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                    <text>THE OFFENSE OF SOCRATES
A Re-reading of Plat6's Apoloiy
Eva Brann
St. John's College
Annapolis, Maryland

prepared for delivery at the 1975 Annual Meeting of
the American Political Science Association, San
Francisco Hilton Hotel, San Francisco, California,
September 2--5, 1975

�THE OFFENSE OF SOCRATES
A Re-reading of Plato's Apology
Eva Brann
St. John's College
Annapolis, Maryland
1.

A first reading of Socrates' defense before the court
of the Athenian people as handed down by Plato induces an
exalted feeling in favor of Socrates. 1 That is my experience
and, I think, the experience of most studentsa

we hear a

philosopher nobly coping with a persecuting populace.
It is a perennial perception. To cite only two of the
numerous testimonials; 1 one from the last and the other from
this century1

John Stuart Mill, referring to the Apology

in his essay On Liberty, says that the tribunal "condemned
the man who probably of all then born had deserved best of
mankind to be put to death as a criminal," and Alfred North
Whitehead asserts that Socrates died "for freedom of
contemplation, and for freedom of the communication of
contemplative experiences." By and large the defenders of
Socrate$ are to be fot.md among those who might reasonably
be called liberals, both of the thoughtful and the lightheaded kind.
Now a re-reading of the speech can check this first
feeling and raise suspicions which subsequent readings
confirm.

I am taken aback by the intransigencew1.th which

Socrates is shown to go on the offensive and to convert
his defense before the court of the Heliaea into an accusation against the ''men of Athens." A small formality sets
the tonea

he never once accords the court the customary

�2

address of "Judges;" he reserves it for those who vote
for his acquittal (40 a).
What is more, the speech intensifies in provocation
toward its end.

In that section, delivered after convic-

tion, where Socrates avails himself of the opportunity
granted by Athenian law for proposing a penalty to
counter that demanded by the prosecution, he first suggests
maintenance at the public table for himself, so that he
might have more leisure for exhorting the Athenians, next
a derisory fine about equivalent to a prisoner's ransom,
and only finally, urged by Plato, Crito and other friends,
a reluctantly reasonable sum thirty times as great.

As

a foreseeable consequence eighty juror-judges, evidently
convinced that this Socrates, once convicted, must be
executed, now vote for the death penalty (Diogenes
Laertius II, 42).

And yet later, after judgment, when

Socrates is allowed to speak once more, he issues dark
threats against the city through its children (39 d).
· This perspective on the event, resistant to Socrates
as it is, also has a lineage of testimony.

Its sources

range for the most part from respectably conservative
through illiberal, even to reactionary writers, from Jacob
Burckhardt who calls Socrates "the gravedigger of the Attic
city," through Nietzsche and Sorel to the Nazi writer
Alfred Rosenberg, who regards his defense as
the degeneration of Greece.

an

intimation of

This rough division of views

will have a certain bearing on what I have to say.
But the variety and bulk of
Apology is itself significant.

commen~

concerning the

It shows :'\ow unlikely it is

that I could hope to say anything new or anything binding,

�3

the more so since the one discovery which might really
startle us--what Socrates in fact satd--is totally beyond
our reach, as it already was beyond that of a contemporary like Xenophon.

In his own Apology, which both

counters and complements the Platonic version, he calls all
current accounts of Socrates' speech deficient (paYa..1)
and says that the only aspect on which all agree ts its
"grandeur of utterance."

So we are thrown back on the

consideration and re-consideration of the major version,
Plato's--which is undoubtedly what he intended.

2.
I can see two inferior and one pressing reason for
undertaking this effort.

The first lies in the speciaJ

position which the Apology occupies in Plato's Socratic
works.

It is the only speech among them; the auditors

participate only by shouting, and its single interlocutor,
the reluctant witness M!letos, is impressed into a dialogue.
It is the only work in which the author, who is explicitly
absent even at Socrates' death (PhaedO

59 b), reports

himself present, a fact Xenophon omits. I understand these
circumstances to indicate that what Socrates said and did
here is to be seen as casting its shadow over the other
works, including those preceding the trial in dramatic
date.

