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                    <text>Black, Machiavelli on Human Nature, Page 1

“Everyone Sees How You Appear; Few Touch What You Are”:
Machiavelli on Human Nature

How do the writings of Niccolò Machiavelli appear to us today? There is no small risk
that, whenever we crack the spines of The Prince or the Discourses on Livy, we will find these
books to be boring. Full of historical details, full of admittedly colorful and even shocking
anecdotes, they nonetheless appear to teach us only what we already know: the maxims of
amoral, or immoral, prudence, that ‘the end justifies the means,’ or that ‘might makes right.’ To
say that we already know such things does not mean that we believe them, of course. Perhaps in
extreme circumstances, with lives at stake, we might grant that it is necessary to be
Machiavellian; but who really expects to find himself in extreme circumstances? Most of the
time, among family, friends, and fellow citizens, we try to be good, to do what is right. We
might grant, while smothering a yawn, that we sometimes need to be Machiavellians. But we
would not say that we are Machiavellians.
And yet Machiavelli’s books are not just full of striking maxims about how we should
live, like “men should either be caressed or eliminated” [P 3:10].1 They are also full of striking
claims about how we do live, claims that Machiavelli offers in support of these maxims. “[M]en
should either be caressed or eliminated, because they avenge themselves for slight offenses but
cannot do so for grave ones” [P 3:10] – because, that is, only death can stop a human being from
seeking revenge, even for a slight injury. Behind or beneath the Machiavellian maxims about
how we should live, there appears to be a Machiavellian account of how we do live – an account
of what human beings are, an account of human nature. Could this account be true? And if we
find it to be so, are we compelled to be, not just rainy day Machiavellians, but Machiavellians

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through and through? These questions, it seems to me, run a lesser risk of being boring.
Tonight I will sketch this Machiavellian account of human nature, chiefly as it is found in
The Prince, but with some reference to the Discourses on Livy. In concentrating on these two
books, I will be following Machiavelli’s advice, at least to some extent. In the Dedicatory Letter
of The Prince, he suggests that it contains all that he has learned and understood; while in the
Dedicatory Letter of the Discourses he writes that it contains as much as he knows and has
learned [P DL:3-4; D DL:3; compare TM, 17]. Either book on its own would presumably suffice
for the experienced student of Machiavelli. But for relative beginners like ourselves, it is helpful
to have the same matter given two different forms. What I hope to show by this sketch is that we
underestimate Machiavelli if we consider him simply as a teacher of amoral or immoral practices
that we can take or leave as we conduct our lives. To the extent that Machiavelli’s account of
human nature is shared by his successors, Hobbes, Locke, Montesquieu, and Rousseau – to
whose thought we trace our political institutions and our understanding of ourselves – we may be
forced to acknowledge his account of human nature as our own. It may turn out that deep down,
where it counts, we are Machiavellians, even though we do not appear to be so, even to
ourselves.
This lecture will have three parts. In the first, I will offer the desire to acquire as the
main element of human nature as Machiavelli depicts it, and show how in a political setting this
desire ramifies into two humors, that of the great and that of the people. In the second I will
sketch goodness as the excellence of the popular humor and virtue as the excellence of the humor
of the great, and I will connect Machiavelli’s distinction between goodness and virtue to the
famous ‘turn’ in Chapter Fifteen of The Prince from the imagination of a thing to its effectual
truth [P 15:51]. In the final part I will suggest that Machiavelli’s view of human nature points to

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a science of human nature without a distinctively human element – what Machiavelli calls a
“science of sites” – and I will raise some difficulties with this science, difficulties that originate
in Machiavelli’s own writings.

I
Readers who leaf through the pages of The Prince or the Discourses in search of the
phrase ‘human nature’ are bound, at first, to be disappointed. As far as I can tell, Machiavelli
never uses the phrase in either work. Mentions of nature, by contrast, are easy to find. In The
Prince, for example, Machiavelli writes of the natures of nonliving things, like sites, mountains,
low places, rivers, and marshes [P DL:4, 14:59]. He writes of the natures of living things, like
beasts, foxes, and lions [P 18:69, 70; 19:78]. He writes of the natures of particular human
beings, alone or in groups, like peoples, governments, ministers, emperors, princes, and cautious
men [P DL:4; 6:24; 4:18; 7:30; 17:68; 19:76; 23:95; 25:99, 100]. He even writes of nature in
general as something that contains things [P 7:26], and that causes particular men to incline in a
certain way [P 25:100].2 But each time he writes about nature, Machiavelli sidesteps the phrase
‘human nature.’ He is willing to write as if particular beings have natures, he is willing to
include particular human beings among these beings, and he is willing to imply that all beings
fall within nature in some general sense; but nature in each of these cases is subhuman or
superhuman – that is, not specifically human. The closest Machiavelli comes to writing about
human nature in The Prince is a single claim he makes about the “nature of men” – that they are
“obligated as much by benefits they give as by benefits they receive” [P 10:44]. Even there, he
does not dignify the nature of men with the specific adjective ‘human.’
Nonetheless, there are plenty of hints in The Prince that Machiavelli thinks that human

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beings do have a nature, if only in the sense of an abiding character. Early in the work, for
example, he considers “a natural difficulty” and “another natural and ordinary necessity” that
confront a new prince: that “men willingly change their masters in the belief that they will fare
better,” but that “one must always offend those over whom he becomes a new prince” [P 3:8].3
In the immediate sequel Machiavelli treats these natural necessities that follow from the
character of men as “universal causes” [P 3:9],4 and suggests that they contribute to an
apparently permanent “order of things” [P 3:11] that endures despite the changes brought by
time [P 3:13; 10:44].5 Later in The Prince he invokes “human conditions” in much the same
way, to explain why a prince cannot have, nor wholly observe, all of the qualities that are held
good [P 15:62]. The conditions in question can be summarized in a single phrase: men are
wicked unless necessity makes them good.6 As with the other natural necessities felt by a new
prince, Machiavelli implies that these conditions will never change, as long as there are human
beings. If they did change, his description of the situation of the new prince, and of the political
situation more generally, would cease to be true.
Similar claims about the abiding character of human beings can be found in the
Discourses, in a somewhat more explicit form. In that work Machiavelli warns early on against
the error of thinking that men, among other things, have “varied in motion, order, and power
from what they were in antiquity” [D I.P.2:6]. To the contrary, “[w]hoever considers present and
ancient things easily knows that in all cities and in all peoples there are the same desires and the
same humors, and there always have been” [D I.39.1:83].7 Not just human beings but human
things have a permanent character: they “are always in motion, either they ascend or they
descend” [D II.P.2:123]. Perhaps as a result, the world has a permanent character too: “I judge
the world always to have been in the same mode,” Machiavelli writes, “and there to have been as

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much good as wicked in it” [D II.P.2:124]. He even flirts, indirectly, with the idea that the world
is eternal. “To those philosophers who would have it that the world is eternal,” he writes, “I
believe that one could reply that if so much antiquity were true it would be reasonable that there
be memory of more than five thousand years – if it were not seen how the memories of times are
eliminated by diverse causes, of which part come from men, part from heaven” [D II.5.1:138139]. It is reasonable, then, that there be no memory of more than five thousand years, even if
the world is eternal. So is the world eternal? However this may be, Machiavelli regards the
world as lasting enough that he can claim that human things have an abiding character. “It has
always been, and will always be,” he announces, “that great and rare men are neglected in a
republic in peaceful times” [D III.16.1:254]. Men “have and always had the same passions, and
they must of necessity result in the same effect” [D III.43.1:302]. If it were to turn out that the
abiding character of human beings included an element specific to human beings, an element that
was a cause or principle of human motion and rest, then despite his avoidance of the term,
Machiavelli could be said to have an account of a specifically human nature.
The best candidate for such an element, in The Prince and the Discourses, is the desire to
acquire. In The Prince this desire sets the tone for the whole book. Machiavelli mentions it in
the first sentence of the Dedicatory Letter, writing “[i]t is customary most of the time for those
who desire to acquire favor with a Prince to come to meet him with things that they care most for
among their own or with things that they see please him most” [P DL:3]. In the particular form
of the desire to acquire a principality, this desire dictates the concerns of the first half of the
work, and is mentioned in three of the first fourteen chapter titles;8 while the second half, which
examines “what the modes and government of a prince should be with subjects and with friends”
[P 15:61], can be understood as containing advice about how to keep an acquisition. But when

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Machiavelli formulates this desire as a principle, he writes, “truly it is a very natural and ordinary
thing to desire to acquire” [P 3:14], without saying for whom, or for what, this is very natural
and ordinary. He does continue, in the immediate sequel, “and when men do it who can, they
will be praised or not blamed; but when they cannot, and want to do it anyway, here lie the error
and the blame” [P 3:14-15], but this amounts to saying that praise and blame are specifically
human, not that the desire to acquire is.9 In the Discourses Machiavelli elaborates: “nature has
created men so that they are able to desire everything and are unable to attain everything” [D
I.37.1:78]. As a result, “human appetites are insatiable, for since from nature they have the
ability and the wish to desire all things and from fortune the ability to achieve few of them, there
continually results from this a discontent in human minds and a disgust with the things they
possess” [D II.P.3:125]. While Machiavelli says that the insatiable appetites and the discontent
and disgust that they produce are specifically human, they are also effects of a cause that is not
specifically human: nature in general.
Not only does Machiavelli fail to insist that the desire to acquire is specifically human; he
also fails to assign the desire a specific end. In The Prince and the Discourses he depicts human
beings who desire to acquire material things like cities and provinces, states and kingdoms,
friends and partisans, and spiritual things like reputation, glory, and knowledge. But he never
argues that these are the proper objects of the desire to acquire. Instead, he asserts in the
Discourses, “each willingly multiplies that thing and seeks to acquire those goods he believes he
can enjoy once acquired” [D II.2.3:132; compare II.4.2:137]. The desire to acquire can have
anything as its object, then, so long as the one who acquires it believes he will enjoy it. But the
omnivorousness of the desire points again to its insatiability. Since the object of the desire is
nothing in particular, but rather acquisition for the sake of enjoying possession, and since

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possession inspires only disgust and discontentment, the acquiring being goes from expecting
future enjoyment to feeling present dissatisfaction, and the desire to acquire must seek a new
object. Machiavelli is right, then, to call this desire a desire to acquire, since it aims at no object
in particular, but rather at acquisition, which is to say the feeling of acquisition, in general.
Human beings feel discontent and disgust with what they have; they enjoy only when they feel
that what they have is increasing.10 The desire to acquire thus resembles a drive to grow, since
its end is an increase in one’s own, without any intrinsic concern about whether one’s own is also
good.11
Understood in this way, the desire to acquire has both external and internal consequences.
Externally, this desire drives isolated human beings to acquire without limit and without
exclusion – in the Discourses Machiavelli mentions that it is even possible to “acquire the
world” [D I.20.1:54]. It follows from this that isolated human beings are almost entirely
formless.12 Perhaps this is one reason for Machiavelli’s practice of using “matter” as a term for
the human beings who are potential subjects of a prince [P 6:23; 26:102, 104]. But in a political
setting, when human beings live together, their desires to acquire interfere with one another, and
form arises. In The Prince, Machiavelli proclaims that in every city and every principality, “two
diverse humors are found” [P 9:39; compare 19:7613]: the people and the great. These humors
are defined by their characteristic appetites: “the people desire neither to be commanded nor
oppressed by the great, and the great desire to command and oppress the people” [P 9:39].14 In
the Discourses, Machiavelli calls these humors the nobles and the ignobles, and writes,
“[w]ithout doubt, if one considers the end of the nobles and of the ignobles, one will see great
desire to dominate in the former, and in the latter only desire not to be dominated; and in
consequence, a greater will to live free, being less able to hope to usurp it” – that is, to usurp

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freedom – “than are the great” [D I.5.2:18].15
Lest we think that Machiavelli means that the people or the ignobles do not desire to
acquire, and that his two humors are therefore different natures,16 rather than ramifications of the
desire to acquire, Machiavelli points in the Discourses to their common source. Having just
characterized the difference between the nobles and the ignobles, he restates it paragraphs later
as the difference between “those who desire to acquire” and “those who fear to lose what they
have acquired,” and then explains that tumults are most frequently generated by those who
possess, because “the fear of losing generates in [them] the same wishes that are in those who
desire to acquire; for it does not appear to men that they possess securely what a man has unless
he acquires something else new” [D I.5.4:19].17 Machiavelli thereby blurs the difference
between the people and the great: fearing to lose has the same effects as desiring to acquire.
Later in the Discourses he makes much the same point, insisting that the difference between a
prince’s and a people’s way of proceeding “arises not from a diverse nature – because it is in one
mode in all” [D I.58.3:117], and that the popular desire for freedom is an effect of the desire to
acquire [D II.2.1:129].18 If these assertions are not enough, Machiavelli also tells a characteristic
story in the Discourses about Clearchus, the tyrant of Heraclea, who, finding himself caught
“between the insolence of the aristocrats… and the rage of the people,” “decided to free himself
at one stroke from the vexation of the great and to win over the people to himself.” By having
all the aristocrats cut to pieces, “he satisfied one of the wishes that peoples have – that is, to be
avenged. But as to the other popular desire,” Machiavelli continues, “to recover freedom, since
the prince cannot satisfy it, he should examine what causes are those that make [peoples] desire
to be free. He will find that a small part of them desires to be free so as to command, but all the
others, who are infinite, desire freedom so as to live secure” [D I.16.5:46]. Even if the humor of

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the great is eliminated from a city or a principality, the remaining popular humor reforms itself
into two humors: the people, and the great.
These Machiavellian indications that the humors of the people and the great are
ramifications of the more fundamental desire to acquire also indicate that it is political life that
chiefly causes these ramifications. In isolation the desire to acquire knows only the feelings of
pleasurable increase or disgusting stasis; the desire to oppress, on the one hand, and the fear of
oppression on the other arise only in the political encounter with other more or less powerful
desires to acquire. Machiavelli acknowledges this in his brief account of the origins of political
life in the Discourses. “[S]ince the inhabitants were sparse in the beginning of the world,” he
writes, “they lived dispersed for a time like beasts; then, as generations multiplied, they gathered
together, and to be able to defend themselves better, they began to look to whoever among them
was more robust and of greater heart, and they made him a head, as it were, and obeyed him” [D
I.2.3:11].19 Thus arose the universal political struggle between the two humors, in which the
great give reputation to one of their number “so that they can satisfy their appetite under his
shadow,” while the people give reputation to one of the great “so as to be defended with his
authority” [P 9:39].20
The desire to acquire also has internal consequences: namely, the ramification of the
present into the past and the future. Like any desire, the desire to acquire involves opposing a
painful, factual present to a pleasant, counterfactual future. A being animated by such a desire
must be able to distinguish what it actually possesses from what it might possess, in order to
direct itself away from the former and toward the latter. So a being who desires to acquire, in
particular, must have memory, a continuing sense of its possessions, and foresight, a sense of
what its possessions might become. In the healthy case, its memory will be the basis of its

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dissatisfaction with the present, and its foresight, the basis of its hope for the future. As
Machiavelli puts it in the Discourses, the insatiability of human appetites makes men “blame the
present times, praise the past, and desire the future, even if they are not moved to do this by any
reasonable cause” [D II.P.3:125].
It is the people or the ignobles in particular who blame the present and praise the past,
since their knowledge of the past is less accurate than their knowledge of the present, and past
things in general are neither feared nor envied [D II.P.1:123]. Moreover, memory supports the
popular form of the desire to acquire – the fear of loss – by preserving an inaccurate but
venerable past, and arguing that excellence consists in this preservation [D I.10.2:31]. Memory
encourages men to honor the past and obey the present, and thereby discourages conspiracies [D
III.6.1:218]. And when it involves fearsome events, memory can bring a state back to its
beginnings, and so preserve it [D III.1.3:211]. Perhaps unsurprisingly, memory is therefore also
an obstacle to the great or the nobles’ desire to acquire, especially when acquisition brings
innovation [P 2:7, 4:19, 5:21]. It is the first concern of new sects to eliminate the memory of
their predecessors, for example [D II.5.1:139]. But memory can also serve the foresight of the
great: if it helps to maintain a nation in the same customs for a long time, it makes it easy for
human beings to know future things by past ones [D III.43.1:302; compare I.39.1:83-84].21
Since the future is on this account the realm of hoped-for acquisition by the great, or
feared loss by the people, while the present is the realm of real possession, whether unsatisfying
to the great or satisfying to the people, the ramification of the present into the past and the future
is also a differentiation between the factual and counterfactual worlds, or between the real and
the imaginary. Taken together, the humors of the people and the great and the ramification of
the present into the past and the future explain the typical progressivism of the great, who want

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to live in the future that their desire to acquire foresees, and the typical conservatism of the
people, who want to remain free of this future.22 Taken together, these forms of the desire to
acquire explain why each of Machiavelli’s humors has its corresponding understanding of human
excellence.

II
So far we have considered the desire to acquire as the core of human nature, according to
Machiavelli. We have also sketched the chief implications of this desire, showing how in
political settings it issues in a progressive great and a conservative people. Each of these
humors, it turns out, also has a characteristic understanding of human excellence: for the people
excellence is goodness, and for the great, excellence is virtue [D I.17.1-3:47-48; compare MV,
24-25]. We will discover, as we try next to fill in the content of goodness and virtue according
to Machiavelli, that the difference between goodness and virtue is also connected to his famous
distinction, made in The Prince, between the “effectual truth” and “imagined republics and
principalities” [P 15:61].
Perhaps because of its focus on the perspective of the great, goodness is only mentioned
twice in The Prince, both times in an ironic and disparaging way. Having begun his
consideration of ecclesiastical principalities with the claim that they are maintained without
virtue or fortune, Machiavelli concludes with the pious hope that “with his goodness and infinite
other virtues” Pope Leo X will make the pontificate “very great and venerable” [P 11:47]. In a
likeminded remark later in the book, during his survey of the fates of the Roman emperors,
Machiavelli notes that Emperor Alexander was of such goodness that he never made use of
summary execution. But he was also held to be effeminate, for which he was despised,

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conspired against, and assassinated [P 19:77]. These examples distinguish goodness from virtue,
and can hardly be said to recommend goodness to a prince. In the Discourses, by contrast, there
is a fuller and less dismissive discussion of goodness. Machiavelli claims that it is the
characteristic excellence of peoples, as opposed to princes, writing that if the glories and the
disorders of princes be reviewed, “the people will be seen to be by far superior in goodness and
glory.” Princes, he explains, are superior to peoples in ordering, but peoples are superior to
princes in maintaining the things ordered – which is why they attain the glory of those who order
[D I.58.3:118]. Despite having characteristically retracted half of his praise of peoples,
Machiavelli leaves them with their superiority in goodness.
This excellence consists, then, in maintaining what is ordered at the founding of a sect, a
republic, or a kingdom, and promulgated by education [D III.1.2:209; III.30.1:280]: namely, the
laws, which are maintained by being obeyed by the people. Both peoples and princes show
goodness when they obey, and so are restrained by, the laws [D I.58.2:116; compare
III.24.1:270, III.46.1:307]. Indeed, early in the Discourses Machiavelli asserts, “the knowledge
of things honest and good” first arose out of the people’s obedience to the great. “[S]eeing that if
one individual hurt his benefactor,” he explains,
hatred and compassion among men came from it, and as they blamed the
ungrateful and honored those who were grateful, and thought too that those same
injuries could be done to them, to escape like evil they were reduced to making
laws and ordering punishments for whoever acted against them: hence came the
knowledge of justice [D I.2.3:11-12].
Now because goodness consists chiefly in obedience to the laws, it is closely connected
to religion as the basis of the laws [D I.11.3:35; I.55.2:110, 111], and to conscience as their
internal enforcement [D I.27.1:62; I.55.2:110]. Through obedience to the laws, goodness
procures and defends freedom [D I.17.1:47], which as we have seen is the goal of the people’s
modified desire to acquire. Lest we think that goodness consists solely in obedience to the laws,

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Machiavelli mentions one example that “shows how much goodness and how much religion”
were in the Roman people. When the Senate issued an unpopular edict that required the plebs to
sacrifice to Apollo a tenth of the booty taken in a recent victory, “the plebs thought not of
defrauding the edict in any part by giving less than it owed, but of freeing itself from it by
showing open indignation” [D I.55.1:110]. Goodness consists chiefly in obedience to the laws,
but perhaps more importantly, in the refusal to use fraud even when one disobeys. It is almost
the same thing as honesty.
Machiavelli signals, in several places, that the opposite of goodness is corruption [D
I.17.1:47; I.55.1:110; III.1.2:209; III.30.1:280]. But there is reason to think that a more
thoroughgoing opposite to this excellence of the people is the excellence of the great, virtue.
This is not just because, as we have seen, Machiavelli is contemptuous of goodness in his book
on princes, nor just because the superiority of princes to peoples in ordering means that they
must destroy a prior order that others are trying to maintain. It is not just because virtue is
inimical to goodness. Rather, it is because goodness can also be inimical to virtue. We see how
so in one of the examples Machiavelli gives to illustrate the goodness of the matter and the
orders of Rome: that of Manlius Capitolinus, who found no one to support his rebellion against
the Senate and laws, and was condemned by the Roman people to death. “I do not believe that
there is an example in this history more apt to show the goodness of all the orders of that
republic than this,” Machiavelli concludes, “seeing that no one in that city moved to defend a
citizen full of every virtue, who publicly and privately had performed very many praiseworthy
works” [D III.8.1:238].23
In contrast to his account of goodness, Machiavelli’s account of virtue is developed more
fully in The Prince, and in particular in the book’s second half, Chapters Fifteen and following,

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where he turns to consider “what the modes and government of a prince should be with subjects
and with friends” [P 15:61]. This statement of what remains of his project implies that the first
half of the book considered what the modes and government of a prince should be with
foreigners and with enemies; and when we see that the explicit subject of the first half of The
Prince is “How Many Are the Kinds of Principalities and in What Modes They Are Acquired”
[P 1.T:5] – that is acquisition – this implication is confirmed. We seem to be on a firm
Machiavellian footing: with foreigners and enemies the prince follows the desire to acquire,
while with subjects and friends he practices virtue. The generality of Machiavelli’s opening
statement on virtue might therefore come as a surprise. “A man who wants to make a profession
of good in all regards must come to ruin among so many who are not good,” he writes. “Hence it
is necessary to a prince, if he wants to maintain himself, to learn to be able not to be good, and to
use this and not use it according to necessity” [P 15:61]. Necessity, and not the difference
between friend and enemy, or subject and foreigner, determines whether the prince should be
good or wicked. The “so many who are not good” include friend and foe alike. To be able to act
as necessity demands, we will learn, is virtue.
Machiavelli connects his new account of virtue to his famous move from the imagination
of a thing to its effectual truth, or from how one should live to how one lives [P 15:61]. Before
considering this connection, though, let’s follow his development of this account of virtue in the
chapter of The Prince devoted to whether a prince should be honest. Since combat with laws –
what we might call the combat of the good – is often not enough, one must have recourse to
combat with arms: so “it is necessary for a prince to know well how to use the beast and the
man” [P 18:69]. The ancients understood this necessity, and communicated it by depicting the
centaur Chiron as the teacher of Achilles. “To have as a teacher a half-beast, half-man,”

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Machiavelli writes, “means nothing other than that a prince needs to know how to use both
natures” [P 18.69]. We have mentioned that Machiavelli is willing to say that there is a nature of
princes [P ED:4]: this nature now seems to be something more comprehensive than the nature of
a man or the nature of a beast, if it is capable of using, or imitating [P 19:78], both of these
natures. “Thus, since a prince is compelled of necessity to know well how to use the beast,”
Machiavelli continues, “he should pick the fox and the lion, because the lion does not defend
itself from snares and the fox does not defend itself from wolves. So one needs to be a fox to
recognize snares and a lion to frighten the wolves” [P 18:69]. Each animal, then, has a single
defect that is remedied by the other: the fox’s astuteness remedies the lion’s gullibility, while the
lion’s fierceness remedies the fox’s contemptibility [compare P 19:79].
But if each of the two bestial natures that the prince should use has a single defect that is
remedied by the other, what use does the prince have for the other component of the centaur: the
nature of a man? Machiavelli has implied that this nature is needed for combat with laws, since
this is “proper to man” [P 18:69]; but we would be forgiven for doubting him, since he has also
claimed, six chapters earlier, that good arms are the necessary and sufficient condition of good
laws [P 12:48]. We might begin to suspect that combat with arms is also sufficient, and that the
prince who knows well how to use the nature of the fox and the lion has no need of the nature of
man in addition – that he could be entirely inhuman, all beast. But Machiavelli has more to say.
“[I]f all men were good, this teaching would not be good,” – if all men were honest, that is, there
would be no snares, and it would suffice for a prince to be a lion – “but because they are wicked
and do not observe faith with you, you also do not have to observe it with them” [P 18:69].
There are infinite modern examples, he claims, in which “the one who has known best how to
use the fox has come out best,” because a faithless prince has ensnared the gullible. “But it is

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necessary,” Machiavelli continues, “to know well how to color this nature, and to be a great
pretender and dissembler; and men are so simple and so obedient to present necessities that he
who deceives will always find someone who will let himself be deceived” [P 18:70]. The nature
of the fox needs to be colored because its astuteness is limited to recognizing snares, as opposed
to setting them. There is a use for the nature of man after all: it equips an otherwise brutish
virtue with the specifically human ability to lie.
In restating his conclusion, Machiavelli makes it clear that his discussion of “In What
Mode Faith Should Be Kept by Princes” [P 18.T:68] is really a discussion of his account of all
virtue, which is to say a discussion “Of Those Things for Which Men And Especially Princes
Are Praised or Blamed” [P 15.T:61], or a discussion of human excellence in general. “[I]t is not
necessary,” he writes, “for a prince to have all the above-mentioned qualities [the traditional
virtues and vices] in fact, but it is indeed necessary to appear to have them” [P 18:70; compare
15:62]. Lest we infer that it is necessary to have some of these qualities, he then sharpens his
restatement: since “by having them and always observing them, they are harmful; and by
appearing to have them, they are useful,” it is necessary to “remain with a spirit built [edificato]
so that, if you need not to be those things, you are able and know how to change to the contrary”
[P 18:70]. To use a nature, or to imitate a nature, turns out to mean not to have but to appear to
have that nature. But to appear to have a nature one does not have is to lie. So the specifically
human ability to lie seems sufficient to generate the appearance of, and therefore sufficient to
make use of, all the other natures a virtuous prince might need.
This reading is supported by the discussion of Severus in the next chapter of The Prince.
Since Severus was a new prince whose actions were great and notable, Machiavelli wants “to
show briefly how well he knew to use the persons of the fox and the lion, whose natures I say

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above are necessary for a prince to imitate” [P 19:78]. These natures are now persons, things
that can be impersonated. “[W]hoever examines minutely the actions of this man will find him a
very fierce lion and a very astute fox” [P 19:79], Machiavelli continues, again omitting to
mention the person or nature of a man. But it turns out that being like Severus is not sufficient
for the best kind of prince: “a new prince in a new principality… should take from Severus those
parts which are necessary to found his state and from Marcus [Aurelius] those which are fitting
and glorious to conserve a state that is already established and firm” [P 19:82]. Since we know
from the Discourses that those parts are called goodness, we might conclude that this is the use
of the nature of a man. But Marcus was an enemy of cruelty [P 19:76], whereas Severus was
very cruel [P 19:78], so the new prince who combines their parts will be neither, though he will
know how to appear to be both. In other words, the virtuous desire to acquire uses the
specifically human ability to lie to impersonate a man, just as much as to impersonate a lion or a
fox.
Understood in this way, the nature of the prince is something built, rather than something
grown. But this is also true of the nature of peoples. Recall Machiavelli’s practice of referring
to the people as “matter” to be formed by the prince [P 6:23; 26:102, 104], and his claims that
knowledge of goodness arises from obedient gratitude to the great, and knowledge of justice
from laws to protect against ingratitude [D I.2.3:11-12]. If the excellence of the people is
goodness, the maintenance of orders founded by the great, then the nature of peoples is
something built by the great, just as the nature of the great is something built by the great
themselves. The great, we might say, and especially the prince, give form both to their own
formless desire to acquire, and to that of the human beings around them. And they are guided in
this formation by necessity.

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Machiavelli means this foundation on necessity to justify his claim in The Prince that by
departing from the orders of others in his discussion of virtue and goodness, and focusing on “the
effectual truth of the thing” rather than on the imagination of it, he is writing something “useful
to whoever understands it” [P 15:61]. Imaginary republics like Plato’s and imaginary
principalities like Christ’s, which “have never been seen or known to exist in truth,” are used to
illustrate how one should live – that is, they are used to support goodness. Real republics and
principalities, by contrast, are used by Machiavelli to illustrate how one does live. That there is a
difference between how one should live and how one does live is a sign of the failure of the
imaginary realm to make human beings completely good, and a sign of the need to turn to the
real. “Hence it is necessary for a prince,” Machiavelli concludes, “if he wants to maintain
himself, to learn to be able not to be good, and to use this and not use it according to necessity”
[P 15:61].
So the virtuous live in the realm of the real, according to Machiavelli, while the good live
for the most part in the realm of the imaginary, or the counterfactual. The virtuous live in the
present, which exists, while the good live mostly in the future, which does not. What is
surprising about this conclusion is that it exactly contraries the conclusion we came to in our
analysis of the desire to acquire, which had the humor of the people seeking to maintain present
possessions, and the humor of the great hoping for future acquisitions. In other words, each
humor of human nature, each way that the desire to acquire expresses itself in a political setting,
must need the native realm of the other. The good people need an imaginary future because their
desire to acquire, frustrated by the competing desires of the great, is limited in the real world to a
hope for maintenance; only in another world, or in a city in speech, can they hope to avenge their
subordination and become great. The virtuous great, by contrast, need the present because their

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practice of lying – that is, their construction of imaginary worlds – for the sake of future
acquisition needs to be informed by present necessities imposed by the people they are lying to;
in other words, they require goodness for their virtue to be effectual. The difference between
goodness and virtue, we could say, is the difference between an ignorant self-deception and a
knowing deception of others.

