p.710). In the same way, the

23

�Protestant reformers of the Church claimed the right to interpret the Scriptures

themselves, guided by the spirit. But the necessity and the difficulty of interpretation are

inescapable, whether the text is Scripture or a very secular fiction like Gargantua, or
even the text of Nature itself.

The great image of freedom at the end of Gargantua is the Abbey of Theleme
(from the Greek Gekripa, “will” or “free will”), with its motto FAYCE QUE VOULDRAS,

“DO WHAT THOU WILT” (1.57, p.l26). The Abbey, which Gargantua builds to reward
the trusty Friar John, stands monastic discipline on its head. It is a haven, without walls,
for beautiful and noble young men and women, who are free to leave at any time. While

they are there, they are not governed by vows of chastity, poverty, and obedience—^rather
they are free to marry, they are to “be rich and to live at liberty.” They are not governed

by hours or clocks or bells, but by their own pleasure and good sense. True worship

consists not of slavish adherence to an externally imposed regimen, but in liberal and
generous living, taking pleasure in God’s gifts. Human fallenness can be redressed, and

the goodness of human nature can be restored, through the right application of reason and
the right kind of education; as Virgil says to Dante at the top of Mt. Purgatory,

“Henceforward take thy pleasure for thy guide” {Purg. XXVII. 131).

The power of the closing image of the Abbey, whose way of life is lovingly
described for six chapters, is then qualified in the first book’s last chapter. I have already
described the “prophetic riddle” which can be read either as a terrifying description of the

persecution of the elect or as a description of a tennis match. The riddle is actually found

on a bronze plate, at the foundations of the Abbey of Theleme. If the Abbey stands for

our interpretive freedom, there seems to be a problem or an enigma at the very basis of

�that freedom itself. The solution of the enigma is dichotomized by Gargantua and Friar
John into two possibilities, one serious and one playful. There is also a playfulness in the

interplay of the two possibilities, one of which is literally a game, a game of tennis.

It was not an accident that I began with a list of Gargantua’s games. Game and
play are central to Rabelais because it is his free playfulness as a wnter that opens a space

for our free interpretation. In making our own hermeneutic choices, we are obliged to
become more self-conscious about the activity of reading. The playfulness of the text

also keeps us off-balance, and therefore alert, as we continually adjust to the changes of

tone, of narrative mode, of allegorical level. We must remain nimble; as soon as we
lapse into any interpretive routine, the book forces us to revaluate what we thought was
the right way of reading. As readers, we are invited to play the narrator’s game; but

every game has rules, and part of this game is to figure out, at any given moment, which

game we are playing and what its rules might be.
“Seriousness” is a hallowed word for us at this college; we consider it a term of
highest praise, and justly so. But playfulness is not inevitably opposed to seriousness.

The seemingly paradoxical Latin phrase serio ludere, “To play seriously,” exemplifies an
ideal of Renaissance thought that has not lost its value. For Nicholas of Cusa, for

Marsilio Ficino and the Neoplatonists, for the Humanists More and Erasmus (one of
whose disciples was Rabelais), the highest seriousness could be attained only through

playfulness. Perhaps the irony of Socrates is another example. Rabelais teaches us
always to be learning, but to wear our learning lightly and with laughter, so that we can

learn better. All work and no play makes Johnnie a dull student. The playfulness of

25

�Rabelais often seems to be anarchic, grotesque and bewildering; but bewilderment may

be a cousin of the wonder in which philosophy begins.

26

�Author’s Prologue [to Book I, Gargantua]

[1] Most illustrious topers, and you, most precious poxies—for to you, not to others,
my writings are dedicated—Alcibiades, in Plato’s dialogue entitled The Symposium,
praising his master Socrates, incontrovertibly the prince of philosophers, among other
things says he is like the Sileni. Sileni were in olden times little boxes, such as we see
nowadays in apothecaries’ shops, painted on the outside with merry frivolous pictures,
such as harpies, satyrs, bridled goslings, saddled ducks, flying goats, harnessed stags, and
other such paintmgs imagined at will to set everyone laughing (such was Silenus, master
of good old Bacchus); but inside they preserved fine drugs such as balm, amergis,
amomum, musk, civet, precious stones, and other valuables.
[2]
Such he said was Socrates, because, seeing him from the outside and estimating
him by his external appearance, you wouldn’t have given a shred of an onion peel for
him, so ugly in body was he and ridiculous in bearing, pointed nose, glance like a bull’s,
face of a madman, simple in maimers, rustic in clothing, poor in fortune, unlucky in
women, inept for all offices of the commonwealth, always gibbering, always dissembling
his divine learning, but, on opening the box, you would have found inside a heavenly
drug beyond price: superhuman understanding, wondrous virtue, invincible courage,
matchless sobriety, certain contentment, perfect assurance, incredible disesteem for
everything on account of which humans so lie awake, run, labor, sail, and fight.
[3]
To what purpose, you may well ask, does this prelude and essay point? It’s
inasmuch as you, my good disciples, and few other unoccupied madmen, reading the
merry titles of certain books of our creating, such as Gargantua, Pantagruel, Tosspint,
On the dignity of codpieces. On peas 'with bacon cum commento, etc., too easily judge
that inside there is nothing treated but mockeries, tomfooleries, and merry falsehoods,
seeing that the outward sign (that is the title) is commonly received without further
inquiry as derision and jest. But it is not fitting to assess the works of humans so lightly,
for you say yourselves that the robe does not make the monk, and a man may wear a
Spanish cape who in courage has no relation to Spain. That is why you must open the
book and carefully consider what is expounded in it. Then you will recognize that the
drug contained inside is of quite other value than the box promised, that is to say that the
matters here treated are not so foolish as the title above claimed.
[4]
And, even in case in the literal sense you find these matters rather jolly and
corresponding to the name, you should not stop there, as the Sirens’ song, but interpret in
a higher sense what peradventure you thought was said casually. Did you ever pick a
lock and swipe some bottles? Son of a bitch! Call back to memory the way you looked.
Did you ever see a dog coming upon some marrow bone? That is, as Plato says. Book 2
of The Republic, the most philosophic animal in the world. If seen one you have, you
were able to note with what devotion he watches it, with what care he guards it, with
what fervor he holds it, with what prudence he starts on it, with what affection he breaks
it, with what diligence he sucks it. What leads him to do this? What is the hope of his
endeavor? What good does he aspire to? Nothing more than a little marrow. True it is
that this little is more delicious than the much of all the others, because marrow is the
food elaborated to perfection by nature, as Galen says, iij Facu. natural., and xj De usu
parti.