I mean not only the dialogues explicitly associated

with the Apology, namely its prologue, Socrates' conversation

u..

about piety with Ethyphro; its complement, about patriotism,
/\

with Crito; and its consummation, on death, with Phaedo
and others.

Nor am I particularly referring to the works

which contain

clea~

allusions to the trial, like Anytos'

threats in the lifillQ (94 e) or the prediction of the

�4

philosopher's death in the Republic (517 a).

But rather,

all Platonic conversations, even those at which Socrates
is absent, are colored by his defense--in just what way
is the question .ta bP

discus~ed.

3.
A second reason for attending to the Apoloey is that
it belongs to a group of works which I would hesitate to
call a literary genre because of the solemnity of their
occasion, but
education.

w1io8~

subject does form a topic in moral

.

They are the accounts of the trials of rni::n

who have offended the authorities by thinking or speaking,
but .!lQ.t J2Y doing anything l~ the.gross sense.

For example, two

days before his conviction for hir:,h tn=!ason and less than
two weeks before his execution Helmut von

Moltke~

wrote

a letter to his wife reporting on his trial before the
National Socialist

P~ople's

Court.

was smuggled out of prison, he saida

In the letter, which
";ve are cleared of

every practical ;i.ction; we are to be hang~d 'because we
thought together." 3 IIe goes on to praise the othen.:ise
despicable judge for his clarity of perception in this
respect.
Anyone who dies for his deeds also finally dies for
his thought.

But what distinguishes these deaths for

thinking and speaking alone,,attended by no provable intention to incite particular action, is the acute form they
give to_
::-the question

co~cerning

the work of thought in the

world.

4.
First among these comparable accounrs stand those of
the trial of Jesus.

There is, in fact, a very long

�5
tradition setting Socrates' and Jesus' ordeals side by sides
it is done, to name a small selection, in the writings of
Origen, Calvin, Rousseau, and G&amp;nctbt\1 4
The apparent similarities begin with the very fact
that there are varying accounts of what was said and done.
As for the defendants

both are the objects of

th~mselves,

popular passion channelled by a Group of implacable
opponents, lA&lt;i respectively by Anytos for the re-established
democracy and Caiaphas for the Sanhedrin.

Both are

attended by a band of adherents, friends or . disciples, to
whom they are suspected of imparting secret teachings, and
both deny the charge.

Both are intransigent in their refusal

to defend themselves effectively.

Both show a shocking

unwillineness to evade death, and for both, their deaths
only confirm their influence.

A most striking parallel,

furthermore, is the chief explicit charge, irreverence in
Socrates' and blasphemy in Jesus.' case.
also, however,

It is at this pointl\that the utter incommensurability
of the two cases begins to appear.

Jesus "holds his peace"

before the Sanhedrin and answers Pilate with "never a word"
(Matthew 26,63; 27,14; a divergent account lets him answer

with counter-questions and evasions).
from his situation.

His silence arises

He is suspected of claiming the power

and being of the Messiah.

That claim is undeniably

blasphemy if it is false.

But the Jewish court has already

prejudged its falsity, and since he has certainly asserted
the claim in secret (16,15-20), his only course is to
obscure its assertion publicly.

Again, when the Jewish

authorities represent him to the Roman goverrtor as
seditious because he has assumed for himself a new ..

�6

sovereignty, Jesus follows a similar coursea

he admits

and at the same time denies this assumption by putting it
in the mouth of the governor--"Thou sayest it" (27,11),
and by denying that his rule is pplitical--"My kingdom is
not of this world" (John 18,36).
So far there might still be a parallel between him
and Socrates, for both withhold themselves from the court;
both present themselves as less than they are.
is this all-important differences

But there

the writers of the

Gospeis believed, after all, that Jesus' claim was true;
that the defendant at this trial was, acknowledged or not,
God.
So while both cases are the consequence of an irruption into the corrununity of powerful claims incompatible
with its authority, they are quite incomparable in a way
very revealing to the Apology.

For Jesus, as the 1.ong-

awaited Christ, is represented as fulfilling in his life
and death a prophecy and a mission, while Socrates, who
specifically denies having even super-human wisdom (20 e),
is a man, and a man unheralded and unordained.