III
Having concluded our sketch of Machiavelli’s view of human nature, understood as the
desire to acquire, with its two humors and their corresponding excellences, we might begin to
wonder whether this view is true. This is too big a question to explore in the final part of this
lecture, though Machiavelli’s view does have the merit of explaining a common moral
phenomenon: the concern of those who are trying to be good, that they might be the dupes of
those who are not. Instead, this final part is devoted to a narrower, though related, question: does
Machiavelli think that his account of human nature is true?
Recall that in the fifteenth chapter of The Prince Machiavelli claims to turn from the
imagination of a thing to its effectual truth, and from how one should live to how one lives [P
15:61]. He makes these claims right after announcing his turn to “what the modes and
government of a prince should be with subjects and with friends” [P 15:61], and presumably
away from what his modes and government should be with foreigners and with enemies. The
first chapter of The Prince, by contrast, refers in its title to the modes in which principalities are
acquired [P I.T:5], and so announces the subject of the first part of the work. The suggestion in
both parts of The Prince, then, is that what human beings should do follows directly from what
they in fact do. What human beings in fact do provides the content of necessity, on the basis of

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which virtue acts. Moreover, Machiavelli’s distinctions between foreigners and subjects, or
between foes and friends, vanish from the perspective of necessity. The first part of The Prince
focuses on acquisition, and so on foreigners and foes, but it treats in the same spirit how
acquisitions are maintained, and so mentions subjects and friends [for example, P 7:29-30].
Similarly, the second part focuses on how the prince should treat subjects and friends, but the
virtues that Machiavelli discusses in this part are needed also for dealing with foreigners and foes
[for example, P 17:67-68]. Perhaps the clearest indication that these divisions vanish from the
perspective of necessity is the title of the fifteenth chapter of The Prince, “Of Those Things for
Which Men and Especially Princes Are Praised or Blamed” [P 15.T:61]. Attentive readers will
remember that Machiavelli has already, much earlier in the work, said what these things are:
“truly it is a very natural and ordinary thing to desire to acquire, and when men do it who can,
they will be praised or not blamed; but when they cannot, and want to do it anyway, here lie the
error and the blame” [P 3:14-15]. The difference between the first and the second parts of The
Prince is the difference between what human beings do to acquire, and what they ought to do.
The first part of the work is chiefly descriptive, the second chiefly hortatory; and Machiavelli’s
exhortation is based on his description: men should learn not to be good – that is, to be virtuous –
because men are not good – that is, they are corrupt. In other words, Machiavelli’s exhortation
to virtue requires two things to be true: that men are corrupt, and that there is a difference
between corruption and virtue. Let’s look at each of these criteria in turn.
One objection to Machiavelli’s claim that men are corrupt is that this may accidentally be
so, but it is not so necessarily. As we have seen, human nature, according to Machiavelli,
consists of a matter that is not specifically human, the desire to acquire, that can be formed to
have specifically human excellences, goodness and virtue. In other words, human nature is

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malleable. (Moreover, Machiavelli is evasive about what is specifically human in goodness and
virtue: in The Prince, as we have seen, he guardedly identifies fraud, which uses or imitates
brutish natures, as specifically human; but since fraud merely serves the desire to acquire, it does
not serve a specifically human end.) In the Discourses Machiavelli makes this malleability more
explicit when commenting on Livy’s disparaging claim that the French begin battles as more
than men, but end them as less than women. “Thinking over whence this arises,” he writes, “it is
believed by many that their nature is made so, which I believe is true; but because of this it is not
that their nature, which makes them ferocious at the beginning, cannot be ordered with art, so
that it maintains them ferocious to the last” [D III.36.1:292]. To be precise, the nature of the
French makes them ferocious at the beginning of battles; it is the failure of this nature that makes
their ferocity lapse. This failure can be avoided, and their nature maintained, by the order
imparted by art. The Roman army, Machiavelli indicates later in the same chapter, exemplifies
such ordering. Nothing its soldiers did was not regulated: “they did not eat, they did not sleep,
they did not go whoring, they did not perform any action either military or domestic without the
order of the consul” [D III.36.2:292]. Not only can the difference between male and female be
maintained by art; art can also constrain the natural movements of growth and reproduction.
This artful ordering of nature produces the excellences that Machiavelli names goodness and
virtue.
But Machiavelli also admits in the Discourses that there are limits to what art can achieve
with its human material. He mentions two reasons why we are unable to change our natures as
necessity demands: “one, that we are unable to oppose that to which nature inclines us; the other,
that when one individual has prospered very much with one mode of proceeding, it is not
possible to persuade him that he can do well to proceed otherwise” [D III.9.3:240]. These

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reasons, which correspond to Machiavelli’s injunction in The Prince that one must both be able
to change one’s nature, and know how to do so [P 18:70], suggest that the limits to malleability
are imposed by the energy and the opinions of each human being.24 Since there will not always
be a human being available with the needed energy and opinions to do what necessity demands
in each case – and this is especially so if, as Machiavelli implies, success renders one’s opinions
inflexible – art will eventually fail to order nature, with a consequent failure of virtue and of the
goodness it orders. A permanently good human order, then, is not to be hoped for, despite the
malleability of human nature. Corruption is necessary, and so virtue is needed.
The requirement that virtue be different from corruption is trickier to establish. We have
seen that both of these forms of human nature are opposed to goodness; they differ because
virtue in departing from goodness looks to a different standard, necessity, whereas corruption in
departing from goodness does not. The difference between virtue and corruption depends, then,
on the existence of knowable necessities in human life. Now we have seen Machiavelli write as
though necessities are knowable by human beings; this is what he seems to mean when he urges
princes to “learn to be able not to be good, and to use this and not use it according to necessity”
[P 15:61].25 In other words, Machiavelli seems to think that there is a science of necessities. But
in The Prince and the Discourses taken together, Machiavelli mentions science only twice: both
times in a chapter late in the Discourses that asserts that a captain must be a knower of sites, or
of “the nature of countries” [D III.39.T:297; III.39.2:299]. The argument of this chapter closely
parallels that of a similar chapter in The Prince, titled “What a Prince Should Do Regarding the
Military” [P 14.T:58] – a chapter where, admittedly, science is not mentioned. In these two
places, Machiavelli advises that princes, captains, and the great should train in hunting, part of
the practical mode of the peaceful exercise of the art of war [P 14:59].26 Hunting yields

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particular knowledge of the country in which one trains. “First,” Machiavelli writes in The
Prince, “one learns to know one’s own country, and one can better understand its defense; then,
through the knowledge of and experience with those sites, one can comprehend with ease every
other site that it may be necessary to explore as new” [P 14:59]. Particular knowledge becomes
general knowledge, and defensive ability becomes offensive ability, because of a “certain
similarity” between the corresponding features in every country, “so that from the knowledge of
a site in one province one can easily come to the knowledge of others” [P 14:59].27 Machiavelli
makes sweeping claims for his science of sites. Not only is it necessary for a captain to have this
“general and particular knowledge” of “sites and countries” if he wants to work anything well [D
III.39.1:297-298], but it will allow a prince to know “all the chances that can occur to an army”
[P 14:60]. While Philopoemen, Machiavelli’s example of a possessor of this science, led his
army, “there could never arise any unforeseen event for which he did not have the remedy” [P
14:60]. As long as we have the energy to be able to act as necessity demands, the science of sites
guarantees that we will know how to do so.
We might grant Machiavelli’s claim that there are no supernatural kingdoms: that
because all countries are alike in nature, knowledge of one leads to knowledge of all. But why
does he think that a perfected science of sites allows a prince to overcome fortune? A sentence
from the Discourses is helpful here. “Whoever has this practice,” Machiavelli writes, “knows
with one glance of his eye how that plain lies, how that mountain rises, where this valley reaches,
and all other things of which he has in the past made a firm science” [D III.39.2.298]. This talk
of plains, mountains, and valleys should remind us of the comparison in the Dedicatory Letter of
The Prince, between the natures of peoples and of princes, on the one hand, and the natures of
mountains or high places and of low places, on the other [P DL:4]. By limiting his use of the

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word “science” in The Prince and the Discourses to the science of sites, Machiavelli indicates
that there is no science specific to human beings, nor even one specific to living beings. Human
nature and living nature are continuous with nonliving nature, and psychology is continuous with
geography – or better, with physics. The malleability of human nature, then, is great enough that
nonhuman and nonliving phenomena are imitable by human beings, but not so great that human
beings become incalculable as a result.28 Just as there are no superhuman kingdoms, there are no
supermen – though as we have seen there are centaurs.
This understanding of Machiavelli’s science of sites is puzzling, though, because it seems
to require a descriptive treatment of virtue, rather than the hortatory one that we find in the
second part of The Prince. If human beings are as determined and predictable as nonhuman
bodies, why not describe what they do, rather than fruitlessly exhorting them to behave otherwise
than they do? In particular, we would expect Machiavelli to insist that princes do learn to be
able not to be good, and to use it according to necessity, to the extent that they have the most
excellent form of the desire to acquire. Instead, as we have seen, he insists, “it is necessary for a
prince, if he wants to maintain himself, to learn to be able not to be good, and to use this and not
use it according to necessity” [P 15:61; emphasis added]. Now what sense does this condition,
“if he wants to maintain himself,” make in the light of Machiavelli’s claim that all human beings,
and the great above all, are driven by the desire to acquire? Since acquisition presupposes the
persistence of the acquiring being, how could a prince not want to maintain himself?29
In the chapter of The Prince devoted to conspiracies, Machiavelli admits that there exist
very rare human beings with “an obstinate spirit,” who do not care about death. A prince cannot
avoid death at the hands of such a conspirator, because “anyone who does not care about death
can harm him” [P 19:79]. Since the threat of death and the consequent loss of all one’s

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acquisitions – the threat of ruin, as Machiavelli puts it – is the paramount necessity faced by
human beings [for example, P 15:61], these very rare human beings apparently fall outside the
scope of this necessity, and therefore outside the scope of the science of sites.30 There is no
remedy available to princes for such unforeseen events. We might expect Machiavelli to try to
account for the existence of such human beings by tracing their obstinacy back to the desire to
acquire, saying, for example, that they do not care about death because they hope for an afterlife
in which they will be rewarded. But he does not do so; instead, he says only that they are
motivated by the desire to avenge a “grave injury” [P 19:79-80; see also D III.6.11:227] – a
desire that can be satisfied in this life, even if one does not long survive its satisfaction.
In the Discourses Machiavelli claims, “private men enter upon no enterprise more
dangerous or more bold” than a conspiracy against a prince [D III.6.1:218; see also III.6.4:223].
In The Prince, by contrast, he writes, “nothing is more difficult to handle, more doubtful of
success, nor more dangerous to manage, than to put oneself at the head of new orders” [P 6:23].
The obstinate spirit one needs to brave the greatest danger in a conspiracy is presumably also
needed to brave the greatest danger in founding something entirely new, for every new
foundation begins as a conspiracy against the old. We might wonder, then, whether this account
of human nature is adequate to explain the activity of the new prince, or even Machiavelli’s own
activity. Is Machiavelli himself motivated by the desire to acquire? We cannot seriously believe
that a virtuous possessor of the science of sites, for whom, as long as he is armed, no accident
can arise for which he does not have the remedy [P 14:60], could be compelled to endure a
“great and continuous malignity of fortune” [P DL:4]. Machiavelli does make it seem, at the
beginning of the Dedicatory Letter of The Prince, that he desires “to acquire favor with a Prince”
[P DL:3]; but in the Preface to the first book of the Discourses he claims instead that he has

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always had a “natural desire… to work, without any respect, for those things I believe will bring
common benefit to everyone” [D I.P.1:5].
These doubts about Machiavelli’s science of sites – that it ought to preclude the hortatory
character of the second part of The Prince, and that it cannot account for human beings who are
contemptuous of death – suggest that the account of human nature in The Prince and the
Discourses is partial, and that Machiavelli knows it.31 Through these works he means to shape
human nature, to the extent that it can be shaped, by an education that claims that human nature
is more malleable and more predictable than Machiavelli really thinks it is. For the sake of the
common benefit, he means to persuade the great to act as if they are acting only according to
necessity. This project would amount to nothing more than a curiosity in the history of political
thought were it not for its remarkable success. We are the indirect beneficiaries of Machiavelli’s
questionable attempt: we who believe that our natures are malleable, especially by technology;
we who believe in rights founded only on necessities; we who believe ourselves great because of
the dream of acquisition without limit; we who believe in progress, and in the necessity of a
better future; and we who believe ourselves to be the people whose acquisitions the laws of
nature and of nature’s God secure. Without attention to Machiavelli’s account of human nature
we run the risk of remaining the unconscious inheritors at third hand of a partial account, of a
project, posing as a science, to narrow human possibilities through education. We risk being
Machiavellians without knowing it. How is this to the common benefit of everyone?

Jeff J.S. Black
Annapolis, Maryland
20 June 2012

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Notes
1

References to The Prince and to the Discourses will be given in the text, in the forms [P Chapter:page] and [D
Book.chapter.paragraph:page], respectively. In these references, DL stands for dedicatory letter, P for preface, and
T for title. The editions used are Niccolò Machiavelli, The Prince. A New Translation with an Introduction, by
Harvey C. Mansfield, Jr. (Chicago and London: The University of Chicago Press, 1985), and Niccolò Machiavelli,
Discourses on Livy. Translated by Harvey C. Mansfield and Nathan Tarcov. (Chicago and London: The University
of Chicago Press, 1996). I also refer to Harvey C. Mansfield, Machiavelli's New Modes and Orders: A Study of the
Discourses on Livy. (Chicago and London: The University of Chicago Press, 2001) in the form [MNMO, page]; to
Harvey C. Mansfield, Machiavelli's Virtue. (Chicago and London: The University of Chicago Press, 1996) in the
form [MV, page]; and to Leo Strauss, Thoughts on Machiavelli. (Chicago and London: The University of Chicago
Press, 1958) in the form [TM, page].
2

In the former passage, Machiavelli writes, “states that come to be suddenly, like all other things in nature that are
born and grow quickly, cannot have roots and branches” [P 7:26], while in the latter he writes that a man cannot be
found who is so prudent to accommodate himself to changes in fortune, in part “because he cannot deviate from
what nature inclines him to” [P 25:100]. In two passages in the Discourses analogous to the latter passage in The
Prince, Machiavelli writes that we are unable to change in part because “we are unable to oppose that to which
nature inclines us” [D III.9.3:240], and “it is given by nature to men to take sides in any divided thing whatever, and
for this to please them more than that” [D III.27.3:275]. In these last three passages we might expect Machiavelli to
write “his nature” or “our nature,” but he does not. There is one passage in the Discourses where he refers to “the
wicked nature of men” [D III.29.1:277], but he makes the reference while quoting a view with which he does not
agree.
3

In nearby chapters at the beginning of The Prince, Machiavelli uses the phrases “natural prince” [P 2:7] and
“natural affection” [P 4:17] to refer to the prince who inherits a principality and the affection felt for him. The
natural and the ordinary are closely connected at this point in the work, and they both refer primarily to the sequence
of human generation. The new prince is opposed to the natural or ordinary prince in Machiavelli’s argument, and
the natural and ordinary is both an obstacle and an opportunity for him.

4

Machiavelli may mean to contrast these “universal causes” with the “superior causes” that he mentions in his
discussion of ecclesiastical principalities [P 11:45].

5

“[T]ime sweeps everything before it and can bring with it good as well as evil and evil as well as good” [P 3:13],
according to Machiavelli, and “worldly things are so variable that it is next to impossible for one to stand with his
armies idle in a siege for a year” [P 10:44]. There is another reference to an “order of things” much later in The
Prince: “in the order of things it is found that one never seeks to avoid one inconvenience without running into
another; but prudence consists in knowing how to recognize the qualities of inconveniences, and in picking the less
bad as good” [P 21:91].

6

“[O]ne can say this generally of men,” Machiavelli writes, “that they are ungrateful, fickle, pretenders and
dissemblers, evaders of danger, eager for gain. While you do them good, they are yours, offering you their blood,
property, lives, and children… when the need for them is far away; but, when it is close to you, they revolt” [P
17:66]. Having taught his reader later in The Prince that a prudent lord cannot observe faith, he continues, “if all
men were good, this teaching would not be good; but because they are wicked and do not observe faith with you,
you also do not have to observe it with them” [P 18:69]. Indeed, “men will always turn out bad for you unless they
have been made good by a necessity” [P 23:95]. Machiavelli’s other claims about the apparently abiding character
of men include, “men in general judge more by their eyes than by their hands, because seeing is given to everyone,
touching to a few” [P 18:71], and, “men are much more taken by present things than by past ones, and when they
find good in the present, they enjoy it and do not seek elsewhere” [P 24:96].
	&#13;  

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	&#13;  

7

Machiavelli repeats this claim much later in the Discourses, in a way that suggests an amendment. “Prudent men
are accustomed to say,” he writes, “and not by chance or without merit, that whoever wishes to see what has to be
considers what has been; for all worldly things in every time have their own counterpart in ancient times. That
arises because these are the work of men, who have and always had the same passions, and they must of necessity
result in the same effect” [D III.43.1:302]. What prudent men say by custom rather than by chance, and not without
merit, is then corrected by what Machiavelli says in the immediate sequel: that it is true that the works of men “are
more virtuous now in this province than in that, and in that more than in this, according to the form of education in
which those people have taken their mode of life” [D III.43.1:302]. Education can shape nature, such that “Men
Who Are Born in One Province Observe Almost the Same Nature for All Times” [D III.43.T:302; emphasis added].
Similarly, when investigating “Whence It Arises That One Family in One City Keeps the Same Customs for a Time”
[D III.46.T:306], Machiavelli argues that this “cannot arise solely from the bloodline, because that must vary
through the diversity of marriages, but it necessarily comes from the diverse education of one family from another”
[D III.46.1:306].
8

“How Many Are the Kinds of Principalities and in What Modes They Are Acquired” [P 1.T:5]; “Of New
Principalities That Are Acquired through One’s Own Arms and Virtue” [P 6.T:21]; “Of New Principalities That are
Acquired by Others’ Arms and Fortune” [P 7.T:25].

9

This suggests another reason why Chapter XV, titled “Of Those Things for Which Men And Especially Princes are
Praised or Blamed” [P 15.T:61] is also about acquisition.

10

The desire to acquire thus amounts to a desire for novelty. Later in the Discourses Machiavelli writes “men are
desirous of new things, so much that most often those who are well off desire newness as much as those who are
badly off. For, as was said another time [at D I.37.1:78], and it is true, men get bored with the good and grieve in
the ill” [D III.21.2:263].
11

And just as reproduction is growth by other means, so are one’s offspring and their acquisitions one’s own
acquisitions, by other means. Consider Machiavelli’s hints about how Alexander VI used Cesare Borgia [P 11:46].
Death is not simply a limit of the desire to acquire. But compare note 27, below.
Machiavelli does occasionally refer to a good that is the goal of acquisition. For example, in the
Discourses he writes,
[i]t appears that in the actions of men, as we have discoursed of another time [D I.6.3:21-22,
where he wrote of “inconveniences”], besides the other difficulties in wishing to bring a thing to
its perfection, one finds that close to the good there is always some evil that arises with that good
so easily that it appears impossible to be able to miss the one if one wishes for the other. One sees
this in all the things that men work on. So the good is acquired only with difficulty unless you are
aided by fortune, so that with its force it conquers this ordinary and natural inconvenience” [D
III.37.1:294].

But it is not clear that by “the good” here Machiavelli means anything other than any acquisition that can be felt and
so enjoyed.
Also, there are occasional hints in The Prince and the Discourses that some acquisitions can be harmful to
the body that acquires them. In The Prince Machiavelli first raises the possibility of such acquisitions when he tells
his reader that to keep an acquisition the prince must ensure that the acquired body becomes “one whole body” with
the acquiring body [P 3:9]. If the new acquisition instead remains disparate with respect to the prince’s other
possessions, then he runs the risk of losing it. A powerful foreigner can easily gain the lesser powers in a disparate
province, since the lesser powers, moved by their envy of their rulers, quickly and willingly make “one mass” with
the foreign invader [P 3:11]. A prince who rules a disparate state, and who fails to prevent powerful foreigners from
taking advantage of this disparity, will soon lose his new acquisition, and “while he holds it, [he] will have infinite
difficulties and vexations within it” [P 3:11]. So acquisitions can be harmful to the prince and his state as long as
they remain disparate with his other possessions; in general, Machiavelli claims, “the disparity in the subject”
explains why some conquerors hold their acquisitions while others lose them [P 4:19]. This disparity can be
eliminated, and the new acquisition made into one whole body with the acquiring state, by eliminating the new
acquisition’s memory of its previous way of life [P 4:19] – that is, by making the acquisition more complete.
	&#13;  

�Black, Machiavelli on Human Nature, Page 29
	&#13;  

Acquisition in Machiavelli’s account thus resembles nutrition, in that the acquired body must become like
the acquiring body before it can be good for the acquiring body. As long as an acquisition remains disparate, it
remains undigested, and a cause of “difficulties and vexations.” But it is not until he considers cities and
principalities that live under their own laws before they are acquired that Machiavelli suggests that some
acquisitions are by their nature indigestible. Considering the case of a city, he claims at first that “a city used to
living free may be held more easily by means of its own citizens than in any other mode, if one wants to preserve it
[P 5:20]. But Machiavelli soon admits that this is impossible: “in truth there is no secure mode to possess them
other than to ruin them” [P 5:20]. The acquisition of a free city is necessarily harmful: “whoever becomes patron of
a city accustomed to living free and does not destroy it, should expect to be destroyed by it” [P 5:20-21]. The
indigestibility of such a city results, as we might expect, from the persistence of the memory of its way of life,
despite length of time, benefits received, and anything short of destruction [P 5:21]. So the only secure way for a
prince to keep such an acquisition is to eliminate it, or to live in it – that is, rather than digesting it, to be digested by
it [P 5:21].
This marks the extent of Machiavelli’s admission in The Prince that some acquisitions are not good for the
acquiring body. In the Discourses he writes that “[t]he intention of whoever makes war through choice – or, in
truth, ambition – is to acquire and maintain the acquisition, and to proceed with it so that it enriches and does not
impoverish the country and his fatherland” [D II.6.1:140]. Machiavelli thereby admits that there can be acquisitions
that are not good. A later chapter title, “That Acquisition by Republics That Are Not Well Ordered and That Do Not
Proceed According to Roman Virtue Are for Their Ruin, Not Their Exaltation” [D II.19.T:172], suggests that virtue
might be the necessary and sufficient condition that makes acquisitions good, though Machiavelli ends the chapter
by suggesting that “acquiring was about to be pernicious for the Romans in the times when they proceeded with so
much prudence and so much virtue” [D II.19.2:175]. His most general remark about the goodness of acquisition in
the Discourses comes in a chapter whose title proclaims its concern in part with the causes that eliminate the
memories of things, where Machiavelli asserts in passing that “in simple bodies, when very much superfluous matter
has gathered together there, nature many times moves by itself and produces a purge that is the health of that body”
[D II.5.2:140]. But this remark about the goodness of acquisition, like the analogous discussion in The Prince,
reduces goodness to similarity to the acquiring body: that is, it reduces the good to what is one’s own. It does not
point to the an account in terms of a good that is independent of one’s own.
12

Almost, because the presence of other competing desires to acquire is likely not the only source of formative
effects on the desire to acquire. To the extent that circumstances resist acquisition – one is not strong enough, for
example, to climb the tree to reach the desired apple – the desire to acquire is also given form. But these formative
effects are presumably not as lasting as political ones. If they were, then our common experience of infantile
weakness would yield in everyone the humor of the people.
13

Here Machiavelli writes, “in other principalities” than the Roman empire, “one has to contend only with the
ambition of the great and the insolence of the people” [P 19:76]. In the Roman empire one had to contend as well
with the cruelty and avarice of the soldiers.
14

Later in the same chapter Machiavelli will reformulate this distinction, writing, “the great want to oppress and the
people want not to be oppressed” [P 9:39]. The disappearance of command from his formulation calls for an
explanation, and Machiavelli provides one in the sequel when he claims, “when a prince who founds on the people
knows how to command,” among other things, “he will see he has laid his foundations well” [P 9:41], since
“citizens and subjects” can become “accustomed to receive commands” [P 9:42]. Where oppression is concerned,
the great and the people have nothing in common; but they do have something in common where command that is
not oppressive is concerned. Command is thus the closest thing to a political solution to the existence of two
humors.
15

One difference between the perspectives of The Prince and the Discourses is signaled by Machiavelli’s different
description of the desires of the two humors in the two works. ‘Command and oppress’ in The Prince becomes
‘dominate’ in the Discourses. In the former work Machiavelli distinguishes between kinds of domination; in the
latter he does not.
16

	&#13;  

Mansfield writes that according to Machiavelli, morality

�Black, Machiavelli on Human Nature, Page 30
	&#13;  

is controlled by natural temperament, by the two humors that divide all mankind and underlie all
moral behavior and opinion. By speaking of humors Machiavelli indicates that they are not habits
of the mind nor mental in origin but prerational dispositions. Not being rational in nature, they
cannot be reconciled by speech or argument. These are two human types who do not understand
each other – the one preferring security and comfort, suspicious of anyone who desires more, the
other seeking risk and demanding honor, unbelieving that anyone could be satisfied with less [MV,
24].
17

Machiavelli’s sudden shift from the plural to the singular in the course of this passage is both striking and
puzzling. Could he mean to imply that men can be made to feel secure in their possession if only one man among
them – their prince, for example, who in a sense has what they have – acquires something new?
18

“It is an easy thing to know whence arises among peoples this affection for a free way of life for it is seen through
experience that cities have never expanded either in dominion or in riches if they have not been in freedom” [D
II.2.1:129]. Moreover, if a republic “will not molest others, it will be molested, and from being molested will arise
the wish and the necessity to acquire” [D II.19.1:173]. The desire to acquire is also an effect of the desire for
freedom.
19

There is a similar but less detailed account in the previous and first chapter of the Discourses. Since all cities are
either founded by natives or by foreigners, and all foreigners were natives elsewhere, then the original foundation of
cities
occurs when it does not appear, to inhabitants dispersed in many small parts, that they live
securely, since each part by itself, both because of the site and because of the small number,
cannot resist the thrust of whoever assaults it; and when the enemy comes, they do not have time
to unite for their defense. Or if they did, they would be required to leave many of their
strongholds abandoned; and so they would come at once to be the prey of their enemies. So to
flee these dangers, moved either by themselves or by someone among them of greater authority,
they are restrained to inhabit together a place elected by them, more advantageous to live in and
easier to defend [D I.1.1:7].

20

That the command of one of the great produces a political struggle between the two humors indicates that this
command is not a perfect solution to the existence of the two humors. This is partly because the great continue to
desire to acquire by oppressing the people. But it is also because the satisfaction of the people’s desire to be free of
oppression cannot amount to a satisfaction of their more fundamental desire to acquire. Even a free people is
compelled to recognize the superiority of the great, whose fundamental desire they share, and to see this superiority
as an obstacle to the satisfaction of their desire to acquire. The result is envy: the desire that the great be deprived of
their superiority. Machiavelli acknowledges this difficulty early in The Prince, when he considers the challenges a
prince faces in holding a recently-acquired province that is disparate from those he already holds. “[T]he order of
things is such that as soon as a powerful foreigner enters a province, all those in it who are less powerful adhere to
him, moved by the envy they have against whoever has held power over them” [P 3:11]. Even or especially
founders face envy [P 6:25], though Machiavelli conceals this difficulty in his concluding exhortation of a prince to
seize Italy and free her from the barbarians [P 26:105]. Since envy persists among the people even when they are
free from oppression by the great, and arises among the great when they elevate one of their number to command the
people, Machiavelli distinguishes envy from fear [P 7:31; D II.P.1:123] and elevates it to a characteristic of human
beings in the Discourses. “[T]he envious nature of men,” he writes there, “has always made it no less dangerous to
find new modes and orders than to seek unknown waters and lands, because men are more ready to blame than to
praise the actions of others” [D I.P.1:15]. The political solution to the existence of the two humors is not just
command, but hidden command.
21

According to Machiavelli, there may be airborne intelligences, by contrast, who foresee future things by “natural
virtue” [D I.56.1:114].

22

This is not to deny that the people, and especially an oppressed people, might long for a future in which they are
free from oppression. But such a future would require that the great be deprived of their superiority. The people are
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�Black, Machiavelli on Human Nature, Page 31
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typically conservative as long as they cannot imagine a satisfaction for their envy. In a chapter titled “The Multitude
is Wiser and More Constant than a Prince,” Machiavelli admits that under a corrupt prince the people fear the
present more than the future, while under a corrupt people they fear the future more than the present, because in the
future a tyrant might emerge [D I.58.4:119]. But the corrupt case is not the typical one. Similarly, circumstances
might require the great to fear the loss of their acquisitions, rather than to desire further acquisitions – for example,
when threatened by a superior desire to acquire. But this is also an atypical case for the great.
23

Manlius’ fate points to another of Machiavelli’s remarks about goodness. Later in the Discourses, in a chapter
partly titled “For One Citizen Who Wishes to Do Any Good Work in His Republic by His Authority, It Is Necessary
First to Eliminate Envy” [D III.30.T:278], Machiavelli suggests first that “virtue and goodness” can eliminate envy,
and then characteristically revises his claim by adding that “goodness is not enough” [D III.30.1:279, 280] –
implying that virtue, if not sufficient, is at least necessary.
24

Extraordinary energy is needed for a prince to avoid the dangers of either being loved or being feared, according
to the Discourses. “One cannot hold exactly to the middle way,” Machiavelli writes, for our nature does not consent
to it, but it is necessary to mitigate those things that exceed with an excessive virtue” [D III.21.3:263; compare
22.3:266]. Perhaps most difficult is the apparently miraculous feat of ordering virtue and goodness in the same
human being. In the same work Machiavelli praises
the generosity of spirit of those [Roman] citizens whom, when put in charge of an army, the
greatness of their spirit lifted above every prince. They did not esteem kings, or republics; nothing
terrified or frightened them. When they later returned to private status, they became frugal,
humble, careful of their small competencies, obedient to the magistrates, reverent to their
superiors, so that it appears impossible that one and the same spirit underwent such change [D
III.25.1:272].

25

In a later formulation, Machiavelli writes that the prince “needs to have a spirit disposed to change as the winds of
fortune and variations of things command him” [P 18:70].
26

The theoretical mode of the peaceful exercise of the art of war involves reading histories and imitating some
excellent man in the past [P 14:60]. The practical and theoretical modes of the peaceful exercise of the art of war,
added to the wartime exercise of this art, make up the whole art of war, which Machiavelli says should be the only
art of the prince, because many times it enables men to acquire states, and it helps them to maintain them [P 14:58].
Machiavelli wrote a book called The Art of War.
27

Machiavelli repeats this reasoning in the Discourses. “Once one individual has made himself very familiar with a
region, he then understands with ease all new countries; for every country and every member of the latter have some
conformity together, so that one passes easily from the knowledge of one to the knowledge of the other” [D
III.39.2:298]. Without this familiarization with one’s own country, one comes to know new countries either never,
or only after a long time and with difficulty.
28

As Mansfield puts it,
Machiavelli adumbrates the modern scientific understanding of nature that, with Bacon, abandons
natural beings and begins the search for natural laws, but he does no more than adumbrate. Since
he approaches the question of the nature of nature from the standpoint of what is good for human
beings, he remains faithful to the fact that in morals and politics, different natures appear distinct
to us, above all the difference between good and evil [MV, 21].