[5]
After this example it behooves you to be wise enough to sniff out and assess these
exquisite books, to be light footed in pursuit and bold in the encounter; then by careful
reading and frequent meditation, break the bone and suck out the substantific marrow—
that is to say what I mean by these Pythagorean symbols, in the certain hope of being

�made more astute and brave by the said reading; for in this you will find quite a different
taste and more abstruse doctrine, which will reveal to you some very lofty sacraments
and horrific mysteries, concerning both our political state and our domestic life.
[6]
Do you believe in all good faith that Homer, writing the Iliad and Odyssey, ever
thought of all the allegories with which he has been calked by Plutarch, Heraclides
Ponticus, Eustathius, Comutus, and what Poliziano stole from them?
[7]
If you believe it, you come nowhere near my opinion by either hand or foot,
which affirms that these were as little thought of by Homer as were the sacraments of the
Gospel by Ovid in his Metamorphoses, as a certain Friar Booby, a real bacon-snatcher,
has tried to demonstrate, on the chance that he might meet up with folk as crazy as he,
and, as the proverb says, a cover worthy of the pot.
[8]
If you don’t believe that, on what grounds will you not do so with these merry
new chronicles, although, while dictating them I had no more thought of it than you, who
peradventure were drinking as I was? For in the composition of this lordly book, I
neither wasted nor ever employed any more or other time than that which was established
for taking my bodily refection, that is to say eating and drinking. And indeed that is the
right time for writing these lofty matters and this profound knowledge, as Homer well
knew how to do, the paragon of all philologists, and Ennius, father of the Latin poets, as
Horace testifies, although one boor said that his songs smelled more of wine than of oil!
[9]
One no-good says as much of my books; but shit on him! The fragrance of wine,
how much more appetizing, laughing, inviting, heavenly, and delicious it is than that of
oil! And I shall glory as much in people’s saying about me that I have spent more on
wine than on oil as Demosthenes did when they said of him that he spent more on oil than
on wine. To me it is due honor and glory to be called and reputed a good fellow and jolly
companion, and in that name I am welcome in all good companies of Pantagruelists.
10]
Demosthenes was reproached by one sourpuss claiming that his orations smelled
like the clean up rag of a filthy dirty oil-seller. Therefore interpret all my deeds and
words in the most perfect sense; hold in reverence the cheese-shaped brain that is stuffing
you with these fine idiocies, and, as best you can, always keep merry.
[11]

So now rejoice, my loves, and merrily read the rest, all for
the ease of your body and advantage of your
kidneys! But listen, you donkeypricks
(may boils and blains rack you!),
remember to drink to me
in return, and I’ll
drink to you all
on the spot.

(translated by Donald Frame; paragraph numbers have been added.)

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                  <text>Items in this collection are part of a series of lectures given every year at St. John's College. During the Fall and Spring semesters, lectures are given on Friday nights. Items include audio and video recordings and typescripts.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;For more information, and a schedule of upcoming lectures, please visit the &lt;strong&gt;&lt;a href="http://www.sjc.edu/programs-and-events/annapolis/formal-lecture-series/" target="_blank" rel="noreferrer noopener"&gt;St. John's College website&lt;/a&gt;&lt;/strong&gt;.  &lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;Click on &lt;strong&gt;&lt;a title="Formal Lecture Series" href="https://digitalarchives.sjc.edu/items/browse?collection=5&amp;amp;sort_field=Dublin+Core%2CDate&amp;amp;sort_dir=d"&gt;Items in the St. John's College Formal Lecture Series—Annapolis Collection&lt;/a&gt;&lt;/strong&gt; to view and sort all items in the collection.&lt;br /&gt;&lt;br /&gt;A growing number of lecture recordings are also available on the St. John's College (Annapolis) Lectures podcast. Visit &lt;a href="https://podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast/st-johns-college-annapolis-lectures/id1695157772"&gt;Apple Podcasts&lt;/a&gt; or &lt;a href="https://open.spotify.com/show/6GDsIRqC8SWZ28AY72BsYM?si=f2ecfa9e247a456f" title="Spotify"&gt;Spotify&lt;/a&gt; to listen and subscribe.</text>
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