Therefore,

while the Passion is an inevitable consummation, Socrates'
end is no part of a prefigured unique drama but a deliberate,
human deed.

It is consonant with this difference that

Socrates speaks where Jesus is silent, and speaks boldly,
if selectively, to his city, in this world.

The Apology

is part of a thoroughly political event.

s.
There is, however, another trial \.:hich is more
permissibly comparable.

Sir Thomas More. "our noble, new

Christian Socrates," as his biographer Harpsfield calls him,

�7

was brought before the King's Bench, indicted on a statute
which made it treason to deny, or, in the court's
interpretation, to refuse to affirm, the King as Supreme
Head of the Church of England.
Socrates' and More's conduct are similar in these
pointsa

Both have an opportunity for evading their trials as

well as their sentences, Socrates by voluntary silence or
exile, More by offering to "revoke and reform" his "wilful
obstinate opinion." Both defend themselves before the court
and

b~th

speak again, more bluntly and intransigently, after

having been pronounced guilty, both revealing that they
consider the real cause to be other than the stated indictment, but also that they are in spirit, at least, guilty as
charged. Finally, both explain their conduct by reference
to other-wordly considerations, More to "the hazarding of
my soul to perpetual damnation," Socrates to his welcome
among the heroes in Hades.
Buts

More makes a wily, subtle defense, standing on

the letter of the law in claiming his right to silence,
and revealing only after the verdict his implacable
opposition to the king's heterodoxy.

He saysa

••• ye must understand that, in things touching
conscience, every true and good subject is more-bound
to have respect to his said conscience and to his
soul than to any other thing in all the world besides,
namely, when his conscience is in such a so~t as mine
is, that is to say, when the person giveth no occasion of slander, of tumult and sedition against his
prince, as it is with mea for I assure you that I have
not hitherto to this hour disclosed and opened my
conscience and mind to any person living in all
5
the world ....
More, then, as a statesman and a lawyer defends himself
with all legal care, while as a subject and a Christian
he, as did Christ, preserves inviolate his inmost thought••

�8

But Socrates, a private man who has never held office and
has no experience of courts (17 d), handles his defense
very cavalierly, while as a citizen and a philosopher he,
unlike his Christian counterpart, has no notion of .
privacies of conscience,

The comparison therefore throws

into relief his freedom in the Apology,

His resolve

derives from no hidden recesses of conviction, but from a
ground which by its very nature is common and in need of
communication.

6.
The most vivid reason, finally, for re-studying the
Apology is the desire to come to some answer to the
questions

was Socrates rightly convicted and rightly

condemned to death~

It is a question of several aspects.

First, why did the Heliastic court convict Socrates and
accept the prosecutior&amp;view that this had to be a capital
case'?

It is essential here to recall that Socrates himself

not only considers irreverence and corruption of the young
definable offenses and agrees with the authorities that
such charges could lie, but that, as the Crito shows, he is
in deepest accord with the Solonic fundamental law from
which they arise. 6
Now in the absence of the case for the prosecution,
this first questionJcan only be resolved by examining
Socrates' defense, which I want to do later.

That task is,

however, complicated by the fact that Socrates turns his
defense into an offense, into an accusation against his
accusers and his fellow citizens.

For :t would be ludicrous

to attempt to examine the substance of hi: attack, which
would mean trying to determine whether it is more true of

�9

the Athenians that they are sluggish in self-examination
than of, say, Thebans, Spartans, or Americans.

Indeed,

it might be argued that charges which are universally true
of all humankind are, when pointedly levelled at one
particular community, pernicious, so that his very attack
might become evidence to the jury of his bad faith.
A second aspect of the question concerning Socrates'
conviction is this.

Shortly after Socrates' execution a

backlash seems to have occurred.

Meletos may have been

condemned to death and .Anytos to exile. 7 Socrates the
persecuted philosopher was vindicated in the repentant
city.

How then ought a Heliastic juror have voted, had he

been able to foresee subsequent events, particularly the
most immediate result, that a convicted Socrates would cooperate
with hjs accu~P.rs bv
Amov~~to force the court into the death penalty?
But the most important aspect is that framed in
contemporary terms.