I mean here to fill out the content of Machiavelli’s adumbration with respect to human nature, and to point out the
resulting tension between his abandonment of natural beings and his fidelity to the natural difference between good
and evil. One sign of this tension is that while the science of sites seems to entail a mechanical or hydrodynamic
account in which lifeless nature is primary [see, for example, P 25:98-99], the examples that Machiavelli offers for
the excellent human being to imitate are chiefly living beings [compare P 25:100-101]. It is not clear whether the
living or the nonliving is the primary category for Machiavelli’s comprehensive science.
	&#13;  

�Black, Machiavelli on Human Nature, Page 32
	&#13;  

29

A reader who remembers the example of Pope Alexander VI from The Prince might object at this point that
Alexander hoped to continue acquiring after his death, using his son Cesare Borgia as “his instrument” [P 11:46].
But acquisitions made through one’s offspring can be lost to death just as well as one’s own acquisitions, as long as
one’s offspring are also mortal [P 7:31-32]. Also, it may necessarily be the case that a prince’s instruments are
always inferior to him; had he lived, Alexander VI might not have made the errors that Cesare Borgia made
[compare P 7:32-33 with 18:70]. Lastly, the pleasure of an predicted acquisition might necessarily be poorer than
the pleasure of a real acquisition, if one has doubts about the possibility of enjoying it.
30

We learn by Machiavelli’s treatment of the same episode in the Discourses that the centurion with the “obstinate
spirit” was not in fact the initiator of the successful conspiracy. Rather, he was the instrument of a prefect, who was
himself driven to conspire against his emperor by the necessity imposed by the prefect’s fear of death [D
III.6.11:227]. This elaboration does not detract from Machiavelli’s admission that some human beings cannot be
compelled by the threat of death, and so his admission that his science of sites is not comprehensive.
31

There are other details in The Prince that raise similar doubts about the science of sites. For example, Machiavelli
suggests that “obedience to present necessities” is what makes human beings vulnerable to being deceived [P
18:70]. He seems to mean not just that necessities can be manipulated [compare D III.12.1:247], since a human
being would be no less excellent were he to be responsive to artificial necessities as well as to natural ones, nor just
that necessities can be apparent rather than real, since a science of sites would distinguish only real necessities.
Instead, he seems to mean to qualify his claim that it is sufficient for virtue to orient itself by necessity. In the same
chapter Machiavelli also warns that “the vulgar are taken in by the appearance and the outcome of a thing”; and
there is a similar passage in the Discourses where he writes, “all men are blind in this, in judging good or bad
counsel by the end” [D III.35.2:291]. Again, if necessity were as knowable as Machiavelli elsewhere claims that it
is, judging by the end would not be an instance of blindness or gullibility.

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Mr. Black is a tutor at St. John's College, Annapolis. His talk is on exactly what constitutes human nature in the work of Machiavelli. In particular, he considers how this view has affected the way we see Machiavelli's works and what it has to teach us about his writings.</text>
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                    <text>The Very Pictures of Education: On Rousseau’s Illustrations in Emile

Do great books need pictures?
This question arises once we notice that some great books have pictures, while others do
not. Once printing began to spread through Europe, in the sixteenth century, great books began
to appear with engravings, called frontispieces, placed at their beginnings. Francis Bacon’s
Great Instauration (1620) [Slide 1],1 whose frontispiece depicts two ships passing beyond the
Pillars of Hercules – that is, the Strait of Gibraltar – in search of a new world; Thomas Hobbes’s
Leviathan (1651) [Slide 2], whose frontispiece depicts the incorporation of the body politic, the
sovereign, from the bodies of its subjects; and Giambattista Vico’s New Science (1725) [Slide 3],
whose frontispiece depicts a collection of objects of allegorical significance, meant to help the
reader’s memory of the idea of the work [NS 1]2 are three famous seventeenth and eighteenthcentury examples. But by the nineteenth century, the use of frontispieces seems to have ended,
although the technology needed to include them remained available. Some authors of great
books seem to have chosen not to include pictures, then, though it was possible for them to do
so.
This historical record tempts us to dismiss the use of pictures as a fashion in printing.
But our question – do great books need pictures? – recurs from another, more serious,
perspective. Ever since Plato’s Socrates raised, in the Phaedrus, the possibility that a piece of
writing could be composed according to “some necessity” that dictates the order of its parts and
their suitability “to each other and to the whole” [264b-c],3 we have been reminded to ask
whether the author of a great book can give an account of the reason for its parts, according to
this principle of logographic necessity. From the perspective of this principle, then, the

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difference between those authors who could have added pictures to their great books and did, and
those authors who could have but did not, looks like evidence not of a historical fad, but of a
disagreement over whether great books need pictures. This disagreement concerns us, as readers
of great books, not least because their contemporary publishers sometimes disagree with their
authors about the need for their pictures, and omit them from their editions, without notice.
Tonight I mean to consider Jean-Jacques Rousseau’s answer to this question – ‘do great
books need pictures?’ – by examining some of the pictures Rousseau provided for his great
books. Each of the three books that Rousseau says make up his “system,” the Discourse on the
Sciences and the Arts (1750), the Discourse on Inequality (1754), and Emile (1762) [CW 5:575]4
has a frontispiece; Emile also has four additional illustrations, so that it has five in total: as many
pictures as books. Rousseau also commissioned twelve illustrations for Julie, his epistolary
novel.5 In each case, moreover, there is evidence that the pictures are, in an important sense,
Rousseau’s. Apprenticed unhappily as an engraver in his youth [CW 5:26-37], Rousseau
corresponded extensively with the artists who worked on his illustrations; and while these letters
have been lost, we do have letters to others in which Rousseau indicates the attention he devoted
to the pictures for his books. Lamenting his publisher’s difficulties with the engravings for Julie,
for example, Rousseau writes,
the details into which I entered were not the sort to be carried out to the letter. It
is not what the designer must draw, but what he must know so as to make his
work conform to them as much as possible. Everything that I have described
must be in his head in order to put in his engraving everything that can be
admitted there and to put nothing contrary [CC 4:408; translation mine].6
Despite this evidence of Rousseau’s care in instructing his artists, publishers of his works have
not scrupled to omit his illustrations from their editions – sometimes even along with passages
that mention them – presumably because they consider them unnecessary adornments of
Rousseau’s books.

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This lecture will have eight parts. In the first two, I will briefly examine the frontispieces
to the First and Second Discourses, considering them as preparations for Rousseau’s illustrations
in Emile. In the next five sections, I will briefly consider in turn each of these illustrations,
reading them first in themselves, then in the light of his explication of each, then in the light of
their mythological sources, and lastly in the light of their relation to the argument of Emile.
Finally, in the eighth and longest part, I will sketch what I take to be Rousseau’s answer to our
question – do great books need pictures? – with reference to his brief discussion in Emile of what
he calls the language of signs, and his fuller explanation of this language in the Essay on the
Origin of Languages.

Part One: Prometheus, or the Failed Frontispiece?
Rousseau’s literary fame dates from the publication of his First Discourse, his anonymous entry
into the Academy of Dijon’s prize competition, in which the academy asked whether the
restoration of the sciences and the arts has contributed to the purification of morals [FD 3;
compare 5]. In the Discourse Rousseau argues that, to the contrary, scientific and artistic
progress causes moral corruption [FD 9]. Rousseau’s use of illustrations in his works also dates
from the publication of the First Discourse, whose printed version was accompanied by a
frontispiece. Across from the work’s title page is an engraving of three figures in an outdoor
setting, with some vegetation in the foreground, and perhaps a mountain in the background
[Slide 4]. The leftmost figure is a muscular, bearded male, naked except for a cloak draped over
his shoulder. He holds a torch in his right hand, the flame of which strangely seems to burn
horizontally, rather than vertically. His left hand rests on the central figure’s shoulder;
otherwise, the leftmost figure seems to hover in midair, straddling a billowing cloud. He gazes

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intently at the other figures in the scene. The central figure is another male, more slightly built
than the first, and wholly naked. He stands on a block, in a statuesque pose, with both hands
open, their palms visible. He could be looking rapturously at the face of the leftmost figure, or at
the torch that he holds. Lastly, though he is partly obscured by shadow, we see enough of the
rightmost figure to conclude that he is not fully human: he has horns and cloven hooves. A cloak
worn over his right shoulder partly covers his nakedness, and we can make out pan pipes slung
over the same shoulder. Of the three figures in the scene, the rightmost is the only one to have at
least one limb on the ground. His left hand is raised, palm upward, in an expressive gesture,
while his right hand is concealed behind the central figure, into whom he leans. He gazes avidly
at one or both of his companions, or perhaps at the torch in the leftmost figure’s hand.
This frontispiece also features a caption: “Satyr, you do not know it. See note page 31”
[FD 2]. It directs us to the center of the First Discourse, to the beginning of Part Two of the
work, to a footnote to Rousseau’s claim that, according to an ancient Egyptian tradition, the
sciences were invented by “a god inimical to men’s repose” [FD 16]. The footnote compares
this Egyptian myth about the god Theuth to the Greek myth about Prometheus, and points out
that both peoples regarded their divine benefactors with disfavor. “‘The satyr,’” Rousseau
quotes from an ancient fable, “‘wanted to kiss and embrace fire the first time he saw it but
Prometheus cried out to him: “Satyr, you will weep the loss of the beard on your chin, for it
burns when you touch it.”’ This is the subject of the frontispiece” [FD 16 n *]. It is not hard to
find the satyr among the figures in the illustration. But which is Prometheus? He could be the
leftmost figure, who bears a lit torch and hovers in the air like a god. But then who is the third
man?

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Six years after the publication of the Discourse, Rousseau judged its frontispiece to be
“very bad” [CC 4:408]. It was certainly not understood by all of the Discourse’s readers. One of
them, Claude-Nicolas Lecat, wrote an anonymous Refutation of the work, in which he claims
that the central figure in the illustration is man, “naked and leaving the hands of Prometheus, of
nature.” The satyr, he maliciously continued, is Rousseau himself, ignorantly admiring the
image of natural man, which image is about to be burnt to ash by Prometheus’ fire [CW 2:156].
This tendentious interpretation provoked Rousseau’s retort that he would treat his readers “like
children,” and interpret for them the “clear allegory” of the illustration. “Prometheus’ torch,” he
says in the Letter to Lecat, “is that of the sciences, created to inspire great geniuses.” “[T]he
Satyr who, seeing fire for the first time, runs to it and wants to embrace it, represents common
men, seduced by the brilliance of letters, who surrender indiscreetly to study.”7 And
“Prometheus who cries out and warns them of the danger is the Citizen of Geneva” – that is,
Rousseau himself [CW 2:179].
Rousseau’s insistence on the clarity of his allegory should not make us forget that he still
only identifies two of the three figures in the frontispiece: Prometheus-Rousseau, the leftmost
figure, is known by his torch, while the satyr-common man, the rightmost figure who reaches for
Prometheus’ torch, is known by his shape. Again, who is the third man? We can make an
educated guess with the assistance of the illustration’s caption. The phrase “fire burns when one
touches it” [CW 2:12 n *] comes from Plutarch’s essay “How to profit by one’s enemies,” where
it is followed immediately by this qualification: “yet it furnishes light and heat, and is an
instrument of every craft for those who have learned to use it” [II.9].8 If Rousseau’s studied
omission of this sequel has the same cause as his studied silence about the identity of the third
man in the illustration, then it seems likely that this third man must be a “great genius,” whom

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Prometheus’ torch was made to enlighten. In particular, it seems likely that this man must be the
great genius whose enlightenment leads him to keep enlightenment from the common people,
lest scientific and artistic progress corrupt their morals – namely, Rousseau himself. In the
frontispiece to the First Discourse, then, we see the first example of Rousseau doubling himself
in an image. Soon we will see another example of this practice in one of the illustrations in
Emile.
Years after the publication of the First Discourse, Rousseau complained in the Letter to
Beaumont that none of his adversaries had been able to understand his distinction between the
suitability of enlightenment for individuals, and its dangerousness for peoples – though he
always drew this distinction with care [OC 4:967]. We might blame precisely Rousseau’s care in
drawing this distinction for his adversaries’ failure to notice it. As we saw, Rousseau compares
Prometheus with the Egyptian god Theuth, who is mentioned in the discussion of the
“seemliness and unseemliness of writing” in Plato’s Phaedrus as the inventor of written letters,
among other sciences [275c-276c]. In this discussion, the question arises whether a piece of
writing can have the power to defend itself, by knowing how “to speak and keep silence toward
those it ought” [276a]. By trying, with the frontispiece to the First Discourse, to speak
differently to different readers, Rousseau seems to have spoken unclearly. But he would soon
have a second chance.

Part Two: The Hottentot, or the Literal Frontispiece
Four years later, Rousseau published his Second Discourse, a work that seeks to uncover man’s
original condition, and to describe the history of his development from this original condition to
his present state. Once again, Rousseau furnished this writing with a captioned frontispiece,

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located across from its title page [Slide 5]. Again, the setting is outdoors, with vegetation in the
foreground and, this time, the ocean in the distance. But this frontispiece features a stark visual
and thematic division, cutting down the middle and through its principal figure. To his left we
see a group of five adult males, wearing broad-brimmed, feathered hats, with elegant clothes and
tasseled shoes. Four of them are standing, apparently disputing with one another: two have their
hands raised in animated gestures. The fifth man, perhaps their leader, sits on an ornate box.
One of his hands is raised to his face is a gesture familiar from our classes: the gesture of
pondering, or perhaps of duplicity. Behind this group, a crenellated keep rises, with two
machicolated bartizans. Over this left side of the image hang dark clouds, casting their shadows
on the keep and the ground below. To the right of the principal figure, by contrast, we see two
rows of low huts, set on a beach that slopes gently to the water. In front of the closer row of
huts, we can just make out five or six dark-skinned figures. Behind these huts, on the water, five
or six ships are moving under sail, their pennants streaming in the wind. Over this right side of
the image, the clouds are lighter, the sky brighter, and birds fly in the distance.
The principal figure stands between the two halves of this scene. He is a dark-skinned
male, wearing fur breeches, a necklace, and a sword at his hip. A bundle of fabric lies in the
foreground; peeking out from it is a broad-brimmed feathered hat like those worn by the other
men. While looking down at the leader of the group to his right, the central figure gestures with
his left hand at the huts on the beach or the ships on the water, and with his right at the bundle at
his feet. While his left foot is planted on the ground, his right heel is lifted, as if he were about to
take a step.
The caption to this illustration reads, “[h]e returns among [chez] his equals. See Note 13,
page 259” [SD 112; I have altered the translation]. Turning there, we find Rousseau observing

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that despite every effort by Europeans, no savage has ever been won over to the European
religion and way of life. Anticipating the objection that this is due not to the superiority of the
savage life, but to their habitual attachment to it, which makes them insensible to the advantages
of the European way, he quotes at length from a traveler’s tale by Peter Kolben. The Dutch
governor of the Cape of Good Hope took an infant Hottentot, and had him raised in the European
religion and way of life. After he had been educated and had traveled, this Hottentot returned to
the Cape, and soon decided to visit his relatives. During this visit, he discarded his European
clothes and dressed himself in a sheepskin; he then returned to the Dutch fort, carrying his
former outfit, and told the Governor the following (and here Rousseau tells us to see the
frontispiece):
[b]e so good, Sir, as to note that I forever renounce these trappings. I also
renounce the Christian Religion for the rest of my life; my resolution is to live and
die in the Religion, the ways, and the customs of my Ancestors. The one favor I
ask of you is to leave me the Necklace and the Cutlass I am wearing. I shall keep
them for love of you [SD 220-221].
Then, without waiting for a reply, the Hottentot ran off, never to be seen in the Cape again.
The footnote containing this story is connected to a passage in the main text of the
Discourse, where Rousseau asserts that the savage state, “occupying a just mean between the
indolence of the primitive state and the petulant activity of our amour-propre, must have been the
happiest and the most lasting epoch… the least subject to revolutions, the best for man” [SD
167]. So at first it looks like the note and the frontispiece are meant to support these assertions.
The stability and superiority of the savage state are proven by the story of the Hottentot who –
although wholly familiar with the European religion and way of life, and wholly unfamiliar with
the savage alternative – prefers the savage way as soon as he learns of it. But Rousseau cautions
his reader that his notes “sometimes [stray] so wide of the subject that they are not good to read
together with the text” [SD 129]. And indeed, some of the details of the Hottentot’s speech are

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puzzling. It is unreasonable to believe, for example, that he keeps the necklace and the sword for
love of the Governor of the Cape – the man who kidnapped him and deprived him of a childhood
and youth lived in the best and happiest way for a human being. Why then does the Hottentot
take these items, and run away without waiting for a reply?
Rousseau’s illustration helps us to answer this question, by showing us that in keeping
the necklace and sword, and indeed in wearing the sheepskin, the Hottentot is not returning to his
equals. These have neither swords nor necklaces; they do not even wear pants [Slide 6]. The
illustration also shows us that, while saying what he says, the Hottentot gestures not only at the
beach huts of his native people, but also at the ships of his adoptive people. These ships mean
that there will always be more Dutch, more Europeans, more civilized and enlightened human
beings arriving at the Cape of Good Hope, in a flood that the religion, ways, and customs of the
Hottentot’s ancestors cannot hope to survive – unless they can take advantage of European
military technology and luxury economics. The frontispiece to the Second Discourse thus shows
us that the Hottentot chooses not to return to the savage state, the mean between our primitive
and civilized states, but rather to combine the best of the savage state with what is necessary
from civilization. He means to try to be a natural man in civilized society. He means to try to be
an Emile.

Part Three: Thetis, or the Mother9
Emile, which Rousseau thought of as his best work [CW 5:473], depicts the education of an
imaginary child, named Emile, from birth or even before birth, until his marriage to a woman
named Sophie and the announcement of her pregnancy. Its first book lays out the reasons for
Rousseau’s educational project, and follows the child during his infancy. As a whole, Emile

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consists of five books, each with an illustration commissioned by Rousseau.10 The first of these,
titled “Thetis,” is said, in Rousseau’s “Explication of the Illustrations,” to relate to the first book
and serve as the frontispiece to the work [E 36; I have altered the translation].11 As befits a
frontispiece, it appears across from Emile’s title page.12
Turning there, we find that we begin in the cave [Slide 7]. Five women are gathered
underground, on the bank of a river. Behind them, up and to the left, a twisting path rises to
daylight. One of the women, adorned with a necklace and bracelets, with jewelry in her hair and
wearing a fancy dress, kneels at the water’s edge, holding her skirts back with her left hand,
while with her right she dips a naked infant headfirst into the water. Behind her, and more
plainly dressed, the other four women are caught in animated poses. One holds a hand up in the
air, in a gesture that perhaps indicates astonishment; a second has her arms around the shoulders
of the first; a third holds the well-dressed woman’s cloak in one hand, while her other hand rests
on the woman’s arm – perhaps to comfort her, perhaps to keep her from falling into the river; a
fourth woman crouches at the water’s edge, her dress hitched up in her left hand. At least two of
these women have their blouses open and their breasts bared, as though they have just been
nursing. And finally, lurking in the darkest part of the scene and barely discernible, we can see a
muscular but hunched figure in a raft on the river, bearing a pole or an oar, and accompanied by
a shrouded companion [Slide 8].
Rousseau’s explication says that the illustration “represents Thetis plunging her son in the
Styx to make him invulnerable” [E 36]. The well-dressed woman, then, is Thetis; and the naked
infant is her son, whom readers of the Iliad will know as Achilles. If the river is the Styx, then
the figure in the raft must be Charon, ferrying a shade to the underworld. Rousseau’s use of this
image as a frontispiece to the whole work leads us to infer that the education described in Emile

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is to be a type of ‘invulnerability treatment,’ and Emile a type of Achilles. But why include
Charon in the image, then – especially since Rousseau tells us outright that the river depicted is
the Styx? And why title the engraving “Thetis,” rather than “Achilles”?
Rousseau’s explication ends by directing the reader deep into the text of Book I.13
Following his direction, we find a paragraph about the two ways that mothers can depart from
nature: by neglecting their children – for example, by failing to breastfeed them – or by caring
excessively for them. In this context Rousseau mentions the fable of Thetis plunging Achilles in
the Styx, which he say contains a “lovely” and “clear” allegory.14 “The cruel mothers of whom I
speak do otherwise,” Rousseau concludes: “by dint of plunging their children in softness, they
prepare them for suffering; they open their pores to ills of every sort to which they will not fail to
be prey when grown” [E 47]. The example of Thetis thus seems like an instance of natural
mothering – her ‘invulnerability treatment’ for Achilles is neither too harsh, nor too soft, but just
right. And yet the engraving of Thetis suggests that she is not breastfeeding her son, but
confiding this task to wet nurses.
What is worse, a scant few pages later, in the context of a discussion of how doctors
cause their patients to fear death, Rousseau has the following to say about Achilles: “[i]t is the
knowledge of dangers that makes us fear them; he who believed himself invulnerable would fear
nothing. By dint of arming Achilles against peril, the poet takes from him the merit of valor;
every other man in his place would have been an Achilles at the same price” [E 55]. Had Thetis’
‘invulnerability treatment’ for Achilles succeeded, it would have protected him from death,
though at the cost of depriving him of the opportunity for virtue. But it did not succeed: Achilles
remained vulnerable in one place, and was therefore given the opportunity for virtue, but at the
cost of increasing his fear of death. The ‘Thetis’ engraving completes the argument of the text,

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first by showing that Thetis was at once too hard and too soft – she neglected to breastfeed her
son, and she tried to make him invulnerable – and second by showing that the fear of death is
both the cause and the effect of both kinds of excess:15 the cause in the case of Thetis, the
mother, and the effect in the case of her son. Hence Charon, barely visible in the gloom, is the
most important figure in this illustration.

Part Four: Chiron, or the Tutor
While it seems reasonable to attribute Achilles’ wrath to his fear of death, it might occur to those
of us who know Homer well that in the Iliad there is no mention of Thetis dipping the infant
Achilles in the Styx to make him invulnerable. So the Iliad cannot be the text to which the first
illustration in Emile refers. Rather, the story comes from a later, and to us less-known epic: the
Achilleid, by Statius [I.133-134].16 As it happens, this epic is also the likely source of the fable
behind the second illustration in Emile – suggesting that these two illustrations are best
interpreted together.
Book Two of Emile describes Emile’s childhood: the conditions of his happiness, his first
experience with property, his learning to speak, and the training of his senses. Turning to the
illustration found at the head of this book [Slide 9], we see two figures meeting on a
mountainside. To their right, from our perspective, the ground slopes downward to some trees;
to the left it slopes steeply upward to some tree-studded crags. In the distance we see some
clouds in the sky. The figure on our right is a young child, dressed in a tunic. In his right hand
the child holds a rabbit by the ears; it is not evident whether the rabbit is alive or dead. The
child’s streaming hair and posture, with one leg flexed but planted on the ground, and the other
in the air, suggest that he has arrived running. With his left hand the child reaches out for an

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apple proffered by the figure on our left, as he gazes into his face. This figure is clearly a
centaur. His human upper body is clothed by some sort of cape, and his face is bearded. The
posture of his equine lower body is strange: with one foreleg straightened and planted on the
ground, and his one visible hind leg flexed, he could be rising from a crouching position. The
centaur gazes into the child’s face, extending the apple with his right hand, and reaching with his
left, not for the limp rabbit, but past it to caress the child’s cheek. At the centaur’s feet we can
barely make out a basket of apples to his left, and a heap of items to his right, including what
look like a crested helmet, a shield, a scroll, perhaps a lyre, a pad of paper, and perhaps even a
potted plant.
According to its title, the subject of this engraving is Chiron, the centaur; and the action
depicted, according to Rousseau’s explication, is “Chiron training the little Achilles in running”
[E 36]. The citation accompanying this explication directs us to “Page 382” of Emile’s first
volume, where we read the story of “an indolent and lazy child who was to be trained in
running” – a child who, like Achilles, “was intended for a military career.” This child prided
himself to such an extent on his noble birth that he persuaded himself that rank can take the place
of ability. “To make of such a gentleman a light-footed Achilles,” Rousseau tells us, “the skill of
Chiron himself would hardly have sufficed” [E 141]. To make a long story short, the tutor in this
example goads his pupil into competing with other children in running, using cakes as a prize.17
By secretly manipulating the conditions of each race, the tutor is able to arrange an initial victory
for his vain and lazy charge, and to ensure subsequent victories at his, the tutor’s, will. Not only
does this child become accomplished at running. “This accomplishment produced another of
which I had not dreamed,” writes Rousseau. “When he had rarely carried off the prize, he almost
always ate it alone, as did his competitors. But, in accustoming himself to victory, he became

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generous and often shared with the vanquished. […] I learned thereby what the true principle of
generosity is” [E 142].
Leaving aside for the moment this puzzling conclusion, we might also be puzzled by
Rousseau’s choice of an illustration for this text. The engraving depicts a race run for an apple,
not for a cake; and the competition in the race seems to be a hare, rather than another child.
Moreover, why say that the illustration depicts Achilles, and not just a lazy child; and why depict
the centaur Chiron rather than a human tutor? It turns out that the fable about Chiron’s education
of Achilles comes not from the Iliad18 but from the Achilleid, so that there is a close thematic
connection between the first two illustrations to Emile. Now the Achilleid begins with Thetis
witnessing the abduction of Helen by Paris, and realizing that the Trojan war will result. Fearing
that Achilles will be sought for, will want to fight, and will die [I.37-38, 74-76], she first tries
and fails to persuade Neptune to sink Paris’ ships [I.80-81], then seeks out Chiron [I.104-106], to
whom she had sent Achilles for his education. “High up his lofty dwelling bores through the
mountain” [I.106-107], Statius writes,
[h]ere are no darts that have tasted human blood, no ash trees fractured in festive
combats, nor mixing bowls shattered upon kindred foes, but innocent quivers and
empty hides of wild beasts… [f]or at this time unarmed his only labour was to
know herbs that bring health to living things in doubtful case or to limn with his
lyre the heroes of old for his pupil [I.112-118].
Thetis finds Chiron awaiting Achilles’ return from the hunt, and persuades him to release
Achilles to her – citing, among other things, her frequent nightmares about dipping Achilles in
the Styx [I.133-134]. Chiron assents, because Achilles has become unmanageable [I.149-155],
though Statius tells us that Chiron never would have done so had he known of Thetis’ plan to
disguise Achilles as a woman, in the hopes of avoiding his recruitment to fight at Troy [I.141143]. When Achilles finally appears, he is armed, accompanied by Patroclus, and bearing lion

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cubs that he has abducted after killing their mother [I.158-177]. Achilles and Thetis depart the
next day.
By alluding in this way to the Achilleid, the ‘Chiron’ illustration helps us to interpret its
details. Now we see why the scene is set on a mountainside, why Chiron is clothed in animal
skins, and why a helmet, a shield, a lyre, and a potted medicinal plant lie in the foreground. But
more importantly, the illustration deepens the story in the text to which it refers, both through its
allusion to the Achilleid and through its departures from that work. First, when compared with
the ‘Thetis’ illustration and interpreted in light of the Achilleid, the ‘Chiron’ illustration teaches
us that the mother and the tutor are antagonists in the education of the child. The mother, moved
by the fear of death, seeks to preserve her child from harm, while the tutor, whose motives are
unknown, seeks to prepare him to face it. This antagonism is touchingly depicted in the
Achilleid, when Achilles, Patroclus, Chiron and Thetis spend the night together in Chiron’s cave.
Statius writes, “[t]he huge Centaur collapses on stone and Achilles fondly twines himself about
his shoulders, though his faithful mother is there, preferring the familiar bosom” [I.195-197].
Tutor and mother both have a medicine for the human condition, but the mother’s medicine is
harmful – it culminates in proud wrath – while the tutor’s medicine is beneficial: it turns pride
into generosity, whose principle, the text implies, is confidence that there will always be more
cake – or in other words, ignorance of death.19 Second, in its departures from the Achilleid, the
‘Chiron’ engraving implies that Rousseau’s Achilles has been training in running, rather than
hunting; that his skill is with defensive weapons; and that he is a vegetarian, and so more capable
of pity.20 Rousseau’s Chiron, by contrast, may still be a carnivore; the fate of the hare is
unknown.

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Part Five: Hermes, or the God
Book Three of Emile spans the years between childhood and puberty, and covers Emile’s
introduction to the elements of the natural sciences and the trade of carpentry, as well as the
completion of the training of his senses. The third illustration in Emile appears at the beginning
of this book, which in the first edition falls at the beginning of its second volume. Appropriately
enough, this illustration also makes a new thematic beginning. Turning there we discover
another outdoor scene, populated by three figures [Slide 10]. The chief figure stands on a step in
the foreground, with one foot on the earth. He is nearly naked, clad only in a cloak draped over
his left shoulder, and a winged, soft-brimmed cap. His ankles also seem to be winged. In his left
arm he cradles a slim wand entwined by two serpents. With his right hand he uses a stylus to
draw what look like geometrical figures on one of the two broad columns that stand in the center
of the scene. And at his feet, in the foreground, are piled mathematical instruments: an armillary
sphere, a protractor, and a sundial are easily discerned, while the other objects may include a
writing desk with geometrical proofs, a book, a model star, and a carpenter’s square. In the
bottom right of the illustration, far from the mathematical instruments, a plant grows. The other
two figures in the scene seem to be an older, bearded male and his younger, beardless
companion. Both are dressed simply: the former in a cloak, the latter in an open-necked shirt.
Both are also gesturing expressively: the elder points discreetly with his right hand to the chief
figure’s activity, while perhaps restraining his companion with his left arm; the younger of the
men has his left hand raised in a gesture of wonder. The statue of what may be a sphinx beside
them, and the elongated pyramid or obelisk behind them, suggest an Egyptian setting – though
the tree on the left margin of the image, and the gently rising hill in the right background, are not
reminiscent of Egypt.

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Rousseau gives ‘Hermes’ as the subject of this engraving, and writes in his explications
that it depicts “Hermes engraving the elements of the sciences on columns” [E 36]. The
accompanying reference to the text is to “Page 76.” Turning there, we find Rousseau
proclaiming
I hate books. They only teach one to talk about what one does not know. It is
said that Hermes engraved the elements of the sciences on columns in order to
shelter his discoveries from a flood. If he had left a good imprint of them in
man’s head, they would have been preserved by tradition. Well-prepared minds
are the surest monuments on which to engrave human knowledge [E 184].
So the ‘Hermes’ engraving, like the ‘Thetis’ engraving, depicts a misguided action. Just as
Thetis should have trained her son in running, rather than trying to make him invulnerable, so
Hermes should have engraved the principles of the sciences in the minds of men, rather than on
columns. But how does one do this? Rousseau gives a clear answer in the immediate sequel:
with a book, indeed with one book in particular – Robinson Crusoe. While the general danger of
books is that they give their readers words that do not correspond to things, and so the opinion of
knowledge without the reality, books like Robinson Crusoe escape this danger by putting their
readers in imaginary situations that force them to attend to things, and in particular to their real
utility, apart from opinion [E 185]. This interested attention to utility is the only lasting
foundation of the sciences.
Rousseau’s example of a book that escapes the dangers of books helps us better to
interpret the ‘Hermes’ illustration. In our treatment of the frontispiece of the First Discourse, we
mentioned the possibility raised in Plato’s Phaedrus: that a piece of writing can overcome the
defects of writing, by knowing how “to speak and to keep silence toward those it ought” [276a].
A suitably edited Robinson Crusoe,21 it seems, is such a piece of writing: it keeps silent to those
interested in words, for whom it is only a quaint story, but it speaks volumes to those interested
in judging the true utility of things. But Rousseau also says that the frontispiece to the Discourse

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depicts a fable found allegorically in the “ancient tradition passed on from Egypt to Greece” [G,
16] about the Egyptian god Theuth, known to the Greeks as Hermes. Now we see the reason for
the Egyptian objects – the sphinx and the pyramid or obelisk – in the otherwise Greek scene of
the ‘Hermes’ illustration. Rousseau takes the fables of Prometheus, Theuth, and Hermes to have
the same meaning.22 They raise the question of how the sciences and the arts can be cultivated
without causing moral corruption.
Putting the ‘Prometheus’ and ‘Hermes’ illustrations side by side, we see that they have
similar structures [Slide 11]. There are three figures in each: a divinity who possesses the
sciences and the arts, a figure who is kept from them, and an intermediary between the two. But
the satyr who is kept away in the ‘Prometheus’ illustration, and who represents “common men”
[CW 2:179], is replaced in the ‘Hermes’ illustration by a young man who is kept from Hermes’
engravings, and yet shown them at a distance. The naked man, whom we guessed to represent
great geniuses who are suited to the sciences, is replaced by an older, bearded man, who at once
restrains his charge and points out Hermes’ work. Lastly, Prometheus himself is replaced by
Hermes. If it follows that Hermes also represents Rousseau,23 then the move from the First
Discourse to Emile involves a move from a project to keep the sciences and the arts away from
the common man, and in the hands of great geniuses, to a project to preserve the useful elements
of the sciences and the arts, by teaching them to ordinary intellects [compare E 52]. Far from
being uselessly employed in engraving these elements on columns, Hermes is usefully employed
in engraving them on the minds of men, using the writing that overcomes the defects of writing.
It is more than a joke that Emile’s central engraving is an engraving of Rousseau engraving.

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Part Six: Orpheus, or the Priest
Book Four of Emile is long, and treats the social but not fully sexual consequences of Emile’s
emerging erotic desires: his education in compassion, his study of history, and the education of
his taste. The book is made longer, though, by Rousseau’s exceptional inclusion of a distinct
writing in its midst, called “The Profession of Faith of the Savoyard Vicar” [E 266-313]. The
illustration to Book Four is also exceptional, because it is found not at the beginning of the book,
as the second and third illustrations were found at the beginnings of their respective books, but in
the middle of the fourth book – which in the first edition falls at the beginning of the third
volume.24 In effect, this makes the illustration into a frontispiece for “The Profession of Faith,”25
whose preamble begins right after the engraving, where Rousseau writes, in reference to
religious matters, “[i]nstead of telling you here on my own what I think, I shall tell you what a
man more worthy than I thought” [E 260].
Turning to the illustration, we find another outdoor scene, set in the wooded foothills of a
mountain [Slide 12]. The center of the engraving is dominated by a man standing on a raised
patch of earth, and dressed in sandals, a tunic and a cloak. His left hand holds a fold of his cloak,
or perhaps a sheaf of paper, while his left arm cradles a lyre.26 His right hand is raised palm
upward in a gesture to the sky. By contrast, his serene gaze is directed downward, to the crowd
gathered around him. This crowd is chiefly composed of bare-chested men, old and young – or
at least bearded and beardless. Unlike the central figure, they are dressed only in animal skins
wrapped around their waists, and they are barefoot. One of these men cowers, one kneels, two
crouch; but all of them, except the cowering man, look up at the sky with expressions of awe.
The remainder of the crowd, to the central figure’s right from our perspective, consists of
animals. We can make out a small rodent, a sheep, an ox, a horse, and several birds, including a

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bird of prey that seems far too large for the branch it perches on. As far as we can tell, there are
no women present.
Rousseau titles this illustration “Orpheus,” and writes that the engraving “represents
Orpheus teaching men the worship of the gods” [E 36]. The illustration itself refers to “Page
128” of Volume Three. Turning there, we find an intermission in the “Profession of Faith,”
during which Rousseau remarks, “[t]he good priest had spoken with vehemence. He was moved,
and so was I. I believed I was hearing the divine Orpheus sing the first hymns and teaching men
the worship of the gods. Nevertheless I saw a multitude of objections to make to him” [E 294].
Rousseau thus likens the Savoyard Vicar, whose views on religion are given instead of
Rousseau’s own, and with whose views Rousseau does not agree,27 to Orpheus.
It will help here to review some of the details of the Orpheus myth. In Ovid’s version in
the Metamorphoses, Orpheus loses his bride Eurydice to death, and is so overcome with love for
her that he decides he cannot live without her [X.26].28 He pursues her into the underworld,
where his music charms everyone, and secures Eurydice’s release – on the condition that, as he
leads her to the surface, he not look back at her. We should understand this otherwise arbitrary
condition as a test of Orpheus’ trust in Eurydice: a test of his confidence that she would rather
accompany him than stay in the underworld. But when “they were nearing the margin of the
upper earth,” Ovid writes, “he, afraid that she might fail him, eager for the sight of her, turned
back his longing eyes; and instantly she slipped into the depths” [X.55-57]. Orpheus is stunned
by her second death; he tries to pursue her, but his descent is barred.
Orpheus mourns Eurydice for three years, spurning the other women who try to console
him.29 His lack of confidence in Eurydice becomes a mistrust of all women. He sings in
mourning, and Ovid reports that his songs draw to him “multitudinous birds,” “snakes,” a “train

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of beasts,” “oxen,” and some “stout peasants” [XI.20-21, 31, 33] – suggesting that Ovid’s
description provides some of the details of Rousseau’s illustration. Even the trees and the stones
are moved. But Orpheus’ song also attracts the local women who, offended by his contempt for
them, drown out his song and finally tear him to pieces. A nearby river carries off his head, still
singing, and his lyre, still sounding, while his shade is reunited at last with Eurydice’s in the
underworld.30
So Rousseau’s illustration compares the Savoyard Vicar to Orpheus, and Ovid’s telling of
the Orpheus myth suggests that the singer was destroyed by his soured love for a woman. Does
Rousseau mean thus to suggest that the “Profession of Faith” – the Vicar’s teaching concerning
the gods, his song – is also based on erotic love gone wrong? If we look at the details of what
the Vicar says, this is exactly what we learn. In his preamble we learn that the Vicar is miserable
because of a scandal caused by a conflict between his erotic desires and his respect for marriage.
The Vicar cannot be chaste, but he cannot marry; nor can he bring himself to commit adultery.
So he sleeps with an unmarried woman, and she becomes pregnant, without a husband on whom
to blame the pregnancy. The lovers are discovered and torn from one another’s arms [E 267].31
“A few such experiences lead a reflective mind a long way,” the Vicar confesses to JeanJacques. We see how far the Vicar was led when we read his “Profession of Faith.” There he
outlines a metaphysics in which the soul is enslaved to, and yet feels contempt for, the body: the
soul is “subjected to the senses and chained to [the] body which enslaves it and interferes with
it,” but “care for [the] body’s preservation incites the soul to relate everything to the body and
gives it an interest contrary to the general order, which the soul is nevertheless capable of seeing
and loving” [E 292]. Having been torn, like Orpheus, from his love, the Vicar is now
figuratively torn apart, like Orpheus was literally, by contempt for his own erotic desires.32

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Now Rousseau does not wholly agree with the Vicar’s “Profession of Faith,” and Emile
will hear nothing like it from Jean-Jacques.33 Rousseau’s own view seems to be that the conflict
erotic desire can foment between the soul and the body is not necessary: it can be forestalled by
correct education. To the extent that otherworldly metaphysical teachings arise from thisworldly
sexual conflict, then, they too are not necessary – and they too can be avoided by correct
education. This conclusion reminds us of another, less-known thread of the Orpheus myth. In
the Argonautica Apollonius mentions Orpheus first among the Argonauts [I.23],34 and depicts
him saving his crewmates on two occasions: once when he sings of the origin of the cosmos and
of the gods, to stop the Argonauts from quarreling [I.492-511]; and once when he sings to drown
out the voices of the Sirens [IV.903-909].35 Apollonius’ version of the Orpheus myth suggests
the possibility of another, more successful Orpheus who can protect his comrades against the
dangers of erotic desire, and reminds us of another hero, more successful than Achilles, who
resisted the Sirens’ song, who did not lose but regained a wife, and whose image governs the last
two books of Emile, as Achilles’ image does the first two.

Part Seven: Circe, or the Woman
The fifth and final book of Emile begins with a discussion of the natural differences between
men and women; it goes on to describe the education of Emile’s intended wife, Sophie, their
courtship, Emile’s travels, and their marriage. Rousseau places the illustration for this book at its
beginning, which falls at the beginning of the first edition’s fourth volume. The engraving
depicts our first indoor scene, with two figures in the foreground [Slide 13]. On our left is a
young woman, richly clad in a patterned dress and a cloak, and adorned with a ribbon in her hair
and bracelets on her wrist. Her head is tilted to her left, and she wears a serene, welcoming

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expression; her arms are extended, palms open and fingers splayed, as if to invite an embrace.
At her sandaled feet lie a long stick and a shallow-bowled, broad-based cup. Behind her are a
striking table with a claw-footed leg, and the edge of a sumptuous, canopied bed [Slide 14]. On
our right is a bearded man, wearing a plumed helmet, a cloak, short breeches, and sandals. In his
right hand he holds a sword, but since his finger is across the hilt and stretched in the direction of
the blade, and since the sword point is on the ground, he seems about to lay it down. In his left,
he holds what looks like a sprig of vegetation, with his arm stretched out away from the woman.
The man’s left leg is extended, his knee unbent, and he gazes directly into the woman’s eyes, his
expression made unreadable by the shadow cast by his helmet. He looks like he is trying to step
into the woman’s embrace while setting down his sword, without bending his knee or looking
away from her gaze. Behind the man we see the snouts and bodies of four or five pigs; behind
them, columns reminiscent of the ‘Hermes’ illustration; and behind these a neoclassical temple,
its dome faintly visible, decorated with one figure in an alcove, and two more lounging to either
side of the pediment.
Rousseau titles this engraving ‘Circe,’ and says in his explications that it depicts her
“giving herself to Ulysses, whom she was not able to transform” [E 36]. We are referred to
“Page 304” of Emile’s fourth volume, where we find the conclusion to the following story.
During his courtship of Sophie, Emile and Jean-Jacques live nearby. Sophie only permits Emile
occasional visits: one or two a week, for a day or two at most. When Emile first met Sophie,
heard her name and heard her speak, he began “to swallow with deep draughts the poison with
which she intoxicates him” [E 415]; but now, when he is apart from Sophie, he “is Emile again.
He has not been transformed at all” [E 435]. Emile studies the neighborhood and works to
improve it, and at least once a week, or in bad weather, he and Jean-Jacques labor in a

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carpenter’s shop in the city [E 437]. Alerted to this practice by Sophie’s father, one day Sophie
and her mother visit the workshop. They admire the respectability and the cleanliness of the
carpenter’s trade, and they are moved by how seriously Emile takes his low-paying job. Then
they prepare to leave, and Sophie’s mother invites Emile to leave with them. Emile sadly replies
that he cannot: he and Jean-Jacques are needed, and they have promised to work. So Sophie and
her mother leave, the mother in a fit of pique. Why didn’t Emile, who is rich, pay off his
obligation, and leave with them? But Sophie is happy with Emile’s choice. Had he paid off his
obligation, this would have meant “putting his riches in place of his duties” [E 438]. “It is for
me that he stays,” she tells her mother; “I saw it in his eyes” [E 439]. Here Rousseau interrupts
to explain that Sophie wants to be loved for her virtues, more than for her charms; so she wants
Emile to prefer his own duty to her, and her to all else. “She wants to reign over a man whom
she has not disfigured,” Rousseau concludes. “It is thus that Circe, having debased Ulysses’
companions, disdains them and gives herself only to him whom she was unable to change” [E
439].
Though Rousseau follows Horace in using the hero’s Roman name, Ulysses,36 the most
likely source for the myth behind this illustration is Homer’s Odyssey. In Book Ten, Odysseus
tells of how he came to Circe’s island after the loss of all but one of his ships [X.130-132].37
Spying her house from afar, he sends half his remaining men to scout. Circe invites them in,
gives them a potion to make them forget their country, and strikes them with her wand, turning
their bodies, though not their minds, into those of pigs [X.236-241]. Only one man, who
suspected treachery, escapes. When Odysseus learns of the fate of his comrades, he resolves to
go to Circe’s house alone. But on his way there, he meets Hermes, disguised as a youth. The
god tells Odysseus what to expect: Circe “will make you a potion, and put drugs in the food, but

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she will not even so be able to enchant you, for this good medicine which I give you now will
prevent her” [X.290-292]. He tells Odysseus what to do –
as soon as Circe with her long wand strikes you, then drawing from beside your
thigh your sharp sword, rush forward against Circe, as if you were raging to kill
her, and she will be afraid, and invite you to go to bed with her. Do not then resist
and refuse the bed of the goddess, for so she will set free your companions, and
care for you also; but bid her swear the great oath of the blessed gods, that she has
no other evil hurt that she is devising against you, so she will not make you weak
and unmanned, once you are naked [X. 290-301] –
and he gives Odysseus a black root with a milky flower, whose nature he explains, called moly
by the gods.
Events unfold as Hermes predicts. Circe offers Odysseus the potion; he drinks and is not
enchanted. She strikes him with her wand; he rushes her with drawn sword. “[S]he screamed
and ran under my guard,” Odysseus narrates, “and clasping both knees in loud lamentation spoke
to me” [X.323-324]. Circe wonders at Odysseus’ immunity to her drugs; she says, “[t]here is a
mind in you no magic will work on” [X.329]. She recognizes him as Odysseus, whose arrival
was foretold to her many times by Hermes. She invites Odysseus to bed, and he complies – but
only after securing her oath, as Hermes recommended. Later, he will require her to restore his
men to human form.
With Homer’s assistance, we can now recognize Circe’s “long staff,” and the potion
goblet at her feet. The plant in Ulysses’ left hand is no doubt the moly, and the pigs in the
background are Ulysses’ unfortunate companions – moved from the pens Homer mentions [X.
238] to Circe’s bedroom for visual effect. The meaning of the bed behind Circe, of her
expression and gesture, is unmistakable. But what of Odysseus’ claim in Homer that Circe ran
under his guard and clasped his knees? Here both parties are standing. And what of Rousseau’s
offhand comment that Emile has already drunk of Sophie’s poison, and been transformed [E 415,

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435]? Lastly, what of the implication of Rousseau’s carpentry story: that it was Sophie’s mother
who tried to make Emile into a rich pig, whereas Sophie herself had no intention of doing so?
By juxtaposing illustration, myth, and text in this way, we see that Rousseau has tinkered
meaningfully with his Homeric precedent. Whereas the Homeric Circe tries both her potion and
her wand on Odysseus, and only submits out of apparent fear when both fail,38 the Rousseauean
Circe-Sophie tries her potion, succeeds in making Ulysses-Emile forget his country, and then
drops her wand, preferring to offer herself willingly to the man who, despite being enchanted by
her, nonetheless still prefers his duty. Accordingly, Ulysses-Emile holds the moly off to one
side; it is not needed in this encounter. Instead, it will be needed later in Book Five. There, in a
final reference to the ‘Thetis’ illustration, which Rousseau has called a “frontispiece to the
[whole] work” [E 36], Rousseau recounts how Jean-Jacques must use the authority granted to
him by Emile to compel Emile to leave Sophie and travel for a year. The stated purpose of these
travels is for Emile to study the principles and practice of government [E 455] – that is, to
remind Emile about his country – but they have an additional purpose: to satisfy Jean-Jacques, as
Sophie is satisfied, that Emile loves his duty more than he loves her [E 443]. So after gaining
Emile’s attention, and stunning his reason, by making him envision Sophie’s death, Jean-Jacques
speaks at length about how Emile’s love for Sophie exposes Emile to hurt. “[I]t is in vain,” JeanJacques tells him, “that I have dipped your soul in the Styx; I was not able to make in
everywhere invulnerable. A new enemy is arising which you have not learned to conquer, and
from which I can no longer save you. That enemy is yourself” [E 443]. That it is not Thetis but
Chiron-Hermes-Jean-Jacques who does the dipping, and not Emile-Achilles’ body but his soul
that is dipped, shows us how far we have come from the mistaken motherly care of the beginning
of the book. Sophie is both a necessary condition for the man raised uniquely for himself to be

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good for others [E 41], and Emile’s Achilles heel. The gravity of this vulnerability is hinted at
by Rousseau’s title for the unfinished and unpublished sequel to Emile: Emile and Sophie, Or the
Solitaries [CW 13:685].39

Part Eight: The Very Pictures of Education?
Now that we have surveyed each of the illustrations in Emile, let’s return to our opening
question: do great books need pictures? Is there “some necessity” in writing that dictates that a
great book should have illustrations as well as text? In our survey we have given Rousseau’s
illustrations four cumulative readings: first as pictures, then as pictures informed by Rousseau’s
explications, then as pictures informed by ancient myths, and lastly as pictures informed by the
text of Emile. To understand Rousseau’s answer to our opening question, then, we should ask
him why each of these readings is necessary. He gives us an answer in a passage from Book
Four of Emile, and additional assistance in passages from the Essay on the Origin of Languages
and the Second Discourse.
First, why are the illustrations themselves necessary? At a climactic moment in Book
Four of Emile – Jean-Jacques is about to give his ‘Savoyard Vicar’ speech to Emile, wherein he
will reveal all he has done for Emile’s education, warn him of the dangers of sex, and extract
from him an unconditional promise of future obedience; that is, Hermes is about to give Ulysses
the moly to protect him from Circe – Rousseau pauses the action to discuss how to prepare Emile
for this speech. Since his lesson about sex should influence Emile “for the rest of his days,” the
instruction it contains ought “never to be forgotten.” “Let us try therefore,” Rousseau proposes,
“to engrave [graver: OC 4:645] it in his memory in such a way that it will never be effaced” [E
321]. The verb he uses here, graver, is related to one of the nouns for engraving, gravure, which

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suggests a connection between Jean-Jacques’s goal in setting the scene for his speech to Emile,
and Rousseau’s goal in providing illustrations in his book.40 The way to achieve this goal,
Rousseau continues, is to use “the most energetic of languages”: “the language of signs that
speak to the imagination” [E 321], a language that consists of actions.
While this goal of making a teaching more memorable reminds us of the illustration of
Hermes engraving the elements of the sciences on columns, and responds to the concern raised in
the Phaedrus that writing causes “forgetfulness in the souls of those who have learned it, through
neglect of memory” [275a], it is not the chief reason for Rousseau’s interest in the language of
signs. In the discussion in Emile he turns quickly from the mnemonic use of this language to its
persuasive use: to make human beings act. Unadorned reason, Rousseau pronounces,
“sometimes restrains, it arouses rarely, and it has never done anything great” [E 321]. If you
want great actions from human beings, you need reason adorned with images of action, whose
energy makes a stronger impression than unadorned reason does, by speaking to the heart.
Rousseau does not say why this is so in Emile, but passages from the Second Discourse and the
Essay on the Origin of Languages explain that the energy of the language of signs is due to the
particularity, the variety, the expression, and the compression of the images that make up its
vocabulary.41 So Rousseau’s answer to the question ‘why are the illustrations in Emile
necessary?’ is that he hopes that they will persuade human beings to act.
Why, then, must the illustrations be explicated? Rousseau’s next move in Book Four of
Emile is to launch into a four-paragraph “digression” [E 323] that purports to show, through
historical examples, that the ancients knew how to persuade men to act through the language of
signs, whereas the moderns, through neglect of this language, can move men only by self-interest
or force. The ancients had such a command of this language, Rousseau asserts, that “often” [E

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322] – though pointedly not always – an object they exhibited to the eyes of their audience was
able to say everything. Rousseau’s favorite example of this, which he uses both in Emile and in
the Essay, is the gift given by the king of the Scythians to Darius, the king of the Persians, when
the latter were invading Scythia: a bird, a frog, a mouse, and five arrows. “This terrifying
harangue made its point,” Rousseau writes, “and Darius hurried to get back to his country in
whatever way he could” [E 322] – whereas a threatening letter in place of these signs would only
have been laughable.
But if we look up the source of this story, in Book Four of Herodotus, we learn that the
Scythians gave the Persians the gift as a puzzle42 – likely hoping to detain them in Scythia – and
that the Persians gave the gift two opposite interpretations: as a surrender, and as a threat.
Herodotus does not tell us which interpretation was correct, and it’s not even clear from his
account that the Scythians knew what they meant to say. He merely recounts that an accidental
defeat led Darius to conclude that the Scythians despised the Persians, and to prefer the
interpretation that their gift was a threat. If we give the same treatment to the rest of Rousseau’s
historical examples from this passage in Emile, and the corresponding passage in the Essay, we
find that in several of them he suppresses a detail that is mentioned by his source: that the signs
in question did not say everything, because they were accompanied by a speech.43
Once again, we find a helpful explanation in the Essay on the Origin of Languages.
There Rousseau concludes from his historical examples that “one speaks much better to the eyes
than to the ears,” and that “[t]he most eloquent discourses are even seen to be those with the
most images embedded in them” [EOL 250].44 But then he admits that
when it is a question of moving the heart and inflaming the passions, it is an
entirely different matter. The successive impression made by discourse, striking
with cumulative impact, succeeds in arousing in you a different emotion than does
the presence of the object itself which you take in all at once glance [EOL 250].

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Rousseau distinguishes between the power of images and the power of sounds by stating that
“visible signs make for more accurate imitation, but… interest is more effectively aroused by
sounds” [EOL 251]. It follows from this distinction that while images can concentrate the
interest of their viewers, they cannot generate this interest, nor ensure that it is directed rightly.45
This account explains why the language of signs needs the assistance of discourse, as we
see from many of Rousseau’s historical examples; but it does not explain what can be done for
illustrations in a written work – which, unless it is read dramatically aloud, cannot rely on sounds
to generate interest. If we read further in the Essay, though, we find another helpful section,
where Rousseau writes, “we do not realize that often [sensations] affect us not only as sensations
but as signs or images, and that their moral effects also have moral causes” [EOL 284].
Sensations of beautiful colors, for example, are given life by drawing, by imitation, so that “it is
the passions which they express that succeed in arousing our own, the objects which they
represent that succeed in affecting us” [EOL 284]. This is why colors can be removed from a
painting – it can be turned into a drawing – without it moving us less. When illustrations are
used to depict an action, then, the passions that motivate action are concentrated by the
simultaneity of the drawing, but generated – in the absence of sounds – by the meaning of the
things drawn. So if the viewer knows what the images mean, either because he recognizes them,
or because he can read an explication of what they represent, they will generate and concentrate
his interest. This is Rousseau’s answer to why the illustrations must be explicated: so that the
energy of the language of signs will be properly directed, and the right action will be more likely
to ensue.
But why, third, must the images and their explications refer to ancient myths? After all,
the frontispiece to the Second Discourse makes no such reference, and yet there is no sign that

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Rousseau considered it a failure. We can infer Rousseau’s answer to this question once we
notice another implication of his historical examples: that the language of signs is more
successful the more the communicating parties have something in common. We can treat the
example of the Scythian gift as one in which the parties had little in common, and in which the
language of signs failed – presuming that communication was ever intended in the first place.
By contrast, in Book Four of Emile Rousseau offers several examples46 of the successful use of
the language of signs, in which the sign alone did say everything. The first of these,
“Thrasybulus and Tarquin cutting off the tops of the poppies” [E 322], partly refers to another
story in Herodotus, one that is substantially repeated with different characters by Livy. When
Periander came to power in Corinth, he sent to Thrasybulus, tyrant of neighboring Miletus,
asking about the “safest political establishment for administering the city best” [V.92].
Thrasybulus led Periander’s messenger outside the city, and, speaking with him about unrelated
matters, cut down each stalk of corn that had grown higher than the rest. He then sent the
messenger back to Periander. Now according to the messenger, Thrasybulus made no reply to
Periander’s query. But once he heard what Thrasybulus had done, Periander understood that the
safest political course was to “murder the most eminent of his citizens” [V.92].
In this example, communication by the language of signs succeeded between the two
tyrants because of their similar situations and inclinations; but it was accomplished by a
messenger who was unaware of the message he carried, because of the difference between his
situation and inclination and those of the tyrants.47 We see that the same sign can have meaning
among those who have something in common, while being meaningless to those who do not.
And this helps us to see how allegorical illustrations can be suited to audiences composed of
those with various levels of education. To readers who know the Achilleid, the Phaedrus, the

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Metamorphoses, the Argonautica, and the Odyssey, at one extreme, Rousseau’s illustrations will
be full of detailed meaning; those who do not even know the names Thetis, Chiron, Hermes,
Orpheus and Circe, at the other, will only find as much meaning as one sees in a picture of a
woman dipping a baby in a river.48 So we have Rousseau’s answer to the question of why his
illustrations must refer to ancient myths: to single out his educated readers, and in particular
those who pride themselves on their devotion to the highly questionable modern project of
enlightenment.
Lastly, why then must the images in Emile refer also to passages in Rousseau’s text – and
do so, as I have suggested, in a way that complicates and corrects their corresponding ancient
myths? One final observation will be helpful here about the examples in Rousseau’s
“digression”: they quietly point out that the chief users of the language of signs are tyrants.
Rousseau begins his digression by listing four ancient examples of Biblical covenants based on
threats of divine force;49 then he refers in a footnote to the modern example of the signs used by
the Roman clergy and the “tyrannical government” of Venice [E 322 n *]. After the examples of
Thrasybulus and Periander, of Tarquin and his son, already mentioned, who communicate their
tyrannical designs by signs, he concludes with the example of Mark Antony, who failed to save
the Roman republic because, according to Plutarch, he was “swept away by the tide of popular
applause,” and by “the prospect, if Brutus were overthrown, of being without doubt the ruler-inchief” [II, 489].50 Now if the language of signs is meant to give its users a hold on human beings
other than “by force or by self-interest” [E 321], it must be appealing to those who are unable or
unwilling to use force, but also unable to appeal to self-interest, in either its uneducated or its
educated form. And since human beings act either willingly or unwillingly, persuasion does not
amount to a third option – rather, it amounts to a combination of the two: human beings thinking

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that they act willingly, while in fact they are acting unwillingly. But this requires that the
interests that cause actions in human beings be connected with actions that are not ordinarily
their result: that the Achilles or the Odysseus that causes admiration, for example, be
surreptitiously replaced by the Emile who is both and better than both. This, then, is Rousseau’s
answer to the question why his illustrations must refer to passages in his text: that only by so
doing can he persuade his educated and enlightened readers to turn their attachment to ancient,
mythical heroes into an attachment to Emile.
So Rousseau’s answer to our opening question – do great books need pictures? – is a
resounding yes. They need pictures, he says, as long as their readers have hearts as well as
heads, and as long as their authors mean to make their readers act. They need pictures of
mythological figures as long as their authors want especially to reach and move their educated
readers. And they need to juxtapose these figures with arguments in their pages as long as they
want to persuade their educated readers to act in new ways. As the ancients knew, and Rousseau
himself knows, persuasion, which does not attempt to enlighten self-interest, but does not crush
with force, is the very picture of education.

Jeff J.S. Black
Annapolis, Maryland
June 18, 2013
Delivered June 19, 2013

Explication of the Slides
Slide 1 represents the frontispiece of Bacon’s Great Instauration, which may be found in Francis Bacon, Novum
Organum. Translated and Edited by Peter Urbach and John Gibson. (Chicago: Open Court, 1994), ii.
Slide 2 represents the title page of the Head Edition of Hobbes’s Leviathan, which may be found in Thomas Hobbes,
Leviathan, with selected variants from the Latin edition of 1668. Edited, with Introduction, by Edwin Curley.
(Indianapolis, IN: Hackett, 1994), lxxviii.

�Black, The Very Pictures of Education, Page 34

Slide 3 represents the frontispiece of Vico’s New Science, which may be found in Giambattista Vico, The New
Science of Giambattista Vico. Unabridged Translation of the Third Edition (1744) with the addition of “Practic of
the New Science.” Translated by Thomas Goddard Bergin and Max Harold Frisch. (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University
Press, 1984), 2.
Slide 4 represents the frontispiece of Rousseau’s First Discourse, which may be found in Jean-Jacques Rousseau,
The Discourses and other early political writings. Edited and translated by Victor Gourevitch. (Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press, 1997), 2.
Slide 5 represents the frontispiece of Rousseau’s Second Discourse, which may be found in Rousseau, The
Discourses and other early political writings, 112.
Slide 6 represents and magnifies the detail from the bottom right-hand corner of the frontispiece of the Second
Discourse, wherein the huts of the Hottentots are depicted.
Slide 7 represents the ‘Thetis’ illustration from Emile, which may be found in Jean-Jacques Rousseau, Emile, or On
Education. Translation and Introduction by Allan Bloom. (New York: Basic Books, 1979), ii. A portion of the
illustration on the middle left margin has been boxed in red.
Slide 8 represents and magnifies the detail from the middle left margin of the ‘Thetis’ illustration, wherein the figure
of Charon can barely be discerned.
Slide 9 represents the ‘Chiron’ illustration from Emile, which may be found in Rousseau, Emile, 76.
Slide 10 represents the ‘Hermes’ illustration from Emile, which may be found in Rousseau, Emile, 164.
Slide 11 juxtaposes the frontispiece of the First Discourse from Slide 4 with the ‘Hermes’ illustration from Slide 10.
Slide 12 represents the ‘Orpheus’ illustration from Emile, which may be found in Rousseau, Emile, 261.
Slide 13 represents the ‘Circe’ illustration from Emile, which may be found in Rousseau, Emile, 76.
Slide 14 represents and magnifies the detail from the top left margin of the ‘Circe’ illustration, wherein a bed canopy
is depicted.