How should I be disposed in analogous

present-day situations7

For in spite of the fact that

such cases can no longer arise with the judicial directness
of the ancient city, the Socratic issue is always present
when persons of more mobile intellect, more extensive
education and more leisure than most people come into
collision with the religious beliefs and moral traditions
of those whom they are intent on serving.

7.
To begin with, then, I must examine the sufficiency
of Socrates' defense.
Xenophon takes . Jocrates' "grandness of utterance,"
"
a feature present
a~

his

poi~t

of

~n

all previous accounts of the speech,

d~oarture.

This tone must, he says,

�10

appear as "rather mindless .. unless it can be shown that
Socrates was in fact deliberately inviting death as an
escape from the decay of old age (6).

Here is the classic

statement in. the tradition propounding self-euthanasia
as an explanation of Socrates' strange conduct in court.
For it is evident that Socrates' defense is a deliberate
failure.
Now Plato attempts to forestall Xenophon's explanation
of this striking fact in the dialogue of Socrates' last
day, the Phaedo.

There Socrates himself argues that

suicide is simply impermissible, no matter how desirable
death might seem (62 a).

To regard Socrates as manipu-

lating the Athenians into killing him and to confuse his
welcoming acceptance of death with suicide is to trivialize
the events of that day in court.

Only the fact that

Socyates invited conviction stands.
8.

Let me then present a critical rehearsal of Socrates'
speech, stated in the least well-disposed terms.
Socrates begins by accusing his accusers of lying when
they warn the court that he is a skilled and formidable
speaker.

Unaccustomed as he is to public speaking he is

· not formidable, "unless they call him formidable who speaks
the truth" (17 b).

This truth he will present, and indeed in

the subsequent speech he is, "alien to the diction" of a crowd
though he may be, complete master of the situation.

He

even contrives for a stretch to introduce his own dialectic
mode into the proceeding, as he

interrc~ates

Meletos, a

co-accuser, who is by law obliged to subrrit to examination.
Anytos, his senior opponent, he wisely omits to call.

�11

He attacks this inadequate young man, who, as Socrates
puts it, goes running to accuse him "to the city as to his
mother" (Ey.thyphro 2 c), with an ad hominem arguments
Meletus himself does not care about the substance of the
accusation.

But what weight in law can that have, supposing

it were so7

In any case, Socrates does not allow Meletos

to answer his question--Vho, then, does make the young
better7--in the only way Meletos and those behind him.£.!!!
answer it, namely by asserting that the laws, but most of
all the citizens, improve the young

(24-2~).

For in the

Meno (92 e) he had already disallowed Anytos' answer that
it is the respectable citizens of the city, its gentlemen,
who transmit excellence from generation to generation.

Now

he wants Meletos to tell the court what particular person,
like a horse trainer, exercises the youth of Athens into
excellence,

But, of course, this is precisely what Meletos'

backers resist--the notion that their children's formation
should be in the hands of such experts.
As a part of Socrates' wider attack, on the good faith
of his accusers he substitutes a charge of his own devising
for the true formal indictment.

In bringing his charge, he

claims, Meletos trusted to an "old slander" (19 a, 28 b),
a long-standing hatred in the city aginst him, which Socrates
associates with Aristophanes' comedy, The Clouds,
there are difficulties.

But

Not only does he himself later refer

to the high esteem in which he is held in the city, where
"the opinion prevails that Socrates is somet.hing more than
most men" (35 a), but the relation of Aristophanes to
Socrates in the Svrnposium and Plato's veneration for the
playwright make it hard to believe that Socrates' friends

�12
really saw that old comedy as working over near a quarter
of a century toward his undoing.
9.

Socrates, then, makes up a suppositious new indictment
based on the Clouds (112, 117), which runsa

"Socrates

does wrong and meddles, searching into the things below
the earth and into celestial things and making the worse
reasoning the stronger and teaching others these very things"
(19 b).

By means of this reformulation he pretends that the
real charge of irreverence--which he himself recognizes as
such in the E§lthyphro (S c)--is directed at his supposed
researches into the nature of heavenly bodiPs and similar
matters.