Notes
1

Readers of this lecture, who cannot benefit from the slideshow that accompanied it, should consult the
“Explication of the Slides,” above.
2

Giambattista Vico, The New Science of Giambattista Vico. Unabridged Translation of the Third Edition (1744)
with the addition of “Practic of the New Science.” Translated by Thomas Goddard Bergin and Max Harold Fisch.
(Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1968). Citations to this edition are given in the form [NS page].
3

Plato, Phaedrus. Translated with Introduction, Notes, and Interpretive Essay by James H. Nichols Jr. (Ithaca, NY:
Cornell University Press, 1998).
4

Quotations from Rousseau’s writings are taken from the best editions that are widely available. Quotations from
the First and Second Discourses and the Essay on the Origin of Languages are from Jean-Jacques Rousseau, The
Discourses and other early political writings. Edited and Translated by Victor Gourevitch. (Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press, 1997), and are given in the forms [FD, SD, or EOL page]. Quotations from Emile are from JeanJacques Rousseau, Emile, or On Education. Translation and Introduction by Allan Bloom. (New York: Basic

�Black, The Very Pictures of Education, Page 35

Books, 1979), and are given in the form [E page]. I also refer in the text to Jean-Jacques Rousseau, Correspondance
complète de Jean Jacques Rousseau. Édition critique établie et annotée par R.A. Leigh. Fifty-Two Volumes.
(Oxford: Voltaire Foundation, 1965-1998), in the form [CC Volume:page]; to Jean-Jacques Rousseau, Collected
Writings. Thirteen Volumes. Series Editors Roger D. Masters and Christopher Kelly. (Hanover, NH: University
Press of New England, 1992-2010), in the form [CW Volume:page]; and to Jean-Jacques Rousseau, Œuvres
complètes. Five Volumes. Series Editors Bernard Gagnebin and Marcel Raymond. (Paris: Bibliothèque de la
Pléiade, 1964-95), in the form [OC Volume:page]. Translations from CC and OC are my own.
5

These engravings were not ready for the first edition of the novel, and so were at first published separately,
accompanied by narrative descriptions of the “Subjects of the Engravings” [CW 6:621-628] that indicate the high
level of detail Rousseau meant his illustrations to communicate. As he writes at the beginning of his discussion of
these illustrations,
Most of these Subjects are detailed so as to make them understood, much more so than they can be
in the execution: for in order to realize a drawing felicitously, the Artist must see it not as it will be
on his paper, but as it is in nature. The pencil does not distinguish a blonde from a brunette, but
the imagination that guides it must distinguish them. The burin cannot render highlights and
shadows well unless the Engraver also imagines the colors. In the same way, with figures in
motion, he needs to see what precedes and what follows, and accord a certain latitude to the time
of the action; otherwise one will never capture well the unity of the moment to be expressed. The
Artist’s skill consists in making the Viewer imagine many things that do not appear on the plate;
and that depends on a felicitous choice of circumstances, of which the ones he renders lead us to
presuppose the ones he does not. Therefore one can never enter into too much detail when one
wants to present Subjects for Engraving, and is absolutely ignorant of the art [CW 6:621].
6

For an example of Rousseau’s care with the details of his illustrations, consider this passage from a letter to his
publisher, Duchesne, written on March 7, 1762:
The change that was made to the flames [in the Thetis engraving] on my advice is very bad, and
spoils the effect of the engraving which the lit portion brought out a great deal; I would wish that
my stupidity in this respect be fixable. I will be more hesitant the next time to give my advice, for
fear of committing another. And yet to this point I have not been mistaken in matters of effect [CC
10:142-143].
7

Why is a satyr an appropriate allegorical representation of common men? Rousseau writes at some length about
the mixed or monstrous character of modern human beings in Book One of Emile [E 37-41]. He attributes this
mixture to contradictions between the education we are given by nature, and the one we are given by men. The
satyr, half beast and half man, is a good image for the kind of monsters that we are, according to Rousseau. It
follows that if the education of nature were to have its way with us, we would be nothing other than beasts.
8

See Plutarch, Moralia. Volume Two. Translated by Frank Cole Babbitt. (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University
Press, 1962). Citations from this work are given in the text in the form [Volume.section].
9

My discussion of Rousseau’s illustrations in the next five sections of this lecture has benefited considerably from
John T. Scott’s unpublished paper “The Illustrative Education of Rousseau’s Emile,” which he was kind enough to
share with me.
10

Charles Eisen, who designed the engraving for the Second Discourse, also designed the engravings for Emile
[Scott, 6].
11

Rousseau rejected the idea that the engravings should be identified by inscriptions explicating the action depicted
in each. In one letter to his publisher he writes,
I do not believe that inscriptions at the bottom of the engravings are needed: one ought not to
explain at all what is clear: we could just number the page and the volume there, to which each

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engraving is related; but I fear that the binder will move it [each engraving] to that page, whereas
each engraving ought to be at the head of a book” [CC 10:143].
In a later letter, Rousseau continues,
[i]t is not possible, Sir, that the inscription of the engraving remain as it is; the way in which it has
been cut into two lines forming two sort of little rhyming verses, [is] very ridiculous, and I must
warn you that anyway we will redo the inscriptions; since there are changes to be made to those
that I have sent you, one ought not to have them engraved without alerting me. I would be of the
opinion, then, that we erase the inscription completely, if it’s possible to do so without much
trouble. If you would rather leave it in, and consequently put one on all the others (and I consent
to it if you judge it appropriate) in this case this one absolutely must be rewritten in the following
way, since once again it cannot remain as it is. Thetis dips Her son / in the Styx. See p. 37 [CC
10:150].
12

Rousseau instructed his publisher that, with the exception of “Orpheus,” each engraving was to be placed
opposite the first page of each book:
The citations of pages that you had engraved at the top of each engraving will certainly lead the
binders and signature-sewers to commit an error. They will place the engraving facing the cited
page, instead of putting it at the beginning of the book or volume, as is said in the explication.
You must attempt to prevent this. There should be an engraving as frontispiece for each volume
and another in the first volume at the head of the second book [CC 10:222-223].
13

As Scott rightly notes, Bloom mistakenly has the explications point to the pages on which the engravings are
found, rather than the pages of the text to which the engravings refer [Scott, 9-10].
14

Rousseau also uses the terms “fable” and “allegory” in his description of the frontispiece to the First Discourse.
See the discussion of the Prometheus illustration, above, the Discourse itself, [G, 16 n *], and the Letter to Lecat
[CW 2:179].
15

How does the fear of death cause Thetis to neglect to breastfeed her son? Breastfeeding might entail implicit
acknowledgement of one’s mortality, because it involves explicit acknowledgement of one’s subordination to one’s
offspring. Rousseau advocates familiarizing young girls with the fear of death early in their educations, whereas he
recommends keeping this fear from young boys. See Book Five of Emile [E 379-380].
16

References to this work are to Statius, Achilleid. Edited and Translated by D.R. Shackleton Bailey. (Cambridge,
MA: Harvard University Press, 2003), and are given in the text in the form [Book.line numbers].
17

Scott points out that Rousseau is “coy” about whether the tutor and the pupil in this example are Jean-Jacques and
Emile. In the example itself he distinguishes himself from “the man who speaks in this example” [E 141], and
presumably thereby distinguishes the pupil from Emile. But in one place later in the text he refers to Emile as the
pupil in the example [E 153], and in another to Emile’s “former races” [E 436]. Earlier, Rousseau had written that
he “will not be distressed if Emile is of noble birth” [E 52]. See Scott, 18.
18

Scott notes that the only reference in Homer to the “most righteous of the centaurs” is to his medicinal skill,
which he taught to Asclepius and to Achilles. See Iliad IV.219 and XI.832. It may be significant that Asclepius
tried to use these skills to overcome death. Scott also helpfully directs us to the first chapter of Xenophon’s
Cynegeticus, where Chiron is mentioned as a master of hunting, and to the eighteenth chapter of Machiavelli’s
Prince, where he is a metaphor for knowing “how to use the beast and the man.” See Scott, 15-16.
19

Another difference between Thetis’ and Chiron’s treatments is that Thetis’ are physical, whereas Chiron’s are
psychic. Chiron is a singer, and he teaches Achilles to sing as well. This points to a connection between the
‘Chiron’ illustration and the ‘Orpheus’ illustration.

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20

Rousseau devotes a few pages of Book Two of Emile to a discussion of carnivorousness. Human beings are
naturally vegetarians, he argues, and it is “above all… important not to denature this primitive taste,” not for the
sake of health, but for the sake of character: “it is certain that great eaters of meat are in general more cruel and
ferocious than other men” [E 153]. He follows these claims with a lengthy quotation from Plutarch, of a lurid
passage that argues that while the first carnivorous human beings must have overcome a deep repugnance to eat
animal corpses, they were compelled to do so by natural scarcity [!], whereas modern human beings have no such
excuse [E 154-155]. It may be relevant to note that Statius’ carnivorous Achilles does indeed seem to be cruel and
ferocious. Thetis wants to keep him from the Trojan war by disguising him as a girl and hiding him among the girls
of Scyros. Ashamed to comply, especially by the thought of what Chiron might say, Achilles only goes along with
her plan after he is seized by lust for one of the girls, Deidamia [I.301-303]. Soon afterward, he rapes and
impregnates her [I.640-643]. In some respect, the rest of the story of Emile could be understood as Rousseau’s
attempt to avoid this outcome for his Achilles. Compare the interpretation of the Circe engraving, below.
The vegetarianism of the Achilles depicted in the Chiron illustration could just as well have been indicated
by the depiction of a cake as by the depiction of an apple. Perhaps Rousseau chose the latter to allude to the story of
Adam and Eve, or to the story of the beauty contest that was the first cause of the Trojan War. Or perhaps an apple
is easier to identify in an engraving than a cake.
21

“This novel,” Rousseau writes,
disencumbered of all its rigmarole, beginning with Robinson’s shipwreck near his island and
ending with the arrival of the ship which comes to take him from it, will be both Emile’s
entertainment and instruction throughout the period which is dealt with here [E 185].

It is instructive to see which parts of the novel, falling before Robinson’s shipwreck and after the arrival of his
rescuers, Rousseau considers to be “rigmarole.”
22

Scott points out that the identification of the Egyptian god Thoth or Theuth with the Greek god Hermes only came
after the age of classical Greek literature, in the person of Hermes Trismegistus of the hermetic tradition [Scott, 20].
23

It also makes sense to interpret the beardless youth as Emile, and the older, bearded man as his tutor, JeanJacques – though Rousseau has argued earlier in Emile that a tutor should be as near in age to his pupil as possible:
“a child’s governor ought to be young and even as young as a wise man can be” [E 51]. This interpretation has the
advantage of agreeing with the story of Book Three, wherein Jean-Jacques shows Emile the elements of the
sciences, without allowing him to approach any of the sciences very closely. “The issue is not to teach him the
sciences,” Rousseau writes, “but to give him the taste for loving them and the methods for learning them when this
taste is better developed” [E 172]. It also has the advantage of repeating the strange doubling of Rousseau that we
saw in the ‘Prometheus’ illustration. There Rousseau was at once Prometheus the titan (or Rousseau the author) and
the Citizen of Geneva; here he is at once Hermes the god (or Rousseau the author) and Jean-Jacques the tutor.
24

Another indication of the exceptional character of the ‘Orpheus’ illustration is that in his “Explications” Rousseau
tells us that it “belongs” to the fourth book – again, unlike the illustrations to Books Two and Three, each of which
was said to be “at the beginning” of its book, or the illustration to Book One, which was said to “relate” to that book
[E 36; I have altered the translation]. John Scott details the convincing circumstantial evidence that this engraving is
a late addition: Rousseau’s
instructions for the division of [the] published work come in November 1761, just six months
before it appeared, and include his specification that the third volume should open with the
dramatic introduction to the “Profession.” At this same time, Rousseau also sends his ideas to
Eisen for the engravings for the last two books, and thus his instruction for the engraving of
Orpheus. Finally, the textual reference in Book IV to Orpheus was added only during production.
See Scott, 25 and OC 4:1569.
25

Recall that Rousseau instructed Duchesne to place the ‘Orpheus’ engraving at the beginning of the Profession of
Faith of the Savoyard Vicar. See note 12, above.

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26

There is also a lyre in the ‘Chiron’ illustration.

27

We can detect this disagreement at the end of the Vicar’s speech, where he advises the young Rousseau:
[i]f my reflections lead you to think as I do, if my sentiments are also yours and we have the same
profession of faith... [g]o back to your own country, return to the religion of your father, follow it
in the sincerity of your heart, and never leave it again [E 311].

Since the young Rousseau did not take this advice, we ought to infer that he did not share the Vicar’s sentiment. An
indication of the ground of their disagreement may be seen earlier in the Profession of Faith, where the Vicar claims
that conscience is to the soul what instinct and the passions are to the body. He makes this claim in the context of an
argument that conscience and instinct or the passions are always at odds with one another, and that of these, it is
conscience that speaks with the voice of nature. The young Rousseau tries to interrupt the Vicar at this point, but the
Vicar will not let him speak [E 286-7]. To put the comparison crudely for the sake of brevity, Rousseau and the
Savoyard Vicar seem to agree that conscience is an innate principle of justice and virtue [E 289]; that it speaks in
sentiments rather than in judgments [E 290]; that it therefore differs from reason or the natural intellect, since reason
leads to knowledge of the good and conscience to our love of the good [E 286]; that both reason and conscience are
required for moral action [E 294]; and that the voice of conscience can be stifled but not eradicated [E 291]. But
Rousseau disagrees with the Vicar’s inferences from the contradictory demands of instinct or the passions and
conscience. The Vicar takes these demands to indicate that human beings are composed of body and soul [E 279].
This fundamental dualism leads him to a belief in human freedom [E 281], in the existence of God [E 275; cf. 290
and 295], in the natural sociability of human beings [E 290], and in an afterlife—understood as the place where the
soul, freed from the body, can finally pursue wholeheartedly the demands of conscience [E 282-5]. It also follows
from the Vicar’s hatred of the body and his reliance on the afterlife that, as he sees it, the demands of conscience are
not compatible with patriotism [E 295]. The importance of the Vicar’s dualism becomes clear in his comment that
[i]f conscience is the work of the prejudices, I am doubtless wrong, and there is no demonstrable
morality. But if to prefer oneself to everything is an inclination natural to man, and if nevertheless
the first sentiment of justice is innate in the human heart, let him who regards man as a simple
being overcome these contradictions, and I shall no longer acknowledge more than one substance
[E 279].
By claiming, in his own name, that conscience develops from the selfish human passions [E 235], Rousseau has
already suggested, earlier in Emile, how these contradictions may be overcome. According to his own argument,
then, the Vicar ought to abandon his dualism, and everything that follows from it.
28

References here are to Ovid, Metamorphoses. With an English Translation by Frank Justus Miller. In Two
Volumes. (London: William Heinemann, 1916), and are given in the text in the form [Book.lines].
29

Ovid adds here that Orpheus turns his sexual attentions to young boys, heightening the impression of Orpheus’
burgeoning dislike for women.
30

We find many of the same details in Virgil’s telling of the story in Book IV of his Georgics, though his imagery
does not correspond as closely with Rousseau’s engraving as Ovid’s does. Virgil attributes the fateful backward
glance to “a sudden frenzy [that] seized Orpheus, unwary in his love” [IV.488-489], rather than to any fear of
weakness in Eurydice. And he does not suggest that it was homosexual practices that turned the local women
against the singer. See Virgil, Eclogues, Georgics, Aeneid. With an English Translation by H. Rushton Fairclough.
In Two Volumes. (London: William Heinemann, 1916). The citation above from the Georgics is given in the form
[Book.lines].
31

The Vicar says that his resolve not to profane the institution of marriage
was precisely what destroyed me. My respect for the bed of others left my faults exposed. The
scandal had to be expiated. Arrested, interdicted, driven out, I was far more the victim of my
scruples than of my incontinence; and I had occasion to understand, from the reproaches with

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which my disgrace was accompanied, that often one need only aggravate the fault to escape the
punishment [E 267].
32

As Rousseau later writes in reference to Emile’s first sexual experience, “I have reflected on men’s morals too
much not to see the invincible influence of this moment on the rest of his life” [E 318]. Compare his later
chastisement of readers who “do not sufficiently consider the influence which a man’s first liaison with a woman
ought of have on the course of both of their lives” [E 415].
33

Instead of receiving an otherworldly metaphysical teaching, Emile receives a thisworldly revelation in which
Jean-Jacques explains what he has done for his education [E 323], and then, having thus secured his attention,
initiates him into the mysteries and dangers of sex [E 324]. In reply, Emile asks Jean-Jacques to retain his authority
over him, in order to protect Emile from his own passions [E 325].
34

References here are to Apollonius Rhodius, Argonautica. With an English Translation by R.C. Seaton. (London:
William Heinemann, 1912], and are given in the form [Book.lines].
35

Jean-Jacques uses the Sirens as an image of the dangers of sex in his revelatory conversation with Emile, as a way
of impressing on Emile how difficult it will be to heed Jean-Jacques’s authority. “Just as Ulysses, moved by the
Sirens’ song and seduced by the lure of the pleasures, cried out to his crew to unchain him, so you will want to break
the bonds which hinder you” [E 316]. This passage, together with a reference to Ulysses at the beginning of Book
IV of Emile [E 212], leads John Scott to the thoughtful, and to my mind correct, hypothesis that, had Rousseau not
been required by the division of the work into volumes to place an engraving in the middle of Book Four, he would
have placed an engraving of Odysseus at the beginning of this book. “The engraving to Book V of Emile also
depicts Odysseus,” Scott writes,
and choosing the same figure to illustrate Book IV would have given the work as a whole a
symmetry with the first two books relating the story of Achilles and the last two the story of
Odysseus. […] The choice of Odysseus as the subject for an engraving for Book IV would be
appropriate for novelistic reasons, since the story of Emile’s wandering begins there and continues
into Book V. It would also be appropriate for theoretical reasons, for the taming of Odysseus’
wily pride and his return to domesticity would accord with Rousseau’s reinterpretation of the story
of Achilles in the first two engravings for the work and the philosophical thrust of the work.
See Scott, 25-26. It poses no difficulty for this hypothesis that Odysseus’ encounter with the Sirens happens after
his encounter with Circe, according to the Odyssey. Homer writes that Circe warns Odysseus of the danger of the
Sirens, and tells him how escape despite listening to their song [XII.39-54]. In his Epistles, in a passage which
Rousseau knew well, Horace mentions the Sirens and Circe in this order. See note 36.
36

“You know the Sirens' songs and Circe's cups,” Horace writes in the Epistles; “if, along with his comrades,
[Ulysses] had drunk of these in folly and greed, he would have become the shapeless and witless vassal of a harlot
mistress – would have lived as an unclean dog or a sow that loves the mire” [I.ii.23-26]. See Horace, Satires,
Epistles, and Ars Poetica. With an English Translation by H. Rushton Fairclough. (Cambridge, MA: Harvard
University Press, 1942). The reference is in the form [Book.epistle.lines]. It’s likely that Rousseau was familiar
with this source, the next line of which contains the line nos numerus sumus, et fruges consumere nati, which Lecat
cites in his Refutation of the First Discourse [CW 2:133], and which Rousseau later quotes in Book Two of Emile
[CW 13:296].
37

References to the Odyssey are to Homer, The Odyssey of Homer. Translated with an Introduction by Richmond
Lattimore. (New York: Harper &amp; Row, 1965), and are given in the text in the form [Book.lines].
38

Those who would argue that Circe offers herself to Odysseus because she recognizes who he is need to find a way
to explain the details of Hermes’ advice. He does not advise Odysseus simply to identify himself to Circe.
39

This work, which seems unfinished, and was not published during Rousseau’s lifetime, consists of two letters
written by Emile to his tutor Jean-Jacques. In the first, Emile describes how, after Sophie bears him a son and a

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daughter, Jean-Jacques leaves, and Emile and Sophie’s misfortunes begin. Sophie’s parents soon die, then her
daughter by Emile. Consumed with grief, she is taken by Emile to the capital city for distraction, accompanied by a
friendly couple. They spend two years in the capital, during which time Emile and Sophie are both corrupted. Their
friends turn out to be libertines, and the female friend apparently ends by persuading Sophie to engage in an
adulterous affair with the friend’s husband. Sophie then reveals this affair to Emile, and the resulting pregnancy.
He is thunderstruck; he roams the capital in a passionate fury. But once he calms down, Emile leaves the capital and
takes work as a carpenter, while he deliberates about what to do. He decides to leave Sophie and to take his son
with him; but he is dissuaded from the latter on learning of a secret visit by Sophie, who fears precisely this.
Instead, Emile flees Sophie and the capital, heading south.
In the second letter we read that Emile, arriving eventually in Marseilles, embarks for Naples as a common
sailor. Unfortunately, the captain of his ship is in cahoots with the Barbary pirates. When the captain’s treachery
becomes clear, Emile kills him, but is taken by the pirates and – as soon as they see he will not be ransomed – sold
into slavery. As a slave Emile is put to use, first as a craftsman and then as a laborer on public works. When the
latter situation becomes dangerously onerous, Emile plots with his fellow slaves to go on strike: an action which
ends with Emile being made the overseer of the other slaves. He performs so well in this position that he attracts the
attention of, and is eventually sold to, the Dey of Algiers – at which point the primary manuscript breaks off. Two
passages in the first letter suggest that, had the work been completed, we would have read of the deaths of Sophie
and of Emile’s son as well [CW 13:685-721].
40

It would have occurred to Rousseau that illustrations could be used to this end if he was familiar, as seems likely,
with Vico’s New Science, whose allegorical frontispiece is composed of what Vico calls “hieroglyphs,” to which he
devotes thirty paragraphs of explanation, and which he says are intended “to give the reader some conception of the
work before he reads it, and, with such an aid as imagination may afford, to call it back to mind after he has read it”
[NS, 3]. There is no conclusive evidence, as far as I can tell, that Rousseau read Vico, but there are suggestive
similarities between their thoughts. The editors of the Pléiade edition remark that the Essay on the Origin of
Languages especially raises the question of whether Rousseau read Vico while he was in Venice, but that decisive
proof is lacking [OC 1:1548; 5:1545].
41

“Every general idea is purely intellectual,” Rousseau writes in the discussion of language in the Second
Discourse; but
if the imagination is at all involved, the idea immediately becomes particular. Try to outline the
image of a tree in general to yourself, you will never succeed; in spite of yourself it will have to be
seen as small or large, bare or leafy, light or dark, and if you could see in it only what there is in
every tree, the image would no longer resemble a tree. Purely abstract beings are either seen in
this same way, or conceived of only be means of discourse. Only the definition of a Triangle
gives you the genuine idea of it: As soon as you figure one in your mind, it is a given Triangle and
not another, and you cannot help making its lines perceptible or its surface colored. Hence once
has to state propositions, hence one has to speak in order to have general ideas: for as soon as the
imagination stops, the mind can proceed only by means of discourse [SD 148].
In the first chapter of the Essay on the Origin of Languages, Rousseau adds that the language of gesture, which
when frozen in time becomes drawing, is just as natural as spoken language, but easier and less dependent on
conventions: “for more objects strike our eyes than our ears, and shapes exhibit greater variety than do sounds; they
are also more expressive and say more in less time” [EOL 248].
42

While Rousseau claims that “[t]he ambassador [left] his present and [departed] without saying anything” [E 322],
Herodotus writes that the messenger said, “let the Persians… if they were clever [sophoi] enough, discover the
signification of the presents” [IV.131]. See Herodotus, The History. Translated by David Grene. (Chicago: The
University of Chicago Press, 1987).
43

One of Rousseau’s examples in the Essay is of the Levite of Ephraim, who cut the body of his wife into twelve
pieces to rouse the tribes of Israel against the tribe of Benjamin. About this sign, Rousseau writes, “[a]t this ghastly
sight they rushed to arms… [a]nd the Tribe of Benjamin was exterminated” [EOL 249-250]. But in Judges, the
source of the story, we read that while the Israelites were outraged at the sight of the woman’s dismembered corpse
[19:30], they needed a speech to determine them to attack those responsible in Gibeah [20:4-9]. Another of the

�Black, The Very Pictures of Education, Page 41

examples in the Essay is of King Saul, who dismembered his plow oxen to being Israel to the assistance of the tribe
of Jabesh. But in I Samuel we read that Saul accompanied the parts of his dismembered oxen with a threat.
“‘Whoever does not come out after Saul and after Samuel, thus will be done to his oxen!’ And the fear of the Lord
fell on the people,” the scripture writer concludes, “and they came out as one man” [11:7]. Again, while Rousseau
claims in the Essay that the orator Hyperides got the courtesan Phryne acquitted “without urging a single word in her
defense” [EOL 250], we read the following in Athenaeus, The Deipnosophists, XIII:
Hyperides spoke in support of Phryne, and when his speech accomplished nothing, and the jurors
seemed likely to convict her, he brought her out in public, ripped her dress to shreds, exposed her
chest, and at the conclusion of his speech produced cries of lament as he gazed at her, causing the
jurors to feel a superstitious fear of this priestess and temple-attendant of Aphrodite, and to give in
to pity rather than put her to death. Afterward, then she had been acquitted, a decree was passed to
the effect that no speaker was to lament on another person’s behalf, and that no accused man or
[woman] was to be put on display while their case was being decided [590e-f].
See Athenaeus, The Learned Banqueters. Edited and Translated by S. Douglas Olson. Volume VI. (Cambridge,
MA: Harvard University Press, 2010), 411-413. Finally, the same criticism could be made of Rousseau’s use of the
example of Antony, at the end of his digression in Emile. “On the death of Caesar,” he writes, “I imagine one of our
orators wishing to move the people; he exhausts all the commonplaces of his art to present a pathetic description of
Caesar’s wounds, his blood, his corpse. Antony, although eloquent, does not say all that. He has the body brought
in. What rhetoric!” [E 322-323]. According to Plutarch’s “Life of Antony,’ though, Rousseau’s likely source,
Antony behaved differently:
[a]s Caesar’s body was conveying to the tomb, Antony, according to the custom, was making his
funeral oration in the market-place, and perceiving the people to be infinitely affected with what
he had said, he began to mingle with his praises language of commiseration, and horror at what
had happened, and, as he was ending his speech, he took the under-clothes of the dead, and held
them up, showing them stains of blood and the holes of the many stabs, calling those that had done
this act villains and bloody murderers. All which excited the people to such indignation, that they
would not defer the funeral, but, making a pile of tables and forms in the very market-place, set
fire to it; and every one, taking a brand, ran to the conspirators’ houses, to attack them [II, 489490].
Antony uses the language of signs to concentrate the passions generated by his spoken words.
44

Rousseau claims to be following Horace in drawing this conclusion. And indeed, we read in On the Art of Poetry,
“[l]ess vividly is the mind stirred by what finds entrance through the ears than by what is brought before the trusty
eyes, and what the spectator can see for himself.” Yet Horace follows up with this qualification: “you will not bring
upon the stage what should be performed behind the scenes, and you will keep much from our eyes, which an actor's
ready tongue will narrate anon in our presence [180-184].” The examples he gives of such things are of atrocities
and miraculous transformations. If these things are more striking when imagined than when feigned on the stage,
they may indicate a limit to the energy of the language of signs.
45

“The object that is exhibited to the eyes shakes the imagination, arouses curiosity, keeps the mind attentive to
what is going to be said” [E 322], Rousseau explains in Book Four of Emile.
46

The other examples are, first, “Alexander placing his seal on his favorite’s mouth,” and second, “Diogenes
walking before Zeno.” The first is a reference to Plutarch’s “Life of Alexander,” paragraph 39 [E 491 n 68]. The
story told there involves a friend of Alexander who had read a letter from Alexander’s mother, advising Alexander
to desist from giving magnificent gifts, because this made their recipients equal to kings and made them many
friends, while stripping Alexander bare. The gesture was meant to tell the friend to keep silent about the advice,
which Alexander had been keeping secret. The second phrase is a reference to Diogenes Laertius’ Lives of the
Philosophers, VI.39 [E 491 n 69]. The text only says that when “someone” told Diogenes there is no such thing as
motion, he got up and walked around. In both examples, though, the significance of the action depends on the
communicating parties having a considerable amount of experience in common: the content of Alexander’s mother’s
letter, in the first case, and the claims of Zeno’s paradoxes in the second.

�Black, The Very Pictures of Education, Page 42
47

According to Herodotus, the messenger reported “that Thrasybulus had made no suggestion at all, and indeed he
wondered what sort of a man this was he had been sent to, a madman and a destroyer of his own property” [V.92].
Despite his ignorance of the message, the messenger’s judgment of Thrasybulus was good.
48

In the Letter to Raynal, an early reply to criticisms made of the First Discourse, Rousseau answers the claim that
“[i]t is impossible to be too emphatic about truths that clash so head-on with the general taste, and it is important to
deny chicanery every possible hold” by saying that “I am not altogether of the same opinion, and I believe that
children should be left some baubles” [G, 31; italics in the original]. Compare what Rousseau says about the
illustrations in Emile in a letter to his publisher: “I am very happy with the illustrator, and even with the engraver,
and I am, like children, quite taken with beautiful images” [CC 10:151].
49

Rousseau’s first examples showing the superiority of the ancients have to do with covenants. When the gods
ruled instead of force, he tells us, covenants were solemnly made in their presence, and these covenants were
recorded in the “book” of the earth: in stones, trees, and heaps of rocks. “[T]he faith of men was more assured by
the guarantee of these mute witnesses than it is today by all the vain rigor of the laws” [E 321]. He implies that by
swearing in the presence of these objects, the ancient Israelites made it more likely that their covenants be kept –
that is, that the language of signs persuaded men to act faithfully. What, then, was the basis of this persuasion?
Rousseau gives four examples of ancient covenants – all taken from Genesis. The first is to “the well of the
oath” [Genesis 26:32-33; Bloom, 491 n 65]. In this example, a pact is struck between Isaac and Abimelech in which
the latter pledges not to attack the former, because “[w]e have clearly seen that the Lord is with you” [Genesis
26:28], and a well is dug called the well of the oath. The evidence that the Lord is with Isaac seems chiefly to have
been the flourishing of the Israelites that followed once Abimelech realized that Isaac was Rebekah’s husband, and
put him under his protection. Second, Rousseau mentions “the well of the living and seeing” [Genesis 16:14;
Bloom, 491 n 65]. In this case Hagar encounters a messenger of the Lord, who promises her that she will bear a son
named Ishmael, “a wild ass of a man – / his hand against all, the hand of all against him, / he will encamp in despite
of all his kin” [16:12]. This covenant leads Hagar to return to Sarai and to endure her abuse, but it also promises
centuries of conflict. Third, Rousseau cites “the old oak of Mamre” [Genesis 18:1; Bloom, 491 n 65]. In this
passage, the Lord appeared to Abraham in the form of three men, and they promised Sarai that she would have a
child. The same three men went on to visit, and destroy, Sodom and Gomorrah. And finally, Rousseau mentions
“the mound of the witness” [Genesis 31:46-48; compare Bloom, 491 n 65]. In this last example we read about how
Jacob, having taken flocks and daughters from Laban, made a pact with the latter to draw a boundary between them
[31:52]. Jacob is able to make this pact because, he claims, God was with him [31:42] in his theft – that is, the theft
succeeded.
What these examples seem to have in common is that in each case the covenant symbolized by a natural
object was concluded against the backdrop of an indirect or direct demonstration of the power of God. We are led to
conclude that while the signs concentrated the memory of these demonstrations of power, it was the demonstrations
themselves – in other words, an experience of force – that aroused the interest of the contracting parties, and
persuaded them to be faithful. The examples thus illustrate how persuasion is based on the tyrannical exercise of
force.
50

The only exception, if that is what it is, to the rule that Rousseau’s historical examples of the language of signs
involve tyrants, is the example of Diogenes and Zeno [E 322].

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Why	We	Should	(Still)	Read	Beauvoir	
A	Lecture	for	the	Graduate	Institute	Summer	Series	
Wednesday	July	5,	2017	
Rebecca	Steiner	Goldner	
	

I	want	to	thank	you	all	for	coming	tonight	and	the	Graduate	Institute	for	
hosting	this	lecture,	and	to	say	a	little	bit	about	why	I	wanted	to	give	this	lecture.	
Long,	long	ago,	I	was	a	GI	student	here	over	the	course	of	four	summers,	and	I	recall	
with	great	fondness	the	Wednesday	night	lectures,	talks,	and	roundtable	discussions	
we	had	then,	though	they	were	perhaps	less	formally	instituted	than	they	have	been	
of	late.	My	paper	is	aligned	with	the	spirit	of	those	exploratory	and	informal	events	
and	the	discussions	that	followed	them.	
I	also	want	to	say	something	about	why	I	am	lecturing	on	Beauvoir.	I	was	
lucky	enough	to	offer	a	preceptorial	on	Beauvoir	this	past	academic	year	and	so	I	
was	given	the	gift	of	reading	this	incredible	book	with	10	of	the	most	thoughtful,	
invested,	and	interesting	students	one	could	wish	for	as	interlocutors.	It	was	
actually	reading	their	preceptorial	papers	that	inspired	me	to	write	on	Beauvoir	and	
so	I	owe	them	a	great	amount	of	gratitude.	
I	wrote	this	talk	expecting	that	one	need	not	have	read	Beauvoir	to	
understand	what	I	am	saying:	this	is	a	paper	on	a	non-program	book	and	a	book	that	
is	not	necessarily	a	part	of	our	common	discourse	(yet).	One	of	the	aims	of	this	talk,	
then,	is	to	introduce	you	to	the	book	and	perhaps	to	persuade	you	that	The	Second	
Sex	is	worth	reading,	is	still	relevant,	and	that	it	raises	important	questions	we	
might	not	otherwise	ask.

	

1	

�My	claim,	however,	is	more	specific	than	a	general	sense	of	the	relevance	of	
The	Second	Sex.	I	also	have	found	this	book	to	be	paradigmatic	of	a	way	of	thinking—
perhaps	of	learning—that	we	aim	for	at	this	college.	That	is,	The	Second	Sex	could	be	
read	as	exemplifying	characteristics	that	we	take	to	be	essential	to	an	education	in	
the	liberal	arts.	To	this	end,	I	suggest	the	following:	

1.

Beauvoir’s	book	is	motivated	by	a	question—	‘What	is	

woman?’.	One	might	call	this	her	opening	question.	We	like	opening	
questions,	here.	We	particularly	like	opening	questions	that	require	us	to	
consider	something	we	might	take	as	a	given,	something	we	think	we	
understand	or	know,	questions	which	help	demonstrate	–	in	particular	
through	prolonged		discussion—that	we	don’t	actually	know	what	we	
thought	we	knew.	When	Beauvoir	offers	her	famous	premise	that	“one	is	not	
born,	but	rather	becomes,	woman”	(283,	which	is	almost	precisely	half	way	
through	the	book,	at	the	beginning	of	the	second	volume)	we	might	read	this	
as	an	elaboration	of	the	question	rather	than	any	kind	of	answer--	the	kind	of	
elaboration	we	might	offer	in	the	second	half	of	a	seminar	to	show	that	there	
is	more	complexity	and	depth	yet	to	be	uncovered.		I	wonder	how	often	we	
ask	exactly	who	is	included	or	meant	to	be	included	when	an	author	or	text	
refers	to	‘humanity’	or	‘mankind’.	The	Second	Sex	helps	us	to	investigate	this	
question,	and	it	seems	worth	our	exploring	together,	even	if	we	don’t	agree	
on	the	answers.	If	agreement	or	assent/consensus	were	the	aim	of	seminar	
discussions,	seminars	would	truly	never	end.		

	

2	

�2.

Beauvoir’s	aim	is	freedom,	and	that	freedom	can	only	be	

extended	to	women	by	uncovering	and	revealing	the	limiting	and	
determining	features	of	women’s	lived	experiences.	When	the	New	Program	
began	in	1937,	the	motto	of	SJC	was	selected	as	a	play	on	the	Latin	word	for	
“book”	(liber)	—	“Facio	Liberos	Ex	Liberis	Libris	Libraque”,	“I	Make	Free	
Adults	from	Children	by	Means	of	Books	and	a	Balance.”1	We,	like	Beauvoir,	
seem	committed	to	the	premise	that	learning	can	lead	to	freedom,	and,	
furthermore,	that	an	understanding--	or	at	least	a	profound	engagement	
with--	history,	literature,	philosophy,	theology,	science,	mathematics	and	art	
can	be	liberating. That	we	question,	probe	and	interrogate	our	previously	
held	assumptions	and	opinions	about	the	world	is	a	condition	of	free	and	
thoughtful	action.	If	we	hold	assumptions	and	opinions	about	what	‘woman’	
is,	or	what	‘feminine’	is,	then	the	freedom	of	women	depends	upon	exploring	
our	understanding	of	woman	through	questions,	investigation,	and	dialogue.	
That	the	term	or	idea	‘man’	can	stand	in	for	or	represent	humanity	as	a	
universal	(humankind,	mankind)	--even	in	our	college	motto--	risks	enfolding	
women	into	an	absolute	model	of	human	freedom	that	does	not	adequately	
recognize	differences	in	the	experiences	of	women.	As	Beauvoir	puts	it,	“just	
as	for	the	ancients	there	was	an	absolute	vertical	that	defined	the	oblique,	
there	is	an	absolute	human	type	that	is	masculine”	(5).		

																																																								
1	I	will	note	that	this	translation	of	the	motto	is	the	one	circulated	in	a	2014	letter	to	the	community	

written	by	Barbara	Goyette	and	Victoria	Mora,	one	or	both	of	whom	I	assume	offered	the	translation.	
The	college’s	Wikipedia	page	translates	the	motto	retaining	the	masculine	universal—I	make	free	
men….	(following	the	lecture,	I	changed	the	college	Wikipedia	page	to	the	Goyette/Mora	translation).		

	

3	

�3.

Beauvoir	is	concerned	with	how	we	live	together.	Beauvoir	

envisions	a	subject	who	thinks	freely	and	authentically	and	who	actively	
engages	in	human	projects	and	relations.	Such	a	subject	ought	to	be	a	
consciousness	engaged	in	a	reciprocal	movement	with	other	subjects,	
positing	itself	as	Subject	yet	recognizing	its	possibility	to	be	objectified	when	
confronted	by	Others.	Only	such	a	subject	can	fully	take	its	part,	she	says,	in	
the	human	‘mitsein’	(being-with).		The	plurality	of	conditions	determines	and	
differentiates	the	experiences	by	which	one	becomes--	or	fails	to	become--	
such	a	subject,	and,	insofar	as	one	fails	to	engage	in	such	a	reciprocal	
movement,	insofar	as	one	is	relegated	to	the	position	of	Other,	one	will	fail	
both	to	live	and	to	act	freely.	This	failure	is	not	only	problem	for	women,	it	is	
a	human	problem--one	that	spreads	itself	through	all	communities,	from	the	
familial	to	the	global.

These	claims—that	the	text	is	motivated	by	a	question,	that	it	aims	at	human	
freedom,	and	that	such	freedom	is	necessary	for	human	communities—serve	as	the	
background	for	the	talk,	though	I	am	going	to	focus	more	specifically	on	a	passage	
from	the	introduction.	Originally,	I	had	intended	to	explicate	five	themes	and	terms	
offered	in	this	passage,	but	that	would	be	far	too	long	a	lecture,	as	it	turns	out,	and	
so	I	have	chosen	two	words	that	I	hope	will	provide	you	with	some	sense	of	what	I	
find	interesting	and	important	in	The	Second	Sex.		(Here	is	the	passage:)

	

4	

�“What	singularly	defines	the	situation	of	woman	is	that	being,	like	all	
humans,	an	autonomous	freedom,	she	discovers	and	chooses	herself	in	a	world	
where	men	force	her	to	assume	herself	as	Other:	an	attempt	is	made	to	freeze	her	as	
an	object	and	doom	her	to	immanence,	since	her	transcendence	will	be	forever	
transcended	by	another	essential	and	sovereign	consciousness.	Woman’s	drama	lies	
in	this	conflict	between	the	fundamental	claim	of	every	subject,	which	always	posits	
itself	as	essential,	and	the	demands	of	a	situation	that	constitutes	her	as	
inessential.”	(Introduction,	17)

I	am	going	to	focus	on	Situation	and	Freedom,	and	while	I	will	discuss	each	of	them	
in	turn,	it	will	quickly	become	clear	how	they	implicate	one	another.		

Situation	
Beauvoir’s	first	use	of	the	word	situation	appears	in	the	opening	paragraph	
of	the	introduction,	where	we	find	the	term	italicized	in	the	following	claim:	“But	
conceptualism	has	lost	ground:	biological	and	social	sciences	no	longer	believe	there	
are	immutably	determined	entities	that	define	given	characteristics...science	
considers	characteristics	as	secondary	reactions	to	a	situation	(une	situation)”.	A	
few	paragraphs	later	she	draws	the	following	contrast:	it	would	never,	Beauvoir	
writes,	occur	to	a	man	to	write	a	book	on	the	singular	situation	of	males	in	humanity	
(5).	This	is	not	to	say	that	there	is	no	situation	for	men,	but	that	the	situation	for	
men	is	a	given;	it	is	granted	as	the	universal	situation,	and	to	ask	“what	is	a	man?”	is	
tantamount	to	asking	“what	is	a	human	being?”	We	might	here	apply	one	of	

	

5	

�Chimamanda	Ngozi	Adichie’s	two	rules	of	feminism	and	ask	whether	this	kind	of	
generalizing	is	reversible.	That	is,	could	we	reverse	the	claim	and	put	women	in	as	
the	universal?	Could	the	question	“what	is	a	woman?”	be	taken	to	mean	“what	is	a	
human	being?”	My	intuition	is	that	we	would	not	make	this	reversal	so	easily.	If	we	
juxtapose	claims	about	humanity	in	general--	that	is,	the	situation	for	human	beings	
or	the	human	condition--	with	claims	about	woman	or	woman’s	condition,	we	might	
find	enough	disparity	to	recognize	that	to	be	human	in	this	general	sense	and	to	be	a	
woman	do	not	amount	to	the	same	thing.	When	Beauvoir	writes	of	the	situation	of	
woman	she	means	one	that	places	her	in	a	secondary	position	within	the	human	
situation,	within	the	mitsein.	If	we	can	better	understand	what	she	means	by	
situation,	we	might	better	comprehend	what	Beauvoir	means	when	she	writes	that	
characteristics--	the	characteristics	of	a	woman	--	might	be	defined	by	a	situation,	
that	is,	by	a	situation	rather	than	nature,	biology,	or	some	mysterious	feminine	
essence.	

First,	I	think	it	helpful	to	look	to	the	structure	of	the	book	as	a	whole.	The	
book	is	divided	into	two	volumes	(1:	Facts	and	Myths	and	2:	Lived	Experience)	and	
each	volume	is	sub-divided	into	parts	and	then	chapters	within	the	parts.	Volume	II,	
Part	II	is	entitled	“Situation”	but	it	also	contains	a	chapter	(10)	entitled	“Woman’s	
Situation	and	Character”.	We	should	not	be	misled	by	the	way	Beauvoir	appears	to	
narrow	her	use	of		‘situation’	to	one	part	of	the	book.	On	my	reading,	the	entirety	of	
The	Second	Sex	reveals	the	situation	as	a	whole,	and	the	construction	of	the	book	
demonstrates	the	reciprocal	nature	of	the	relations	between	the	facts	and	myths	and	

	

6	

�the	lived	experiences,	all	of	which	together	constitute	the	situation	for	
women.		What	we	find	in	Volume	II,	Part	II	as	in	particular	identified	as	‘Situation’	
are	the	concrete	and	typical	situations	that	both	result	from	and	contribute	to	the	
destiny,	history	and	myths	of	Volume	I.	
To	give	an	example,	one	of	the	concrete	situations	in	the	part	Beauvoir	calls	
“Situation”	is	“The	Mother”.	Beauvoir’s	account	of	“The	Mother”	(which	is	a	chapter)	
relies	on	the	biological	data,	the	psycho-analytic	account,	the	historical	record,	the	
myths,	the	economic	reality,	the	childhood,	the	girlhood,	the	sexual	initiation,	the	
marriage	(and	likely	much	more)	to	demonstrate	how	these	facts	and	myths	as	well	
as	one’s	own	personal	history	are	concretized	into	a	presently	lived	experience,	the	
experience	of	being	a	mother.	For	a	woman	to	explicitly	and	simply	think	that	she	
wants	to	be	a	mother	because	she	likes	children	or	because	she	assumes	this	role	
will	bring	her	happiness,	is	to	ignore	the	plurality	of	forces	at	play	on	and	through	
her.	There	may	a	biological	impetus	to	perpetuate	the	species	that	has	demands	on	
the	woman,	but,	as	Beauvoir	writes,	“the	woman’s	body	is	one	of	the	essential	
elements	of	the	situation	she	occupies	in	this	world,	but	her	body	is	not	enough	to	
define	her;	biology	alone	cannot	provide	an	answer	to	the	question	that	concerns	
us”	(48).		Following	Beauvoir,	from	the	biology	we	should	next	look	to	the	psychoanalytic,	economic,	historical	and	political	contributions	to	the	situation.	For	the	
specific	situation	of	“The	Mother,”	these	issues	might	take	the	form	of	some	of	the	
following:	the	availability	of	birth	control	and/or	abortion,	which	directly	influence	
a	woman’s	choice	to	become	a	mother;	these	concerns	about	women’s	healthcare	
will	overlap--	sometimes	in	conflicting	ways--	with	questions	of	economics.	How	one	

	

7	

�was	raised	might	play	a	role--does	being	handed	dolls	to	play	with	encourage	
maternality?	The	question	of	what	other	choices	and	activities	are	open	to	a	woman,	
and	whether	those	options	seem	or	are	made	to	seem	better	or	worse,	is	of	course	
relevant	here.	Could		‘mothering’	be	an	active	human	project--	a	praxis--		that	allows	
someone	to	eschew	other	kinds	of	work?	Can	being	a	mother	justify	and	provide	
meaning	to	an	existence	that	risks	looking	passive	and	aimed	at	repetition	rather	
than	progress?	Beauvoir	thinks	not,	or,	minimally,	thinks	that	such	justification	or	
meaning-giving	is	largely	inauthentic,	that	is,	it	does	not	arise	from	a	recognition	of	
one’s	freedom.	The	decision	or	situation	in	which	one	becomes	or	doesn’t	become	a	
mother	is	part	of	the	intricate	web	that	constitutes	women’s	lives.		If	we	feel	
ourselves	inclined	to	think	that	motherhood	is	in	and	of	itself	fulfilling,	respected,	
and	freely	chosen,	we	should	ask	ourselves	how	many	women	have	chosen	
motherhood	outside	of	a	lasting	partnership--	likely	or	historically	a	marriage.		The	
connection	of	the	mother	to	marriage	is	more	explicit	than	to	other	factors,	but	they	
all	play	a	role	in	more	or	less	explicit	ways.	
At	the	same	time,	the	lived	experiences	of	women	as	mothers	become	the	
grist	for	the	mills	of	the	myths	and	facts,	that	is,	scientific	fact,	historical	record,	
theology	and	literature	as	it	pertains	to	women.	So	long	as	women	feel	it	is	their	
biological,	essential	and	social	destiny	to	be	mothers,	being	a	mother	will	continue	
to	be	the	biological,	essential	and	social	goal	to	be	attained.	
What	I	mean	to	suggest	with	the	abbreviated	example	of	The	Mother	is	that	
the	particular	situations	in	which	women	live--	as	married	women,	as	mothers,	as	
independent	women	are	not	free	choices,	but	largely	determined	choices,	choices	

	

8	

�affected	and	influenced	not	merely	by	the	options	available	to	any	specific	woman,	
but	by	the	way	a	woman	takes	on	and	lives,	or	assumes,	the	biology,	history,	
psychology	and	mythology	that	capture	her.	Rather	than	our	choices	(to	marry,	to	
become	a	mother,	to	be	an	independent	woman)	representing	an	entirely	rational	
deliberation	leading	to	free	selection,	Beauvoir	maintains	that	such	decisions	are	(in	
the	best	circumstances)	only		“chosen	in	situation”,	that	is	“both	motivated	and	
freely	chosen”.	Of	any	choice	a	woman	makes	concerning	how	to	live	as	a	woman,	
nothing	in	the	mythology	and	facts	is	“determining,	although	all	contribute	to	
explaining	it”	(436).	The	options	for	women	are	situated	choices,	choices	weighted	
with	a	politics,	literature,	economy,	biology	and	psychology	that	have	historically	
tended	towards	the	oppression	rather	than	the	liberation	of	women.
The	situation,	then,	is	this	plurality	of	contributing	circumstances	constituted	
both	by	external	and	internalized	forces	on	an	originally	free	consciousness.	The	
situation	is	both	the	present	as	lived	by	women	and	the	entire	history	that	weighs	
upon	that	present.	It	is	biological	facts	that	claim	as	conclusions	premises	that	went	
unrecognized	in	its	descriptive	method;	it	is	a	body	of	literature	that	varies	wildly	in	
its	portrayals	of	women	is	still	largely	written	from	the	male	perspective.	At	the	
individual	level	it	is	being	raised	as	a	girl,	but	it	is	also	attempting	to	raise	a	girl	as	if	
she	were	a	boy.	It	is	an	experience	of	one’s	own	body	as	alienation,	mystery,	and	
interiority.	It	is,	as	our	opening	citation	tells	us,	to	be	constantly	put	into	the	
position	of	other--	or,	as	my	students	started	saying,	to	be	othered	--	by	men,	by	
women,	by	ourselves--	to	be	othered	and	yet	to	intuit	one’s	subjectivity.	The	
situation	is	not	singular	but	is	rather	a	convergence	of	lived,	discursive	and	implicit	

	

9	

�conditions	that	crystallize	in	each	particular	woman.	Whether	she	accepts	or	rejects	
the	conditions,	she	is	always	responsive	to	them.	Even	rejecting	the	notion	of	
woman	is	to	be	in	some	way	captured	by	it,	haunted	by	it	even	as	one	enacts	its	
negation.	
We	might	recognize	that	many	of	the	fields	which	comprise	the	facts	and	
myths	(science,	politics,	literature,	philosophy,	theology—Beauvoir	even	references	
Ptolemy	in	one	place	in	the	book)	bear	great	resemblance	to	the	arts	we	study	as	
part	of	a	liberal	education,	but	the	way	they	converge	in	the	situation	is	not	
automatically	liberating.2	Its	multifacetedness	does	not	immediately	nor	easily	yield	
escape--	in	fact,	we	might	better	see	it	as	an	attack	on	all	fronts.	The	situation	is	
synthetic	insofar	as	it	brings	together	what	might	appear	as	discrete	considerations,	
but	that	it	synthesizes	them	into	the	lived	experiences	of	women	means	that	women	
always	locate	themselves	within	a	vast	field	of	influences,	many	or	most	of	which	
serve	to	objectify	and	oppress	her,	to	fix	her	in	immanence.	Beauvoir	shows	how	
systemically	the	situation	operates	by	pointing	out	that,	historically,	when	one	area	
shows	improvement,	another	area	becomes	more	constraining.	After	she	evaluates	
the	situation	of	women	in	the	ancient	world,	Beauvoir	points	out	that	in	Rome,	when	
women	had	great	freedom	in	their	personal	lives	they	were	afforded	only	limited	
legal	rights	but	just	as	women	were	offered	some	legal	emancipation,	their	personal	
lives	came	under	far	greater	scrutiny.	This	is	when	we	find	that	the	satirists	“went	
																																																								
2	Addressing	why	women	have	not	produced	the	depth	and	scope	of	work	that	men	in	these	fields	

that	men	have,	Beauvoir	notes	“Women	do	not	challenge	the	human	condition	because	they	have	
barely	begun	to	assume	it	entirely…Art,	literature	and	philosophy	are	attempts	to	found	the	world	
anew	on	a	human	freedom:	that	of	the	creator;	to	foster	such	an	aim	one	must	first	unequivocally	
posit	oneself	as	freedom”	(748).		

	

10	

�wild	against	them”	for	behaving	like	men	in	their	personal	and	political	lives.	Thus,	
an	abstract	equality,	especially	equality	before	the	law,	was	wholly	insufficient	to	
change	the	situation.3	The	danger	particular	to	an	oppressive	situation	is	that	it	is	
systematic,	self	correcting	and	self	perpetuating.4
Though	Beauvoir	occasionally	suggests	a	sort	of	hopefulness	about	
changing	the	situation,	because	the	situation	is	so	convoluted	in	its	causality,	it	both	
results	from	and	in	the	alienation	of	women	within	the	human	species.5	
Complicating	matters	is	the	fact	that	while	other	oppressed	groups	have	united	in	
some	way	against	their	oppressors,	“women	lack	the	concrete	means	to	organize	
themselves	into	a	unit	that	could	posit	itself	in	opposition…[women]	do	not	use	
‘we’…but	remain	tied	to	certain	men—fathers	or	husbands—more	closely	than	to	
other	women”	(8).	Sexual	liberation,	autonomy	over	her	reproductive	capacities,	a	
body	of	literature	that	better	reflects	women’s	interests	and	realities,	love	that	looks	
more	like	friendship	than	marriage,	are	a	few	of	the	steps	Beauvoir	suggests	
towards	changing	the	situation.	Perhaps	too	reliant	on	the	promise	of	socialism,	
Beauvoir	emphasizes	throughout,	however,	that	economic	liberation	and	work	is	
the	sine	qua	non	of	a	new	and	free	situation	for	woman.6	Most	importantly,	however,	
no	single	aspect	of	the	situation	could	constitute	sufficient	liberation.	
																																																								
3	“In	their	exchanges,	woman	counts	on	the	abstract	equality	she	was	guaranteed,	man	on	the	

concrete	inequality	he	observes”	(758).		
4	Beauvoir	denies	that	history	is	cyclical,	if	only	because	she	is	committed	to	the	idea	that	“freedom	
can	break	the	circle”	(763).		
5	A	species	which	is,	Beauvoir	reminds	us	in	the	conclusion,	not	so	much	a	species	as	“an	historical	
becoming,	defined	by	the	way	it	assumes	natural	facticity”	(753).	
6	I	say	the	promise	of	socialism	because	Beauvoir	notes	that	this	is	what	the	Soviet	revolution	
promised	but	failed	to	deliver:	“women	raised	and	educated	exactly	like	men	would	work	under	the	
same	conditions	and	for	the	same	salaries…women	would	be	obliged	to	provide	another	livelihood	
for	themselves;	marriage	would	be	based	on	a	free	engagement	that	the	spouses	could	break	when	

	

11	

�Freedom	
This	brings	us	to	the	next	word	from	our	opening	passage:	freedom.	Beauvoir	
contrasts	freedom	in	numerous	places	(notably	the	introduction)	with	happiness,	
and	it	is	worth	our	time	to	think	about	why.	Beauvoir	rejects	happiness	as	a	goal	or	
an	aim	–	happiness	is	an	ambiguous	notion	and	authenticity--	that	is,	recognition	of	
ourselves	as	free	subjects--	would	certainly	be	required	before	one	could	tackle	the	
question	of	happiness.	“Is	not	a	housewife	happier	that	a	woman	worker”	she	asks	
rhetorically?	Her	answer	is	neither	yes	nor	no,	but	that,	“we	cannot	really	know	
what	the	word	happiness	means	and	still	less	what	authentic	values	it	covers;	there	
is	no	way	to	measure	the	happiness	of	others,	and	it	is	always	easy	to	call	a	situation	
that	one	would	like	to	impose	on	others	happy:	in	particular,	we	declare	happy	
those	condemned	to	stagnation	under	the	pretext	that	happiness	is	immobility”	
(16).	
Happiness	seems	like	such	a	clear	aim--	even	a	telos--	for	humans--	we	think	
so	often	that	we	are	striving	towards	happiness.		But	given	the	wide	range	of	human	
activities,	emotions	and	relations	that	we	associate	with	happiness,	could	we	
possibly	know	what	it	means	to	call	something	‘human	happiness’?	More	
importantly,	how	can	I	know	that	I	have	authentically	chosen	my	variety	of	
happiness?	Happiness	is	not	a	definitive	term;	perhaps	in	a	seminar	you	have	
considered	the	question	‘What	is	happiness?’.		For	Beauvoir,	the	happiness	of	the	
																																																																																																																																																																					
they	wanted	to;	motherhood	would	be	freely	chosen—that	is,	birth	control	and	abortion	would	be	
allowed—and	in	return	all	mothers	and	their	children	would	be	given	the	same	rights;	maternity	
leave	would	be	paid	for	by	a	society	that	would	have	responsibility	for	the	children,	which	does	not	
mean	that	they	would	be	taken	from	their	parents	but	that	they	would	not	be	abandoned	to	them”	
(760).	See	also	p.	761.	

	

12	

�bourgeois	woman,	for	example,	is,	if	not	wholly	illusory,	greatly	conditioned	by	her	
situation.	“How	could	the	Cinderella	myth	not	retain	its	validity?”	Beauvoir	asks,	and	
then	elucidates,	“Everything	still	encourages	the	girl	to	expect	fortune	and	
happiness	from	a	“Prince	Charming”	instead	of	attempting	the	difficult	and	
uncertain	conquest	alone”	(155).	She	thus	opposes	the	difficulties	of	authentic	
freedom	with	the	ease	of	accepting	a	constrained	happiness.	Choosing	the	happiness	
of	the	bourgeois	housewife	allows	a	woman	to	‘‘elude	the	metaphysical	risk	of	a	
freedom	that	must	invent	its	goals	without	help”	(10).	The	myth	of	domestic,	
immanent,	repetitive	happiness	makes	it	easier	for	the	woman	to	give	in	to	what	she	
calls	the	‘temptation	to	flee	freedom’	and,	she	concludes,	‘it	is	an	easy	path.”	Women	
are	not	simply	condemned	to	this	happiness	but	complicit	in	selecting	it,	“seduced	
by	the	ease	of	their	condition,	they	will	accept	the	role	of	housewife	and	mother	to	
which	they	are	being	confined…	It	is	easier,”	Beauvoir	writes,	quoting	George	
Bernard	Shaw,	“to	put	people	in	chains	than	to	remove	them	when	the	chains	bring	
prestige”	(130).
Indeed,	why	remove	the	chains	at	all?	Perhaps	there	are	some	women	who	
are	content	to	go	through	life	enchanted	or	enchained	but	happy	(a	common	idiom	
puts	this	more	succinctly).	We	need	not	look	much	further	than	our	program	texts	
to	think	about	where	this	alleged	domestic	happiness	leaves	us:	when	Dorothea	
achieves	just	the	marriage	she	wanted,	we	next	find	her	sobbing	in	a	hotel	room	on	
her	honeymoon.	Eve	is	tempted	by	the	fruit	in	spite	of	ideal	companionship	in	
Paradise;	Penelope,	on	her	own	for	the	better	part	of	her	married	life,	labors	in	vain	

	

13	

�in	her	room	only	to	undo	what	she	produces	each	day,	Clytemnestra,	Antigone.		How	
great	is	their	happiness?	Lady	Macbeth?
One	problem	with	inauthentic	happiness,	happiness	selected	in	a	determined	
and	limited	field,	is	that	it	will	always	be	tenuous	at	best,	always	at	risk	of	fracturing,	
of	falling	apart,	of	recognizing	the	restrictions	as	such.	In	her	novel,	My	Brilliant	
Friend,	Elena	Ferrante	describes	such	a	realization	through	Lila,	who	calls	it	a	
dissolving	of	margins.	“But	suddenly-she	told	me-	in	spite	of	the	cold	she	had	begun	
to	sweat.	It	seemed	to	her	that	everyone	was	shouting	too	loudly	and	moving	too	
quickly.	This	sensation	was	accompanied	by	nausea,	and	she	had	the	impression	
that	something	absolutely	material,	which	had	been	present	around	her	and	around	
everyone	and	everything	forever,	but	imperceptible,	was	breaking	down	the	
outlines	of	persons	and	things	and	revealing	itself”	(89-90).	Lila’s	horror,	her	
repulsion	and	her	disassociation	in	this	scene	sound	much	like	an	impotent	version	
of	what	Sarah	Ahmed	refers	to	as	‘snapping’,	an	experience	that	forms	the	
foundation	for	what	she	calls	Snap	Feminism.	She	writes:		
It	is	only	when	you	seem	to	lose	it,	when	you	shout,	swear,	spill,	that	you	
have	their	attention.	And	then	you	become	a	spectacle.	And	what	you	brought	
out	means	you	have	to	get	out.		When	we	think	of	such	moments	of	snap,	
those	moments	when	you	can’t	take	it	anymore,	when	you	just	can’t	take	it	
anymore,	we	are	thinking	about	worlds;	how	worlds	are	organised	to	enable	
some	to	breathe,	how	they	leave	less	room	for	others.	
Eve,	Dorothea,	Penelope,	Antigone,	Clytemnestra,	Lady	Macbeth,	Donna	Anna.	Don’t	
we	see	them	experience	their	moments	of	snap,	the	instant	when	the	happiness	they	
were	promised	proves	highly	illusory,	when	the	margins	begin	to	dissolve?	