These he had, indeed, given up long aeo when still

in his youth, for reasons set out in the Phaedo (96 b).
Of .;uch matters, he plausibly argues, he no longer knows
anything nor do they any longer concern him.

And yet--in

that very dialogue he gives a vivid _
topoloey of the things
above and below the earth (198 e ff.) , as he does i.n the
Republic and in other conversations.

Can he really in

good faith argue that he has no interest in eschatology,
when he makes up novel stories and private myths about the
upper and lower realms--the very enterprise that disturbs
the Athenians 'l
His chief defense, however, against the "old sl;:i.nder"-which is at bottom nothing but the imputati.on of 5ophistry-rests on a tale he tells (20 e).

Chaerophon, his crony in

the Clouds, had perpetrated a coup in 11elphi.

1-Ie had gotten

Apollo's oracle to declare that no man "·'ls wiser than
Socrates.

Whereupon Socrates modestly undertakes to prove

�13
the god mistaken, but, to his own regret, fails.

He calls

this undertaking "giving the god's business the highest
priority" (21 e), and regards its mention as a sufficient
defense against the old charge (24 b),
10.

The correct indictment, as Socrates cites it, isa
"that Socrates does wrong, corrupting the young and not
respecting the gods whom the city respects, but other, new
half-divinities" (24 b).
Here is how Socrates meets the actual charge of irreverence, when he finally reaches it.

The wording of its

first point, if the meaning of the verb (nomizein) is translated
very carefully, is that Socrates "does not regard the gods
in the customary way." Against this point Socrates has no
defense--he himself admits its truth to Euthyphro, for he tells
him that he, Socrates, cannot accept the traditional stories
of the gods, that is, the common myths of the Greeks; this,
he adds, is the reason for his rrosecution (6 a).

In cross-

examining Meletus, however, he traps him into thoughtlesly
agreeing with an altered formulation, namely that Socrates
"does not regard the gods as existing" (nomizein einai, 26 c, d).
Now he can defend himself, and he produces an argument as
logical as it is ludicrous.

Using the indictment itself, he

argues that he who is accused of introducing new half-divinities
cannot be charged with not believing in the full gods who must
be their parents, any more than someone who acknowledges the
existence of mules can be supposed not to believe in their
parents, namely horses and asses (27 c).

So much for

irreverence.
Ther~

remains the charge concerning the introduction of

�14

new divinities.

Socrates makes it clear in the EMthynhro

(3 b) and again in the Aoology (31 d) that he understands
the accusers to be thinking of his notorious daimonion, the
"half-divine thing" within him, and that they regard him as
a "me.ker of gods" on account of it.

Nonetheless Socrates not

only makes no effort to allay their apprehensions, but he
even dwells more extensively on his "divine sign" here in
court than anywhere else.
11.
How next does Socrats defend himself against the
corruption charge7

His version of it in terms of the "old

slander" is that Socrates is a "clever one," the unique
indigenous sophist, an excogitator who dispenses dangerous
wisdom to a clique from within a cogitatorium.

Of course,

as everyone knows, Socrates actually has no establishment of
his own, so the comic claim needs no refutation.

Its serious

counterpart in the real accusation, on the other hand, is
that he has esoteric teachings.

Socrates calls this charge

a lie and asserts that no one has ever heard anything from him
in private that all were not welcome to hear (33 b).

Ha&lt;l I

been in that court-room I would simply have refused to
believe him.

Bot1'fing ·· is clearer than that Socrates does not

say everything to everybody.
Furthermore, Socrates knows very well that his accusers
are not very precise in their knowledge of this intrusive
travelling tribe of professionals.

In

the~

Anytos wanders

into the conversation expressing a horror of these people,
but readily confesses that he has neve:.· even met one.
Socrates is in no position to ridicule h;m for that lack of
experience.

For in the Republic he himself argues that it

�15
might be useful for a physician to have experienced disease
in his own body, but that it is in no way good for someone
who is to govern the soul by the soul to be experienced in
corruption (409 a).