	

14	

�Even	if	it	could	be	authentic,	happiness	is	a	complex	matter	to	elucidate	and	
risks	so	much	relativism.	Beauvoir	does	not	deny	that	happiness	may	have	a	part	in	
the	future	she	envisions	for	women,	and	for	human	community,	but	the	happiness	
that	results	from	genuine	freedom	is	secondary	to	it	and	largely	unknowable	at	the	
present	time.7	For	Beauvoir,	happiness	is	not	merely	a	difficult,	but	a	dangerous,	end	
to	work	for,	insofar	as	the	ideal	of	happiness	has	been	used	as	a	tool	of	oppression.	
Thus	she	elects	not	happiness,	but	freedom	as	the	goal.	Here	at	the	college	we	talk	
about	human	flourishing.	If	freedom	and	happiness	are	not	the	same	thing,	it	seems	
to	me	that	Beauvoir	would	put	flourishing	on	the	side	of	freedom.
So	what	does	Beauvoir	mean	by	freedom,	and	why	ought	we	aspire	to	it?	
Beauvoir	says,	in	contrast	to	happiness,	that	the	position	she	holds	is	that	of	
‘existentialist	morality’.	We	might	better	turn	towards	her	work	in	the	Ethics	of	
Ambiguity,	written	two	years	before	The	Second	Sex,	to	recognize	that	Beauvoir	does	
not	here	intend	a	general	or	borrowed	notion	of	existentialist	morality,	but	one	that	
she	herself	has	defined	and	described.	Beauvoir’s	existentialism	is	at	once	
committed	to	the	possibility	of	human	transcendence	while	fully	aware	of	the	limits	
of	facticity,	or,	as	we	described	it	above,	the	situation.	Her	ethics,	then,	is	
accomplished	through	struggle	and	some	reconciliation	of	a	radical	ideal	of	freedom	
with	a	real	possibility	for	it.	In	a	general	sense,	existentialism	conceives	of	human	
subjectivity	as	wholly	or	almost	entirely	transcendent,	able	to	overcome	the	
immanence	of	being	through	an	ability	to	project	itself	into	the	future,	and	to	alter	
																																																								

7	“…this	does	not	mean	that	love,	happiness,	poetry	and	dreams	will	be	banished	from	[the	world	of	

tomorrow].	Let	us	beware	lest	our	lack	of	imagination	impoverish	the	future;	the	future	is	only	an	
abstraction	for	us…”	(765)	

	

15	

�and	affect	the	world	through	productivity	and	praxis.	“Every	subject,”	Beauvoir	
explains,	“posits	itself	as	a	transcendence	concretely,	through	projects;	it	
accomplishes	its	freedom	only	by	perpetual	surpassing	toward	other	freedoms”	
(16).	That	transcendence	is	accomplished	through	a	surpassing	of	what	is	given	
(that	is,	given	by	the	materiality	in	the	world,	given	by	relations	with	others,	with	
society,	given	by	one’s	own	past	and	even	one’s	present)--	this	notion	surpassing	is	
typical	of	existentialist	theory;	what	Beauvoir	adds	to	this	(and	perhaps	what	makes	
it	a	morality	or	an	ethics)	is	the	surpassing	not	only	towards	the	future	but	towards	
other	freedoms,	that	is,	other	subjects.	
Let	me	be	more	concrete:	I	used	to	terrify	undergraduate	students	(not	here)	
when	we	studied	existentialism	by	getting	them	to	see	that	there	was	really	nothing-	no	genuine	constraint	or	limitation--	keeping	them	in	the	classroom,	holding	that	
they	remain	students	pursuing	a	college	degree.	I	would	likewise	upset	them	when	I	
suggested	that	there	was	also	nothing-	no	essential	identity	or	nature--	that	assured	
that	I	would	continue	to	be	a	teacher,	a	runner,	a	wife,	or	a	mother.	Nothing	except	
my	own	choices	and	the	way	that	I	that	I	assume	decisions	made	in	my	past	as	an	
identity	or	my	essential	character;	only	these	things	can	serve	as	any	kind	of	
guarantee	for	the	future.	I	will	continue	to	be	a	teacher,	to	do	what	is	expected	of	the	
teacher	as	long	as	I	see	value	in	it	and	regard	my	identity	as	bound	to	that	role--	and	
only	for	so	long.	Because	I	create	my	own	essence	or	identity	rather	than	being	born	
into	it,	I	can	also	undo	it.	Because	I	create	values,	they	are	at	constant	risk	of	
revaluation.	This	kind	of	transcendence	is	a	radical	and	terrifying	view	of	freedom.

	

16	

�But	Beauvoir	thinks	that	there	are	some	limitations	on	this	otherwise	
unrestricted	human	freedom.	The	first	is	that	if	I	genuinely	recognize	my	own	
freedom	and	other	subjects	as	like-me,	I	will	also	aim	for	their	freedom.	
Furthermore,	Beauvoir	recognizes	the	implications	of	the	situation	on	this	freedom.	
That	is	to	say,	sometimes	our	situation,	particularly	when	the	situation	is	comprised	
of	systematic	oppression--	the	situation	of	a	slave,	a	proletariat,	a	woman,	a	person	
born	into	poverty--	sometimes	a	situation	such	as	these	has	closed	too	many	paths,	
has	restricted	the	possibilities	too	greatly	to	allow	for	such	freedom.	This	limiting	is	
likely	a	direct	result	of	the	failure	of	one	subject	or	group	of	subjects,	positing	itself	
as	free,	to	fail	to	extend	that	freedom	to	others.	
Beauvoir’s	ideal	of	freedom	attempts	to	include	some	commitment	to	others-	though	such	commitments	risks	immanence--	while	attempting	to	maintain	the	
possibility	of	transcendence.	“But	what	is	true	of	friendship,”	she	writes,	“	is	true	of	
physical	love:	for	friendship	to	be	authentic	it	must	first	be	free.	Freedom	does	not	
mean	whim	(caprice):	a	feeling	is	a	commitment	that	goes	beyond	the	instant;	but	it	
is	up	to	the	individual	alone	to	compare	her	general	will	to	her	personal	behavior	so	
as	either	to	uphold	her	decision	or,	on	the	contrary,	to	break	it;	feeling	is	free	when	
it	does	not	depend	on	any	outside	command,	when	it	is	lived	in	sincerity	without	
fear”(511).	8	Only	a	commitment	which	actively	and	reflectively	holds	within	itself	
the	possibility	of	being	broken	can	be	a	free	commitment.	Freedom,	then,	is	not	the	
rational	recognition	and	pursuit	of	the	best	possibility,	but	entails	the	existence	of	
																																																								
8	I	have	taken	the	liberty	of	altering	the	possessive	adjectives	from	the	masculine	to	the	feminine.	In	

French,	the	possessives	take	their	gender	from	the	word	they	modify	and	we	cannot	then	know	that	
Beauvoir	intended	them	to	mean	one	sex	rather	than	the	other.	Furthermore,	I	have	changed	the	
word	et	to	“and”	rather	than	“to”.		

	

17	

�many--	perhaps	endless-	possibilities	without	regard	to	their	moral	value	beyond	
the	free	recognition	of	them	precisely	as	possible,	for	oneself	and	others.	
Here	is	the	problem.	This	freedom	may	not,	indeed	likely	will	not,	be	easy.	
The	radical	freedom	posited	by	existentialism	is	terrifying	insofar	as	it	is	antireductionist	and	anti-essentialist.	It	is	common	for	subjects--	men	and	women	alike-	to	flee	this	kind	of	freedom,	to	create	and	hide	in	essential	identities	that	define	us	
and	limit	our	choices.	We	find	solace	and	the	respite	that	become	characterized	as	
happiness	in	these	identities.	But	for	Beauvoir,	being	fully	human--	and	free	in	her	
sense	of	the	word--	may	not	result	in	happiness,	and	it	is	certainly	incompatible	
with	the	inauthentic	happiness	that	comes	with	the	roles	or	identities	we	
essentialize	ourselves	into.	Perhaps	paradoxically,	in	spite	of	her	overt	commitment	
to	freedom,	Beauvoir	thinks	that	some	avenues	need	to	be	closed,	some	inauthentic	
choices	revealed	as	such:	Thus,	for	example,		“The	situation	has	to	be	changed	in	
their	common	interest	by	prohibiting	marriage	as	a	‘career’	for	the	woman”	(523).
Given	her	devotion	to	freedom,	has	Beauvoir	then	contradicted	herself	by	
eliminating	some	of	the	choices	as	valid	possibilities?	Why	can	one	not	choose	to	be	
a	housewife9	(home-maker,	our	new	term	which	makes	this	task	seem	more	active)	
if	one	recognizes	it	as	a	free	choice	and,	even	better,	if	one	suspects	she	will	be	
happy	with	this	choice?	I	think	Beauvoir’s	response	is	that	in	the	current	situation	
(hers?	ours?)	these	are	the	avenues	that	cannot	freely	be	chosen;	the	weight	of	the	
situation	is	far	too	oppressive	and	extensive	in	these	matters,	we	are	already	caught	
																																																								

9	We	might	now	prefer	or	use	the	term	‘homemaker’	for	housewife,	though	this	seems	a	linguistic	

attempt	to	make	an	active	term	(hence,	a	maker)	out	of	someone	Beauvoir	sees	as	resigned	to	
repetition	and	maintenance	(of	the	home).		

	

18	

�up	in	the	situation	by	the	time	we	think	we	can	freely	choose,	we	are	choosing	from	
within	and	therefore	not	transcending	it.	It	is	like	letting	the	prisoner	choose	the	
color	of	her	chains	and	then	convincing	her	how	happy	she	should	be	with	her	
choice.	Jane	Austen	might	best	illustrate	this	point:	Charlotte,	perhaps	herself	a	
proto-existentialist	as	it	turns	out,	tells	us	that	“happiness	in	marriage	is	entirely	a	
matter	of	chance”	(16),	but	Lizzie	disagrees.	Lizzie	rejects	two	proposals	she	thinks	
will	make	her	unhappy.	So	it	looks	like	Lizzie	makes	a	free	choice,	in	the	end,	to	
marry	for	love	and	happiness,	but	we	cannot	overlook	that	haunting	the	entirety	of	
the	novel	is	the	threat	of	economic	disaster	of	social	disgrace,	of	some	future	for	
Lizzie,	her	sisters,	and	Mrs.	Bennett	that	is	so	unthinkable	Austen	doesn’t	fully	
describe	it	for	us.	Yes,	Lizzie	chooses	her	marriage	and	yes,	she	thinks	that	it	will	
make	her	happy,	but	it	is	a	radically	situated	and	highly	determined	choice.	We	
cannot	know	what	Elizabeth	Bennett	would	have	chosen	in	a	different	situation.
It	is	a	common	trope	and	an	active	topic	of	debate	that	the	feminist	
movement--	in	particular	the	second	wave	feminism	inspired	by	The	Second	Sex	is	
(was?)	about	choice.		Perhaps	a	perfunctory	reading	of	The	Second	Sex	might	
confuse	Beauvoir’s	notion	of	freedom	with	this	concept	of	choice—indeed,	we	often	
consider	freedom	and	choice	as	equivalents--but	this	would	be	to	misrepresent	the	
morality	for	which	Beauvoir	actually	advocates.	Often,	the	options	described	as	
‘choices’	are	actually	direct	consequences	of	an	oppressive	situation.	Furthermore,	
many	of	these	so-called	choices	are	only	available	to	the	group	Beauvoir	identifies	as	
the	bourgeois,	but	we	might	now	think	of	as	hetero-normative	women	within	a	
comfortable	socio-economic	group.	For	so	many	women,	for	example,	the	‘choice’	to	

	

19	

�stay	at	home	with	her	children	is	not	an	option.	At	the	same	time,	these	women	are	
often	judged	by	standards--	standards	formed	from	the	facts	and	myths	of	the	
situation--	they	are	judged	by	standards	of	motherhood	that	proclaim	the	choice	to	
work	as	the	completion	of	feminism,	and	at	the	same	time	subtly	regard	the	decision	
to	stay	home	as	the	better	one.	For	as	long	as	women’s	work	is	a	choice,	it	also	
remains	easier	to	underpay	them--	theirs	is,	of	course,	likely	to	be	the	second	
income.	Beauvoir’s	sense	that	the	economics	of	the	situation	cannot	be	surpassed	
seems	right	from	this	perspective.	So	much	of	what	we	uphold	as	genuine	choices	
and	possibilities	for	women,	are	in	fact	implicit	reinforcements	of	the	status	quo.	
Choice	and	freedom	are	not	the	same.	It	is	for	this	reason	that	real	freedom,	
Beauvoir’s	freedom,	requires	full	participation	in	the	human	experience	for	all	
humans,	not	the	choice	for	one	group	to	participate	or	to	opt	out.	To	be	optional	is	to	
remain	secondary.	
Conclusion	
I	actually	find	the	conclusion	to	The	Second	Sex	the	most	perplexing,	and	
perhaps,	disappointing	part	of	the	book,	and	this	is	both	because	I	find	Beauvoir’s	
hopefulness	perplexing	and,	given	the	time	elapsed	since	the	book	was	written,	
frustratingly	sad	because	the	claims	of	the	book	resonated	so	profoundly	with	me	
and	with	the	students	I	studied	it	with	this	year.	Perhaps	to	avoid	writing	my	own	
perplexing	and	disappointing	conclusion,	I	merely	offer	some	questions:
If	you	look	back	at	the	opening	passage	from	Beauvoir’s	Introduction,	does	it	
make	more	sense	to	you	that	woman’s	existence	could	be	lived	as	a	drama	between	
the	conflicting	experiences	of	herself	as	free	subjectivity	and	as	situated	objectivity?	

	

20	

�Could	you	understand	why	a	single	change,	such	as	equality	before	the	law,	is	too	
abstract	and	insufficient	to	really	change	a	situation	constituted	by	systematic	and	
multifaceted	oppression	and	othering	of	women?	Do	you	think	freedom	and	
happiness	are	different	goals,	and,	if	so,	in	which	might	consist	human	flourishing?	
Is	it	alienating	to	women	to	assume	that	the	term	and	idea	man	can	include	them?	Is	
it	possible	that	the	universal	claims	found	in	some	of	the	books	we	read	here	might	
apply	differently	to	women	because	of	their	different	experiences	and	situation?	Do	
you	know	what	it	is	to	be,	or	to	become,	woman?	Could	asking	this	question	increase	
the	liberating	possibilities	of	a	liberal	arts	education?

But	perhaps	most	importantly	at	this	moment	is	the	question	of	whether	you	
want	to	think	more	about	these	topics,	to	read	a	bit	more	from	Beauvoir,	and	to	
continue	the	discussion	I	have	been	hoping	to	begin	tonight.	

	

21	

�Works Cited
Adichie, Chimamamda Ngozi. Dear Ijeawele, or A Feminist Manifesto in Fifteen Suggestions. New York:
Alfred A. Knopf, 2017. Electronic edition.
Ahmed, Sarah. “Snap!” Feministkilljoys.com. 2017/05/21.
Austen, Jane. Pride and Prejudice. Indiana: W.W. Norton &amp; Company, Inc. 2001.
de Beauvoir, Simone. The Second Sex. Constance Borde and Sheila Malovany-Chevallier, trans. New
York: Vintage Books, 2011.
de Beauvoir, Simone. Le deuxieume Sexe, I&amp;II. Italy: Gallimard, 1976.
Ferrante, Elana. My Brilliant Friend. Anne Goldstein, trans. New York: Europa Editions, 2012.

	

	

22	

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                    <text>“Reasons without Reason: Anti-rationalism in Heidegger’s Being and Time”
by Lee Goldsmith
(Delivered at St. John’s College Annapolis, June 29th, 2016)1
Every polity—but especially a democratic polity—faces difficult questions that they must
answer together. Often we settle the answers through political institutions, but sometimes the
questions remain in the informal sphere of social life. On many of these questions we disagree
with one another deeply, sincerely, and seemingly intractably. It is no surprise then that public
discourse can be exasperating, even among friends and colleagues. Nevertheless, we should not
succumb to the exasperation. However we finally resolve difficult questions—and even if we
never do—it would be best if public discourse were reasonable. Even where we persistently
disagree, we ought to be able to articulate the reasons we have, understand those of others, give
rejoinders, and, if necessary, reconcile ourselves to a resolution. In order to continue working
together as a polity, we ought to be able to have reasonable disagreements where everyone
involved can acknowledge the sincerity of the reasons offered, even if the reasons are ultimately
unconvincing. If public discourse is to be public reason, we must treat each other as capable of
having reasons.
Unfortunately, many participants in public discourse scrutinize each other as if they were
not offering reasons but some non-rational consideration. Bruno Latour describes the problem
ably:
One could say, with more than a little dose of irony, that there has been a sort of
miniaturization of critical efforts: what in the past centuries required the formidable effort
of a Marx, a Nietzsche, a Benjamin, has become accessible for nothing… You can now
have your Baudrillard’s or your Bourdieu’s disillusion for a song, your Derridian
deconstruction for a nickel. Conspiracy theory costs nothing to produce, disbelief is easy,
debunking what is learned in 101 classes in critical theory. As the recent advertisement of
a Hollywood film proclaimed, ‘Everyone is suspect… everyone is for sale… and nothing
is true!’2
To sum up: when reason is suspect, so is everyone else. If we believe that humans can act only
non-rationally—that is to say, not on the basis of reasons but due to causes such as desires,
drives, and manipulated beliefs—then we will treat others’ words and deeds as expressions or
outgrowths of subterranean roots, and the truth of our criticisms as the more secure, the deeper
beneath the surface those roots stretch, the more inscrutable they become. Our public
appearances will be interpreted in the first place as idiosyncrasy rather than potential
communion. When we encounter difference or disagreement, we will tend to explain away its
bearing on us and have our own explanations likewise dismissed. Most importantly, deep public
questions about how we are to live together peacefully and respectfully will tend to elicit
recriminations rather than answers. I expect anyone who has tried to have serious conversations

1

I would like to note that my work on Heidegger has been deeply influenced by my teachers, Cristina Lafont and
Rachel Zuckert, although I do not reference their work in this piece. I owe them much thanks.
2
Latour, Bruno. “What is Iconoclash? or Is there a world beyond image wars?” in Iconoclash, Beyond the ImageWars in Science, Religion and Art, ed. Weibel, Peter and Latour, Bruno, ZKM and MIT Press (Cambridge, MA:
2002). The movie tagline is from 1997’s L.A. Confidential, directed by Curtis Hanson, although I believe the last
clause should read, “and nothing is as it seems.”

1

�with strangers on social media will recognize the phenomenon: the cheapness of critique erodes
the soil of productive public discourse.
I do not mean to suggest that public discourse today is more fraught than it has been in
the past. However, we do face a different problem today than our predecessors did. Latour’s
quote provides the clue that the erosion of public discourse today arises at least in part from the
popularity of reductive anti-rationalist critics of rationalist thinkers. By ‘rationalist’ here, I do not
mean the traditional notion: someone who holds that we have some central concepts and
knowledge independent of sensory experience. Instead, I mean someone who holds that human
beings have a faculty of reason. A faculty of reason is a systematically unified set of principles,
encompassing more than classical logic, that binds each of us because it is part of us. Prominent
rationalist philosophers, in my sense, include Plato, Leibniz, and Kant. Each held that reason is
governed by a single principle—the good, the principle of sufficient reason, the unconditioned—
and that subordinate principles align with the fundamental unifying principle as well as cohere
with one another, producing a systematic set of principles for thought that a person could
discover through introspection. For the rationalist, a person has a reason when she correctly
subsumes her situation under the principles set out in the faculty.3
Anti-rationalists, on the other hand, deny that human beings have such a faculty. And
anti-rationalists are reductive when they treat any appearance of having a reason as the
manifestation of a proximate cause alone. Reductive anti-rationalism rose to the foreground as a
final critique of Enlightenment ideals. Reductive anti-rationalists—among whom we might count
Marx, Nietzsche, and Freud—worked from the premises of modern scientific inquiry to show
that we do not have a faculty of reason. Even the appearance of having reasons is illusory,
generated by a false consciousness of our own self-constitution. From the perspectives of history
and psychology, they maintained, human considerations are too diverse, contextually embedded,
and self-interested to cohere with a systematically unified set of rational principles. In light of
these alternate explanations, the existence of reasons is an extraneous hypothesis.
The reductive anti-rationalists pose a serious objection to rationality and, thereby, the
very possibility of public reason. One response to their challenge would be to defend the
rationalist position. I will not be exploring that line of thought here. Instead, I will present a third
option, which I lift from Heidegger’s work in Being and Time. According to the schematization I
have presented, Heidegger is an anti-rationalist: he presents a purportedly complete account of
human existence that excludes any faculty of reason. Nevertheless, we can reconstruct from
Heidegger’s work a conception of reasons. To be specific, Heidegger’s account of authenticity
and the roles that death and conscience play in that account provide the basis for an account of
when a person has a reason to do or believe something.4 That is to say, Heidegger holds out the
possibility that we might be able to accept the anti-rationalist critique of rationalism without
losing reasoning from the picture of humanity. From this Heideggerian account of reasons
without reason, we can look again at the question of public reason with fresh eyes.
I have drawn this account of a faculty of reason from Susan Neiman’s work on Kant. (Neiman, Susan. The Unity of
Reason: Rereading Kant. Oxford UP (New York: 1994).) The three features—universality, unity, and
systematicity—are meant to be minimal conditions. They provide the beginning of a complete account of a faculty
of reason but not at all the whole thing.
4
Steven Crowell has already developed an account of rationality based on Heidegger’s conception of conscience.
For the basic account, see: Crowell, Steven. “Conscience and Reason: Heidegger and the Grounds of Intentionality”
in Transcendental Heidegger. eds. Crowell, Steven and Malpas, Jeff. Stanford UP (Stanford: 2007) pp.43-62. This
essay does not address that work directly but implicitly extends it.
3

2

�To flesh out my interpretive assertion, I will begin with a brief overview of Being and
Time, then present you with two key quotes that will serve as the focus for an interpretation of
authenticity as the basis for having reasons. After that, I will conclude with some reflections on
the relationship between Heideggerian reasons and public reason.
In Being and Time the central question for investigation is: what is the meaning of being?
Heidegger’s answer is temporality (H.1).5 Let’s take the question first. Heidegger initially
demarcates being as what distinguishes entities as such from each other and what makes those
entities intelligible to us (H.6). To say that temporality is the meaning of being is to say that
temporality is the first basis on which entities are distinguishable. (If you are having trouble
imagining what this means, consider that a basic property of matter is to persist through time
despite changes in location.) His conception of temporality is abstruse and difficult to grasp,
even for those who have studied it intently. At a first pass, temporality is the unfolding of past,
present, and future in which the future takes priority.(§65, especially H.327-8) But Heidegger is
not an eschatologist: the meaning of being is not to bring about some destined or desired state of
affairs. Rather, the future is essentially what is not yet, what is possible but never actual.6 In
time, I hope to make this essential futurity clearer. But to do that we must turn to the outline of
Heidegger’s argument.
The crux of Heidegger’s argument that temporality is the meaning of being rests on the
claim that we ourselves stretch through past, present, and future, and are the fundamental source
of all other distinctions among entities. We are the distinctively ontological entity, who asks the
question of being and cares about answering it (H.12). In caring about that question, we open up
a world of people, places, and things and find meaning within it. To pick out this distinctive
character of our being, Heidegger coins the technical term ‘Dasein.’7 Heidegger uses the term—a
common German noun for ‘existence’— in order to distinguish the biological interpretation of
humanity—homo sapiens—from that which makes us truly human. Dasein is being in the world
(H.53) and the entity for whom being is at issue (H.12). It is not for anything in particular
(H.130) and is distinctive precisely because it can interpret its own existence all the way down to
the most basic concepts (H.9). Dasein is in the world by both being determined by it and
determining it in return. For this reason, Heidegger calls Dasein a thrown-project (H.199). We
are thrown and socialized into a world with an established order, from the past, that we now, at
the present, have to project ourselves into, so as to make for ourselves a future. In doing so we
inherit complex distinctions among entities that we then have to apply to our own situations and
sometimes even add, edit, or discard in order to make better sense of the world and who and
what are in it. When we add, edit, and discard distinctions, we do not do it for ourselves alone
but anticipate that it will make better sense of future situations as well. Indeed, it would be

5

Heidegger, Martin. Sein und Zeit. 19th edition, Max Niemeyer Verlag (Tübingen: 2006). I will provide references
to Being and Time within parentheses. These will mostly point you to passages I am paraphrasing. The format for
the page references is ‘H.#’ where the ‘H’ indicates the pagination of the published German text and the ‘#’
indicates the page. In any translation of Being and Time you can find the German pagination along the outside
margin of the pages. In a few cases, I reference not the pages but the section of Being and Time. In that case the
section number will be preceded by this symbol: ‘§.’
6
Hence, Heidegger’s slogan: possibility is higher than actuality (H.38).
7
Heidegger initially defines the term at H.7 and spends a large section of the introduction characterizing Dasein’s
special role in ontology.

3

�unjustifiable to offer a purely idiosyncratic concept for others to use because Dasein lives in an
always already shared world.
According to Heidegger, as we have it so far, the meaning of being is temporality
because humans live by unfolding the phases of past, present, and future with each other. It is not
that time is a container in which we exist but rather that humans create a past, present, and future
through their interpretive social activities. According to Heidegger, the sense of time as a
container is derived from the sense of time as unfolding through meaning-making (H.424-5).
How, then, does Dasein make meaning and why is meaning-making connected to time?
Here is the summary answer that we will spend the rest of the talk unpacking: Dasein makes
meaning for itself as a movement from inauthenticity to authenticity (die Eigentlichkeit), and it is
enabled to make this movement by its mortality. By ‘authenticity,’ Heidegger does not mean
what we tend to mean by it, namely, being connected to one’s roots or being different for
difference’s sake. Rather, inauthenticity bears these descriptions just as well as authenticity
because by ‘inauthenticity’ Heidegger means being lost in the crowd, which one can be when
one is trying to reconnect with one’s roots or trying to stand out just to stand out. Authenticity, at
a first pass, is recovering oneself from the crowd, individuating oneself from others, and taking
ownership over oneself (H.12, H.42-3). It is in this movement that Dasein becomes able to have
reasons.
What then is this movement like? We must start from a structural description of what it is
like for Dasein to be in the world.8 Imagine yourself cooking dinner for your family. You are in
your kitchen, surrounded by your supplies and tools. You have ingredients, a knife for cutting
them, a cutting board on which to cut them, and so on. You also have a recipe that sets out the
steps for cooking the meal. The meal, in turn, is the end-product of a sequence of steps or inorder-tos that employ your resources and tools. Moreover, the meal is for you and your family.
You all are ends of the cooking but in a different sense than the meal is the end. You will
appropriate the meal from the cooking activity to the eating activity. You are the end as
consumer rather than product. In turn, the eating activity has the same structure: it serves to
sustain you so that you can go on to participate in other activities. As far as this structural
description takes us, it seems as though we are the executors of activities in order to be executors
of other activities. Everything is for-something already given. Even you seem to be forproducing and for-consuming endlessly. But observe: this indefinite series of activities tells us
nothing about how you benefit from the activities, unless we assume that merely participating in
activities, whatever they are, is beneficial. Of course, that is a non-starter. A person may choose
to forego eating and bring the series of activities to a close. Although it might be sad that she do
so, it can nevertheless be good for her, in which case the distinction between beneficial and
harmful collapses. Thus, the indefinite series of activities cannot be the whole story of our
participation in these activities. Our activities cannot be merely in order to participate in other
activities. We must at least be capable of participating in them for the sake of something final,
something that brings the indefinite series to a third kind of end, the end of explanation or
justification. In other words, we must be able to say why we participate in activities without the
answer admitting of a further why-question. The world in which we live is not a holistic totality

8

This structural description (which philosophers also call a phenomenology) is based on §§15-18. Of note:
Heidegger provides very little argument that the for-the-sake-of-which must be part of the description and that is the
crucial move he makes against the reductive anti-rationalists.