A magistrate like Anytos might well

claim that it is a staunch caution that keeps him from
seeking acquaintance with those whom his good sense makes
him despise.
Since, therefore, the description of the sophists'
co~petence

is left to Socrates, he chooses to present them as

people wh9 "might be wise with a greater than human wisdom"
(20 e).

That is, they are the ones who are expert in the

things above and below, while Socrates has the reputation
only of "a certain wisdom," which is "perhaps human wisdom."
At this point the Athenians make a disturbance, for they know
that this Socratic wisdom, thisnunwilling wisdom" (Ey:thyphro
11 e), has but one contents

the knowledge of his own ignorance

and the determined exposition of- the ignorance of everyone else
in the city . (21 .d).
Part of the charge of sophistry is the charge of
"teaching."

Teaching is not in the terms of the actual

indictment, but Socrates imports it and tricks Meletos into
amending the wording to include it (26 b).

Why7

Because he

· intends, in making the point that his activity is not teaching,
to bring out these circumstancesa

that he takes no money,

that he conveys no subject-matter and that he accepts no
responsibility . (33 b).
But if he takes no money, that only means that he is
uncontrollable--he cannot be engaged or dismissed, as a
parent might hire or fire a professionalo

And if he takes

no responsibility for the careers of his young associates,

�16

why, that is usually called irresponsibility.

But if he

conveys no positive matter to these young men, that is the
very worst of all, in the light of what he shows them
instead.

For with disingenuous innocence he himself gives

a vivid description of what it is that is conveyed to them
1n his companya

he goes about engaging public men, poets

and craftsmen in conversations which are really examinations and
in the course of which it emerges that they do not, in truth,
know what they are doing, although they think they know it well
enough--while the young men stand by and watch and smile; for,
he says charminglya "it
he

repo~ts,

is~

unpleasant" (33 c).

Afterwards,

they range through the city imitatine him,

presumably like those skeptical puppies who have inopportunely
gotten hold of dialectic, which he himself describes in the
Republic (529 b).

This is what Socrates calls "not being

anyune's teacher," and this is how he makes himself palatable , to
his fellow-citizens.
He . ompletes his defense aeainst the corruption charge
c
by pointing to the fact that no·.one --who either considers himself
to have been corrupted or is a parent of a corrupted child is
then and there coming forward to complain (34 b).

But then,

of course, aside from the unlikelihood that a parent would
proclaim his child's corruption in public, the whOle town knew
that the chief accuser Anytos considered himself to
such a parent.

b~

just

Xenophon records this circumstance (Apoloey 29).

12.
This then is Socrates' defense

a~

Plato permits us to

construe it in the mind of a Heliastic juror.

There is

i.ncr iia.i na t 1 ng

undoubtedly something deliberately self-,..,. -

-_- -

about it.

Socrates does not even scruple to use phrases to the

�17
court which intimate in his own terms the equivocal nature
of his own acti.vity. I am referring to the phrases which ·
in the Republic give the working definition of right or
justice, namely "to do one's own business," and of wrongdoing, namely "to be busy at many things" (433 a), to meddle,
~

to do everything,h the latter being Socrates' favorite

description of the sophists' activity (596 c).

Yet for

Socrates in Athens the two apparently coincide--he claims
that in his private interrogations he is both "doing his
own business" (33 a) which happens to be going about meddling
in theirs (31 c), and that in doing theirs he is also doing
the god's (33 c).
So he intimates something possibly pernicious, while he
never takes cognizance of the real fears of his judges.
Those fears concern the substance of the citY, which is
compounded of traditions, particularly the deep old myths
about its gods and the established respect for the wisdom
of its citizens, of whose collapse Socrates' scrutiny makes
a spectacle for the young.

So also, because he never ac-

knowledges that he in fact teaches, he evades rendering a
candid and comforting account of the essential loyalty of
his

intention~

such as even a very uncomfortAing citizen-

teacher would feel obligated to give to apprehensive parents1
he never says that he and they in the end care for the

~

city.
It is necessary here to recall that Socrates' indictment was judicially correct.

Under these circumstances it

seems to me that even a decent juror, realizing in the course
of the speech that both charges had the same root, which the
defense had in no way reached, might feel compelled to

�18

convict, and, if he was a man of ftir~s; i'gb;t_, he might pray the
while that it would not come to execution.
13.
Indeed there is a case to be made for the convicting
Athenians.

Hegel, for instance, who of course takes a very

comprehensive view of the affair, is their brisk defender,
and some of the points that follow are, in fact, made in
the History£! Philosophy (Vol. II, "The Fate of Socrates").
First, the common view that this was a political trial,
the attack of the rabid returned democracy against a man
with aristocratic views and associates, will not hold up.
Socrates himself recounts at his trial how he had been in
difficulties under various regimes, certainly under the
oligarchical Thirty who included his own interlocutors
Critias and Charmides (32 e).

Furthermore, the chief accuser

Anyt.Js was a moderate democrat, a "seemly and well-conducted
man" of respectable reputation by Socrates' own account in
the Meno (90 b).
In fact the very description of Socrates as an antidemocrat is not very convincing.

Read without prejudice the

vignette of the democratic regime in the Republic, a dialogue
itself set in the democratic stronghold of Athens' harbor,
shows, for all its outrageousness, one vital redeeming
features

this regime is, Socrates says, a perfect supermarket

of constitutions, and anyone who wishes to erect a city,
~~~doing,"

should go there (557 d).

"~

Socrates'

activity is at home in a democracy, not to speak of the fact
that the Athenians regard Socrates as instigating that very
forwardness in the young which he describ0s as endemic to
democracies (563 a).

�19

Now the Athenians have, 1.n fact, as Socrates himself
observes in the Crito (52 e), borne with him for seventy
years, in spite of the supposed "great hatred" against him
(28 a).

Even his two incursions into politics, for which,

as he tells the court, he might "perhaps" have died (32 d),
passed off safely.

So that. the man who tells the Athenians

that they will kill anyone who publicly opposes them (31 e),
has himself been allowed to live a long life of semi-public
resistance.
Even this late conclusion need never have come.

If they

had managed better, Crito sadly observes, the ·case need never
have come to court (45 e).

Nor need Socrates have died, for

voluntary exile was possible, as the Laws remind him when he
makes them speak (52 e).

Even in that court and in spite of

Socrates' intransigence there were 220--nearly half--of the
five hundred (or 501) jurors who either thought the accusation
insufficiently proved, or were moved by a strong sense of
Socrates' excellence, or agreed with him that the city could
profit by his existence, or considered that the city would
be better served by forbearance.
him guilty.

These 220 refused to find

Their number surprises Socrates who has evidently

not done justice to the quality of some Athenians (36 a).
Again, once the verdict is in, Socrates is allowed to
speak freely, as is the civilized Athenian cu$tom, and to
reaffirm his partnership in the city by participating in the
fonnulation of his sentence.

Socrtites abuses this occasion

in order to re-iterate his view of the incompetence of the

Heliastic court.

Yet more, once sentenced and in prison the

Athenians allow him daily conversation with his friends and
Accord him a bloodless death among friends.

�20

Indeed his freedom to speak before the large public
of the court-room or to the intimate circle of friends in
prison ts complete.

The formal issue of a mere right to

free speech is of no concern to Socrates or to the Athenians1
~

care only about the substantial question whether

Socrates' speech does damage.
In this light even Anytos' harsh recommendation that the
case must either not come before the court at all or come
as a capital case (29 c) can at least be taken to evince a
state of mind the opposite of trivial, a state of mind Plato
must respect.

For in the Statesman, the stranger to whom

Socrates has turned over the conversation says that in the
absence of true statesmanship, the laws and the
customs must rule.

anc~stral

Since, then, no one is to be wiser than

they, if anyone is seen to be searching into the crafts which
have been legally established, and waxing wise about them,
he can be indicted on a charge of corrupting the young and
made to suffer "the most extreme penalti?s" (299 b).
In .sum the very seriousness with which they take
Socrates' non-political activity gives the Athenians a claim
.
to our respect, wh ose mo d us viven di t. to regar d p h' 1 osop h ers
i is
i
I\

light-heartedly.

To be sure, it is not good to interrupt a

speaker, but their clamor is brief and controllable--and it
comes correctly, at crucial points.

Here in effect the