4

�of in-order-tos. The world includes final ends or, in Heidegger’s vocabulary, for-the-sake-ofwhiches (worumwillen).
In this description of daily life, we discover a holistic network of tools and activities in
which we can participate for the sake of something beyond the products of those activities.
Consider again these activities in relation to a for-the-sake-of-which. We do not engage in these
activities merely as free floating individuals without any prior entanglements. On the contrary, at
every moment we occupy at least one social role, whether we have chosen it or not. We are
children, parents, students, teachers, citizens, politicians, clients, lawyers, and so on. Each social
role brings with it a package of norms that guide the occupant toward the appropriate behavior
and away from the inappropriate. These norms manifest themselves in what an occupant counts
as satisfying the duties under that role and what others expect the occupant to do to satisfy those
duties. For the most part these expectations will overlap and be independent of the specific
personality occupying the role. Thus, we often express these norms via the impersonal pronoun,
‘one.’ For example, as a child, one heeds one’s elders. When entering a subway car, one waits
for riders to exit before entering. As a lawyer, one does not divulge private information about
one’s clients. In each of these cases, it would be inappropriate to act against the anonymous
expectation except in extraordinary circumstances. To do so would be a basis for censure from
anyone aware of the transgression (H.126-7). What one does, then, is general in two senses: I can
be the ‘one’ at any time and I can encounter the ‘one’ in others at any time. We can follow the
one’s norms without relating it to any for-the-sake-of-which because we can just mimic what
others do. But, at the same time, I can never be the ‘one’ simply. I can only be the ‘one’ via a
particular social role that establishes what is appropriate or inappropriate behavior for me at a
given time. Even as the ‘one’ I cannot do whatever others are doing and count as following the
social norms. I have always already followed certain paths rather than others.
Consequently, the ‘one’ is unstable. Social norms are not only the rules I follow but also
how I justify my actions. For example, as a teacher, if I am asked why I am granting a student an
extension when her hard drive crashes, I can cite the norm that teachers should not punish their
students for circumstances beyond their control. If I were asked that question and could give no
answer or merely cited what other teachers usually do, I would have failed to justify my
teacherly action. Similarly, if I am asked why I am a teacher rather than something else, I ought
to be able to respond with more than, “Someone told me to do it.” But when we are first
socialized into our social roles, that is the only answer we are prepared to give because up to that
point we have simply been learning how to be guided by the ‘one,’ yet the ‘one’ does not provide
the basis for an answer. Only a for-the-sake-of-which could. Precisely to this problem,
authenticity provides a solution.
Let us now turn to the passages at the heart of my interpretation of authenticity as the
basis for having reasons. The first passage concerns Dasein’s conscience, the voice that calls
Dasein back from its absorption in its everyday activities as the ‘one.’
In being a ground—that is, in existing as thrown—Dasein constantly lags behind its
possibilities. It is never existent before its ground, but only from it and as this ground.
Thus being-a-ground means never to have power over its ownmost being from the ground
up. This not belongs to the existential meaning of thrownness. It itself, being a ground, is
a nullity of itself. Nullity does not signify anything like not-being-present-at-hand or notsubsisting; what one has in view here is rather a not which is constitutive for this being of
Dasein—its thrownness. The character of this not as a not may be defined existentially: in
being its self, Dasein is, as a self, the entity that has been thrown. It has been released

5

�from its ground, not through itself but to itself, so as to be as this ground. Dasein is not
itself the ground of its being, inasmuch as this ground first arises from its own projection;
rather, as being-its-self, it is the being of its ground. This ground is never anything but the
ground for an entity whose being has to take over being-a-ground. (H.284-5)9
That passage contains a lot of thought to digest all at once. I will elucidate it for you shortly. For
now hold in mind these two key points. First, Dasein is a ground that it must take over. ‘Ground’
here could also be translated by ‘reason.’ And, so, we might interpret this to say that Dasein must
become a reason for itself. Second, Dasein never has power over this ground from the bottom up.
It lags behind its possibilities in two senses. It engages in certain activities rather than others
before it ever considers whether those activities matter to it. And it is not the source of those
activities. To become a ground then is precisely to struggle with which activities matter to it and
how it can also be a source of them.
The second passage comes from Heidegger’s analysis of death. As I mentioned above,
Dasein’s mortality enables it to become authentic by disclosing to it how to make a responsible
choice for what to do with its life. Here Heidegger clarifies the relationship between Dasein’s
death and its array of choices:
The ownmost, non-relational possibility [death] is not to be outstripped. Being towards
this possibility enables Dasein to understand that giving itself up impends for it as the
uttermost possibility of its existence. Anticipation, however, unlike inauthentic beingtowards-death, does not evade the fact that death is not to be outstripped; instead,
anticipation frees itself for accepting this. By anticipating and, thereby, becoming free for
its own death, Dasein is freed from being lost in possibilities that accidentally impinge
upon it with the result that becoming free for death allows Dasein to understand and
choose authentically, for the first time, the factical possibilities that lie upstream and
ahead of the one that Dasein cannot outstrip… As a non-relational possibility, death
individualizes but only in order to, as a possibility which is not to be outstripped, make
Dasein, as being-with, understanding of the capacity-to-be of others. Since anticipation of
the possibility which is not to be outstripped discloses also all the possibilities which lie
ahead of that possibility, this anticipation includes the possibility of taking the whole of
Dasein in advance in an existentiell manner that is to say, it includes the possibility of
existing as a whole capacity-to-be. (H.264)10
Again this passage might be overwhelming. So, again, I offer two key points to hold in mind.
First, the possibilities among which Dasein makes its most fundamental choice of what to do
with its life “lie upstream and ahead” of its death. In so far as Dasein understands death, those
possibilities transcend it, by which I mean they can last forever even if in fact they do not.
Dasein knows itself to be finite but does not know the same about its possibilities. Second, the
transcendence of the possibilities puts Dasein in authentic contact with others. By becoming
authentic, Dasein recognizes others as similarly capable of authenticity and able to share in
9

Heidegger, Martin. Being and Time. tr. Macquarrie, John and Robinson, Edward, Harper &amp; Row (New York:
1962), pp.330-1. I adjusted the translation to make it clearer.
10
Ibid, pp.308-9. Again, I adjusted the translation to make it clearer. I discovered this crucial passage thanks to a
comment in Page, Carl. Philosophical Historicism and the Betrayal of First Philosophy. Penn State Press
(University Park, PA: 1995), p.141. Like Page I understand this passage as undermining the common interpretation
of Being and Time, according to which Heidegger shows that eternal truths or goods are impossible. Unlike Page,
however, I do not interpret this passage to leave open the possibility that human beings could know or understand
anything as eternal.

6

�possibilities authentically with Dasein. Let’s now dig deeper into these thoughts and see how
they give rise to an account of reasons without a faculty of reason.
In the first passage Heidegger describes Dasein as both a ground for its existence and
having to take over its being-a-ground. Dasein, of course, is not the ground, like a self-caused
thing would be. Dasein is caused to be in a number of ways, including parentage and
socialization. Nevertheless, Dasein is one of those grounds. But a ground in what way? Part of
the answer to this question comes prior to this passage. Dasein’s conscience calls to it but says
nothing (H.272-4). Instead, it points Dasein to its ability to become authentic and to the implicit
choices it has not not yet owned. In turn, Dasein interprets the call as indicating its guilt.
Heidegger does not mean “guilty” in any of its ordinary senses. Dasein’s ontological guilt is not
original sin, moral wrongdoing, being the cause of certain events, or debts to others. Rather,
Dasein is guilty in the sense of being responsible for its choices, where ‘responsible’
(verantwortlich) takes on its etymological meaning: able to give an answer (H.280-8). By
heeding its conscience, Dasein takes over being-a-ground by interpreting itself as answerable for
its choices. Conscience brings Dasein into a discourse, albeit a merely internal one so far.
Intriguingly, Heidegger describes Dasein’s being-a-ground as a nullity. By this he means
two important things. First, Dasein does not give itself the factical possibilities for its existence.
And this goes all the way down. Conscience is silent because anything it could say would be
expressed in a public language that one speaks and remains inevitably ambiguous. Precisely here
we might expect that a faculty of reason could provide unambiguous content. But such a faculty
could only express itself in a public language, which needs interpretation in still further terms.
Second, Dasein negates possibilities. That is to say, Dasein is a ground for its existence by
eliminating factical possibilities for itself. Dasein chooses by means of exclusion rather than
invention. For the most part Dasein excludes without realizing it and, when asked, tends to defer
responsibility for its actions to some authority. When it becomes authentic, it alters its
relationship to the exclusions. It connects its exclusions to the pursuit of something worth it for
its own sake and ceases to defer responsibility for its actions to anyone else. In this sense we
should say Dasein alters its existence as a ground from being merely a cause of events to a
reason for them.
But we should not pass over these crucial and interesting claims without noticing how
counter-intuitive they are. Human beings are endlessly creative. From the slightest pun to the
inception of a whole new realm of activity (such as modern natural science), human beings seem
to be more than merely a nullity. We do not only negate possibilities we add them. What then
would justify Heidegger’s counter-intuitive claim?
The answer to this question lies in the second passage. In it, Heidegger is discussing the
relationship between Dasein’s anticipation of death and the factical possibilities on which it
resolves in becoming authentic. The concept ‘possibility’ as Heidegger uses it encompasses any
way that Dasein could be.11 At bottom, any description befitting of Dasein is a possibility for it.12
For our purposes, however, we should focus on the two kinds of factical possibility that are
fundamental to a life-path. The first are the social roles discussed above. Dasein occupies at least
one and usually multiple roles throughout its life, and these roles govern what it does daily as
According to Heidegger, when we use ‘possibility’ in other senses—e.g., logical possibility (not in violation of
the principle of non-contradiction)—we derive the meaning of ‘possibility’ from its meaning as applied to Dasein.
12
When we take note of history—the rise and fall of peoples, empires, and civilizations—we must distinguish
between live and dead possibilities. ‘is a samurai’ is a description befitting Dasein but not live for anyone today.
11

7

�well as how it organizes its weeks, months, and years. Moreover, these roles are the sort of
activity it can find enriching or fulfilling. They engage its capacities in a complete way. Dasein
knows this because the possibilities can draw it out of the stultifying fear that attends the
anticipation of its own death and they are worth pursuing unto death. They are not merely means
to other states of affairs. Rather, Dasein can engage in them until there are no more states of
affairs left to it.
We might conclude, then, that social roles are the factical possibilities that we pursue for
their own sake. But that would be imprecise. Social roles are constitutive of pursuing something
for its own sake, but what makes a given social role a for-the-sake-of-which is not the social role
itself. Instead, we find some aspect of the social role worth pursuing for its own sake. The social
role engages us in charity or requires lifelong learning or puts us in contact with some other
value or good that we take to be final. These values are only accessible to us through social roles
but they are not reducible to them.
These are the factical possibilities that Heidegger is discussing in the second passage:
social role and ultimate value combined. By anticipating death, Dasein no longer sees its
possibilities merely as means to other possibilities ad infinitum. Observe: although a given social
role can be constitutive of something worth pursuing for its own sake, it is not essentially so. For
example, I can choose a career as a mere means to supporting a loving, nurturing family. When
Dasein is inauthentic or “lost in its possibilities,” all social roles look like mere means. The final
goods that social roles can manifest remain hidden as long as Dasein ignores its own mortality.
But when it confronts that mortality, Dasein reveals that aspect of social roles to itself. It frees
itself for a choice by putting the social roles into a framework where a responsible choice
becomes possible. Specifically, it frees itself from the condition in which nothing appears worthy
of choice.
This brings us to the two crucial claims that ground a Heideggerian account of reasons.
First, the factical possibilities in question “lie upstream and ahead” of Dasein’s death. The
German reads “vorgelagert sind.” I’ve used the hendiadys “upstream and ahead” to render the
double-meaning of “vorgelagert.” The idiomatic German meaning of the adjective is “upstream”
or “off the coast,” but it is derived from semantic pieces that mean something like “to be camped
ahead.” So, we have here a metaphor for the conceptual and explanatory relationship between
Dasein’s factical possibilities and death. On the one hand, “lies upstream” suggests a common
philosophical metaphor for explanatory priority. If a is upstream from b then a explains b or
some aspect of it, while b explains no aspect of a. Thus, Heidegger is claiming that Dasein’s
factical possibilities explain some aspect of Dasein’s own death. On the other hand, the “lies
ahead” suggests that these possibilities are part of Dasein’s future and, indeed, extend into the
future beyond Dasein’s own death. But if the factical possibilities only become available for
authentic resolution through Dasein’s anticipation of its own death, how can those possibilities
explain any aspect of its death? And how could those possibilities transcend Dasein’s death?
The answer to these two questions comes towards the end of the paragraph where
Heidegger tells us that death, “as an un-outstrip-able possibility, makes Dasein…understanding
of others. Recall that Dasein develops its basic capacities as it is socialized by others. Of
necessity the socialization process subordinates Dasein to authorities who teach it the social
norms. As a result Dasein always starts out as inauthentic and sees inauthentically the factical
possibilities into which it has been socialized. However, when Dasein understands itself as
capable of authenticity, it also understands that others have the same capacity. It follows that the
socialization process offered more to Dasein than first met its eye. Dasein inherited factical

8

�possibilities that set its mortality in relief. Death too is a possibility; it is distinctive as nonoptional and final. Dasein’s factical possibilities can fit the finality of death, but they are not nonoptional. They present Dasein with a choice. Thus, the socialization process, in which Dasein
inherits factical possibilities, explains how Dasein understands death as a basis for making
meaning for itself and not just the cessation of its existence. Of course, the factical possibilities
cannot explain the fact that Dasein dies. Nevertheless, they can explain how Dasein can
distinguish death as a possibility that makes meaning possible, as opposed to impossible.
Furthermore, the factical possibilities on which Dasein can resolve are not limited by
Dasein’s death. Because Dasein understands them as inherited through the socialization process,
it also understands that others have engaged in these possibilities authentically. And just as
Dasein is the future to those who are no longer, so Dasein will hand down its authentic factical
possibility to future generations. Or what is the other side of the same coin, Dasein shares its
authentic factical possibility with others and knows that it can. Dasein’s authentic resolution
individualizes it but at the same time brings it into a community which stretches before its birth
and after its death. It commits itself to a common project with others with whom it works in
concert.
With this interpretation of the second passage in hand, I can now answer the above
question about creativity. The answer comes in two prongs. First, Heidegger can explain
creativity as a reshuffling of factical possibilities. When we seem to invent something new, we in
fact draw upon a pattern or patterns from one or more areas of life and apply them to another
area where the patterns had not previously applied (as far as we know). Even modern science, as
Heidegger shows (§69b), is derived from possibilities already available. Thus, Dasein can be
creative while merely negating given factical possibilities. Second, no factical possibility—
however new—gets its content from an individual Dasein alone because every factical possibility
is always already shared. Even the most innovative person offers her innovation to a community.
What that offering means and whether it is a success depends not on the will and intellect of the
individual innovator but rather on how the community takes it up. Thus, individual Dasein
contributes no irreducibly unique content to the possibilities in a community. By itself, Dasein is
a nullity.
Based on the foregoing interpretation, we can reconstruct a conception of reasons from
Heidegger’s conception of authenticity. A reason is a consideration in favor of forming a belief,
drawing an inference, or taking a course of action. But not just any consideration in favor of
something is a reason for it. I might have a desire to bash my neighbor’s mailbox with a baseball
bat but that is not, by itself, a reason for doing so. A reason requires further grounding. We have
to be able to trace it back to a source, a principle, a good. Unlike other considerations, a reason
has a pedigree. Even when I perceive my desire to bash my neighbor’s mailbox as a reason to do
it, it is a reason only if I can trace that desire to a principle that licenses satisfying it. (And I
doubt any pedigree exists for such a desire.)
We are subject to desires and impulses throughout our daily lives. Our thoughts, bodies,
and decked-out environments elicit them. In turn, we have to sort through which ones to satisfy
and which to suppress. For the most part we do this in an unconscientious way (which is not to
say unconscious). We follow the impulses and desires that align with our tasks and suppress the
ones that do not. When we reflect on what we are doing we perceive ourselves as having reasons
for sorting through our impulses and desires as we do. But we rarely trace the complete pedigree
of those purported reasons such that we verify them. This omission opens up the question
whether what we take to be our reasons are in fact reasons.

9

�One way that a consideration might fail to be a reason for a person—a way central to a
Heideggerian account—is that the person traces the consideration back to an external authority.
For example, when I follow a recipe, I defer to the authority of the chef who wrote the recipe.
The instructions for me are not reasons, as they are for the chef who can explain how and why
they produce the final dish. And should the recipe fail, the chef is prepared to examine what went
wrong and attempt to fix the problem. The chef, who takes responsibility for the success of the
recipe, has reasons with respect to making the dish whereas I merely have considerations.
Indeed, each step in the recipe, the dish, those whom the chef will serve, and the wider world of
expert food-making, all manifest reasons for the chef, whereas I do not have those reasons. The
world of mere in-order-tos is transformed by authenticity into a world of reasons. That
transformation takes place because the chef takes herself to be an authority, in the sense that she
is an author—albeit not the unique author—of norms governing proper food-making. Her
authorship, however, is in no way a creation from nothing. She always engages with the norms
that she has inherited, and is answerable to others who, like her, take responsibility for those
same norms.
The foregoing suggests a Heideggerian conception of rationality.13 According to it,
someone has a reason for a potential action—mental actions included—when the state of affairs
fits the norms governing a social role he authentically occupies. Accordingly, a reason is part of
a chain of in-order-tos that someone relates to an activity worth pursuing for its own sake. This is
the sense in which Dasein’s conscience makes it a ground for reasons. Its conscience calls it to
relate the states of affairs in the world to whatever can bring an end to a series of why-questions.
Heideggerian reasons, then, are always parts of lines of reasoning that reach a conclusive end. As
a part of a line of reasoning, Heideggerian reasons are discursive.
Moreover, Heideggerian reasons are constrained by publicly known norms. Since reasons
are parts of responses to why-questions, they can be exchanged with others as explanations or
justifications for actions or beliefs. And since the reasons are grounded by a resolution on social
roles, the reasons a person may offer must be shown either to accord with publicly known norms
for those roles—as, for example, a novel application of them—or improve on one or more of
them—as, for example, refusing to implement corporal punishment as a teaching tool. Not just
any series of statements offered to an interlocutor—even by authentic Dasein—qualifies as a line
of reasoning. Dasein’s autonomy is not unlimited, despite lacking the law of reason. Instead, it is
answerable to those from whom it has inherited its factical possibility and to whom it will hand it
down.
Heideggerian reasons are serially grounded, discursive and constrained. By contrast,
mere considerations are serial but not grounded and discursive but not constrained. Consider the
desire to bash a neighbor’s mailbox. I can connect that to a further consideration, such as venting
anger or getting revenge. But those further considerations do not bring an end to why-questions.
The considerations are ungrounded. Similarly, bare appeals to authority suffer the same defect.
They fail to end the series of why-questions because we must ask what justifies deferring to that
authority. Mere considerations are defectively serial. They also show a symmetrical defect with
respect to discursiveness. I can offer a mere consideration to someone else, and they can
recognize it as something that favors my action, in the way that desires always favor their own
If this Heideggerian account of reasons has reminded you of Kant’s conception of autonomy there is good reason
for it. In the concept of authenticity, Heidegger sought to retain the distinction between autonomy and heteronomy
without relying on a faculty of reason that gives the laws for being autonomous.
13

10

�satisfaction. But the consideration is unconstrained by any norms that would distinguish the
desire as licit or illicit. The interlocutor cannot share in endorsing the consideration. Again, the
same goes for appeals to authority. The interlocutor must wonder why the authority offered
should be binding on himself. Mere considerations offer explanations for actions but not
justifications.
You might be wondering why social norms offer justifications where mere considerations
do not? After all, social norms are positive phenomena, instituted by human beings.
Consequently, appeals to social norms seem like just another appeal to authority. Here the
double-aspect of factical possibilities plays a crucial role. The social norms that constitute the
social roles Dasein plays are always in service of the values that make the social roles worth
pursuing for their own sake. Justifications in terms of social norms always take for granted that
the norms continue to serve those values. If an interlocutor raises an objection that a norm no
longer serves that value, then that breakdown must be repaired either by dispelling the objection
or emending the norm.
A moment of reflection on values such as charity, friendship, equality, and liberty reveals
that they are multiple and not objectively prioritized. As Dasein pursues its factical possibility it
will have to weigh values against one another when they come into conflict. Heideggerian
reasons, then, are ultimately grounded in a choice for how to prioritize values. At this point, the
differences between Heideggerian reasons and the traditional account of rationality become
clear. As noted above the faculty of reason displays three central features: universality, unity,
and systematicity. None of these features apply to Heideggerian reasons. First, Heideggerian
reasons are not universal because they depend on a choice to prioritize values into a hierarchy
that is not itself rationally required. Even though an interlocutor can recognize that a reason is
binding for her friend, given his authentic resolution, the interlocutor herself, who resolves on a
different factical possibility, might find that his line of reasoning does not bind her because they
prioritize values differently. Heideggerian reasons, then, are not categorially universal, although
they encompass at least all those who share an authentic factical possibility. Second,
Heideggerian reasons are not unified: they do not trace back to any single principle. Whereas the
faculty of reason is unified by a principle embodied in a concept such as the good or the
unconditioned, Heidegger’s account of rationality is unified by Dasein’s ability to authentically
resolve on some factical possibility. This ability, as we saw, is conceptually contentless—it is a
nullity, the ultimate source of negation—and each person uniquely exercises it. The conceptual
content derives not from the ability to become authentic itself but rather from the possibility
adopted in its exercise. When Dasein reasons, it reasons back to its fundamental factical
possibility and then can offer no further reason, should a disagreement persist. Dasein makes a
Lutherian commitment in whose favor it can say nothing else. In Heideggerian lines of
reasoning, not all roads lead to Rome. Finally, since reasons are neither universal nor unified,
they cannot be systematic. It will always be possible that two lines of reasoning will be
ultimately incompatible. For example, two appellate court justices might sincerely disagree over
whether the norms of constitutional interpretation permit them to rule that every application of
the death penalty is a cruel punishment. That they disagree does not indicate that at least one of
them is mistaking what reasons they have. They each could exhaust the reasons they have
without reaching the same conclusion.
Since Heideggerian reasons are not universal, nor unified, nor systematic, Heidegger is
an anti-rationalist, as I defined it at the outset. However, Heidegger is not a reductive antirationalist. He does not reduce the appearance of reasons to causes. Although Dasein has moods

11

�and desires that inform its authentic resolution, its resolution is not reducible to psychological
drives or self-interest. In anticipating death, Dasein’s mood reveals what and who in the world
matter to it. Moreover, even if Dasein’s mood were caused by psychological drives, Dasein
accepts responsibility for its psychological make-up when it authentically resolves. By projecting
itself into a factical possibility, Dasein becomes answerable for who and how it is: it will not
excuse itself through its psychological make-up, even if that make-up plays a key role in
explaining or justifying its actions or beliefs. And it treats this answerability as a reciprocal
expectation among Daseins. Dasein does not privilege its own authenticity over the authenticity
of others. A condition of authenticity is that Dasein enables or at least refuses to impede other
Daseins’ ability to be authentic (H.122).14 Thus, the usual strategies for reducing reasons to
causes—power, economic interest, or psychological drives—are all rebutted by Heidegger’s
account of authenticity. In so far as Heidegger can treat the appearance of reasons as something
like what we expect a reason to be, Heidegger has an advantage over the reductive antirationalist accounts.
So far, I have sketched an interpretation of a Heideggerian account of reasons. The
interpretation remains incomplete because I have not addressed some key kinds of reasons—in
particular, theoretical reasons—that are not obviously assimilable to Heidegger’s account.
Nevertheless, we have enough of the interpretation on the table to consider what conception of
public reason the Heideggerian account grounds. First, anyone who has read Being and Time
knows that Heidegger is skeptical of the value of discourse in the public sphere (H.127).15 In the
public sphere, speakers pass along claims for which they themselves cannot vouch, offer
truncated lines of reasoning, and flit from one subject-matter to another without spending enough
time on them for anyone to acquire a useful understanding, let alone a reasonable one.16 Given
Heidegger’s account of reasons, it is no surprise that he would be pessimistic concerning the
value of public discourse. Clearly, not every participant in the discourse—and possibly few or
none—will themselves be authentic. Those who are not cannot offer their own reasons but can
only pass along reasons others have. As a result, members of the general public cannot decide
whom to trust on a matter that is important but not part of their own factical possibility.
Furthermore, speakers have a plethora of self-interested considerations in favor of manipulating
one’s audience rather than informing them or following lines of reasoning with them. Under
these conditions, we could be forgiven for suspecting that the speakers who have widespread
exposure in the public sphere are bad actors, whose speeches are better explained by the theories
of reductive anti-rationalists.
Although we could be forgiven, perhaps we should not let those suspicions govern our
interpretations of others in public discourse, especially those with whom we disagree. It is clear
that Heidegger, even if he endorsed the Heideggerian account of reasons I have reconstructed
here, would deny that it can support a conception of public reason. Heidegger himself would not
rescue us from the morass described by Latour. So, to Heidegger, myself and you all, I would
like to pose a question about the public sphere: is Heidegger’s pessimism inevitable? To be sure,
even if we conceive of an ideal public sphere, replete with authentic agents exchanging lines of
reasoning, we cannot imagine that the end result—even at the end of time—will necessarily be
Again, those familiar with Kant will recognize this as a Heideggerian version of Kant’s Formula of Humanity.
The word Macquarrie and Robinson translate as ‘publicness’ is ‘die Offentlichkeit.’ It is commonly used to refer
to the public sphere and rarely to the abstract property of being public.
16
These descriptions are a gloss on Heidegger’s conceptions of idle talk, ambiguity, and curiosity, respectively.
14
15

12

�universal consensus on the solution to every dispute. The need for public reasoning will never be
complete nor even approach an end like a hyperbola to its asymptote. This essential
incompleteness follows from the lack of universality and unity. Heidegger himself recognizes
this essential incompleteness, which is why he describes authentic politics as a kind of struggle
(kampf, H.384-5). When reasons inevitably run out, all that is left is non-rational means of
persuading others. It would be easy to assume that non-rational means of persuasion are, a
fortiori, violent in the sense that they require some people to submit to a power they do not
endorse by their own lights. This assumption seems all the more justified because, without a
universal conception of reason, it is unclear whether there are any norms of discourse that would
undermine a public discourse that oppresses authentic voices who have reasons to offer. If there
are no universal norms then we have a strong reason to believe there is no foundation for a public
discourse that can legitimate public courses of action.
It might seem then that Heidegger’s pessimism is inevitable. However, I would like to
close by offering initial considerations that would open up an optimistic line of investigation.
First, we must recall that authenticity requires reciprocity. It is possible that we could derive
universal norms of participation from the reciprocity that authenticity requires. If oppression
inhibits Dasein’s capacity to be authentic, then authentic Dasein cannot endorse norms that
oppress others. It would follow that an authentic public sphere would not prevent anyone from
participating in it. Second, authentic Dasein is aware that its own authentic resolution is just one
among many possible resolutions. Furthermore, it is aware that its own resolution puts it into a
particular, limited perspective. Dasein does not have authentic access to all matters of public
import. When it does not, it ought to be open to the reasons that others who do have to offer. By
heeding the reasons that others can offer from their own authentic resolutions, Dasein accepts
that rationality is not something given to us that we must discover but rather something at stake
for us that we must forge. An optimistic view of a Heideggerian conception of reasons takes
public reason as a collective challenge for us. And the question is: what resources does the
Heideggerian conception—or any other conceptions that are live to the problem rationality
poses—provide for us to meet this challenge?

13

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                    <text>SUMMER2010
"LIFE OF THE MIND SERIES"
Wednesdays, 7:30p.m.
June 23

Matthew Linck

Some Questions about the Philosophy of Nature

June 30

Felicia Martinez

On Wallace Stevens' "Of Mere Being"

July 7

Jeff Smith

The Political Interstices of King Lear

July 14

Anita Kronsberg

A viewing of the film of King Lear starring Scofield
Followed by discussion

July 21

Matt Caswell
Michael Grenke
Henry Higuera
Michael Weinman

What is Philosophy?

July 28

Eric Stoltzfus

Five fables of La Fontaine, translated and set to
Elliott Zuckerman music by Elliott Zuckerman, and
performed by Eric Stoltzfus, tenor, accompanied at the
piano. With discussion.

Marcel Widzisz

A reading of Medea

August 4

&amp; company

The movie on July 14 will be shown in the Hodson Conference Room in Mellon Hall.
All other events will be held in the Great Hall of McDowell Hall.

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                    <text>___________________________________________________________________________________________ 

 
Summer 2013 “Wednesday Night Lecture Series” 
 

St. John’s College Annapolis 
 

Join us this summer for a series of informal lectures, sponsored by the Graduate Institute   
 

Wednesdays at 7:30 p.m., Great Hall 
___________________________________________________________________________________________ 
 

 
“The Very Pictures of Education:  On Rousseau’s Illustrations in Emile” 
Wednesday, June 19        
Jeff Black, Director of the Graduate Institute, St. John’s College, Annapolis 
 
“Equality of the Sexes in Aristophanes’ Ecclesiazusae (The Assembly of Women)” 
Wednesday, June 26   
William. Braithwaite, Tutor, St. John’s College, Annapolis      
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
“John Huston’s ‘The Dead’:  A Film Screening and Discussion” (Reading the Dead from James Joyce’s 
The Dubliners is highly recommended.  Time and location to be announced.) 
Wednesday, July 3 
 
 
Louis Petrich, Tutor, St. John’s College, Annapolis 
 
“Miracles and Belief:  Is Belief in Miracles Compatible with a Scientific Understanding of the World?” 
Wednesday, July 10 
 
  
Joseph Cohen, Tutor, St. John’s College, Annapolis 
 
“The Rise of the Private Self in Genesis One‐Three” 
Wednesday, July 17 
 
 
Amanda Printz, Visiting Professor of Philosophy at Oglethorpe University 
 
“On Courage”   
 
Wednesday, July 24 
 
Michael W. Grenke, Tutor, St. John’s College, Annapolis 
 
 
Nietzsche, Hegel, and the Problem of History 
Wednesday, July 31 
 
 
Shilo Brooks, Visiting Professor of Philosophy at Bowdoin College 
 
 
___________________________________________________________________________________________ 

 

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From:

Sent:
Subject:

Waters, Taylor
Tuesday, June 10, 2014 1:15 PM
Wednesday Night Lecture Series

Summer 2014 Wednesday Night Lecture Series"
St. John's College Annapolis
Join us this summer for a series of informal lectures, sponsored by the Graduate Institute

Wednesdays at 7:30p.m., Great Hall
"On High Mountains: An Overview of Nietzsche's Perspectivism"
Wednesday, June 18
JS. Black, Director of the Graduate Institute, St. John's College, Annapolis

"Hume's Philosophy of Science"
Wednesday, June 25
James M Mattingly, Georgetown University

"On Reading Poetry Aloud: Some Lessons from Shakespeare's As You Like It"
Wednesday, July 2
William Braithwaite, Tutor, St. John's College, Annapolis

"Machiavelli and Absolution"
Wednesday, July 9
Stephen D. Wrage, United States Naval Academy

"Mastery, Freedom, Friendship: Tutor and Pupil in Rousseau's Emile"
Wednesday, July 16
Gianna Englert, Georgetown University

"The Relationship of Art and Truth in Plato's Republic"
Wednesday, July 23
Jamuna Reppert, Claremont Graduate University

On the Humanity of Thucydides' Demosthenes"
Wednesday, July 30
Andrea Radasanu, Northern Illinois University

1

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___________________________________________________________________________________________ 

 
Summer 2016 “Wednesday Night Lecture Series” 
 

St. John’s College Annapolis 
 

Join us this summer for a series of informal lectures, sponsored by the Graduate Institute   
 

Wednesdays at 7:30 p.m., Great Hall 
___________________________________________________________________________________________ 
 

 
“Imagination and Leadership” 
Wednesday, June 15        
David Townsend, Tutor, St. John’s College 
 
“A Good Answer:  Comment on Exodus, Chapter 3” 
Wednesday, June 22 
Andre Barbera, Tutor, St. John’s College 
 
“Reason without Reasons:  Anti‐Rationalism in Heidegger’s Being and Time.” 
Wednesday, June 29 
Lee Goldsmith, George Washington University 
 
“We Are, Nonetheless, Cartesians” 
Wednesday, July 6 
Anton Barba‐Kay, The Catholic University of America 
 
“The Concept of Movement/Change in Ancient Chinese Thought and its Modern Application”  
Wednesday, July 13 
Brian Dougherty, The University of Maryland 
 
All College Seminar 
Wednesday, July 20 
The Graduate Council, St. John’s College 
 
“All in C Major:  The Opening of Bach’s Well‐Tempered Clavier” 
Wednesday, July 27 
Elliott Zuckerman, Tutor, St. John’s College 
 
___________________________________________________________________________________________ 

 

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