attention of a whole city has been gained by one man, a
philosopher.

Of what other people can that be said?

14.
Clearly this Socrates, who

confron~s

and affronts such

a city in this way, is Socrates in a very oblique aspect.
This aspect is just that described by Kierkegaard in a

�21
R

passage from The Concept .Q.f Irony: ··

Thus we see clearly how the position of Socrates with
respect to the state is thoroughly negative, how he
ivholly fails to fit into it, but we see it even more
clearly at the moment when, indicted for his way of
life, he surely must have become conscious of his
disproportion to the state, Yet undismayed he carries
throueh his position, with his sword above his head,
His speech is not the powerful pathos of enthusiasm •••
but instead we have an irony carried through to its
last limit.
By irony Kterkegaard means not what Socrates means when he
uses the tenn
laticrl, his

~ith

respect to himself, namely his dissimu-

preti::&gt;1~ce

of knowing less than he does, but a

kind of self-levitation by which one is raised above all
rositive knowledge.

Such a zestful abstention from content

does, in a way, characterize the Socrates of the Apology.
At any rate, Socrates with his sword above his head is a
man of neeation, and these are his featuresa
15.

First and foremost there is that uncanny nay-sayer
within him which he calls his daimonion, and which plays
-a larger role in this than in any other genuine dialogue.

He

describes it (31 d) as a sort of inner voice which has been
with him from childhood; that is to say, it is innate but
not in need of "recollection," of being .searched out by
thought.

This "half-divine" and even "divine something,"

-·
action.

...

. never aids thought and never urges

. '.'
;.·.

It speaks only to warn him .!!.Q.!; to do a deed.

To what realm of being this notorious daimonion belongs
is unfathomable.

But the role it has in Socrates' life is

not beyond conception.

Enthusiasm means literally the

state of having a d~vinity within (cf. entheos)1

The

daimonion is Socr .... tes' negative enthusiasm., a permanently
~--i~n~oA r~~~r~inin~

oower.

Socrates is no enthusiast,

�22
because the exaltations of thought are not due to a special
agency, but he does need a special negative faculty.

For

it is his chief teaching that excellence is knowledge _
(e.g. Protagoras 360 e ff.), and that deeds of excellence
are the direct consequence of knowledee.

But then, by

the inverse proposition, wrong deeds stem from ignorance anc1
are always in some deep sense inadvertent; no one does bad
things in full consciousness.

Consequently, since they are

by their very nature beyond the context of reason, they require
an uncanny power for their prevention.

The daimonion is

Socrates' ability to avoid wrong, his negative excellence.
In particular the daimapjap makes Socrates refrain from
engaging in politics (31 d) because that would have been tantamount, he says, to a futile sort of self-destruction.

None-

theless he describes himself in the Gorgias (521 d) as being
the only man in Athens who does truly engage in politics.
That ts to say, he has devised for himself a mode of being
privately public (or the reverse); by his description it is
a way of "conferring in private the greatest benefit on each
citizen" (36 c).

This mission he has devised for -himself he

will not give up even if he "is to die many times over"
(33 c).

This is Socrates' neeative politicsa

to deny that

the public realm is the truly political realm and to assert
his inner logos intransigently in the service of the city.
mpqt differs from

Tho~s More.
FoT. Mpre
~ocratesJ\unwillingly

It is 1n this respect that
accepts

: ~::_

but dutifully

. . high public office, and yet asserts to

the right to open his mind to no one.

his'~ death

It is, in capsule,

the distinction in matters political between a Christian and a
philosopher.

�23
16.
Last and most important, when Socrates formulates what
is to be within this speech "the greatest good for man" it
is in altogether negative termss "The unexamined life is
'for mC}n"
not livable/\ l38 a); what people at present care for is
nothing much (30 a);

the truly worthwhile work is that

of examining, testing, refuting, exposing impartially both
hi~self

and others. In this one respect at least he finds

himself wise:

that he knows he knows nothing (21 d); his

fellow citizE?ns, on the other hand, fail totally under
examination--and it is precisely' his offense that he publ ish~s these failures,

He claims, however, without irony,

that to fall silPnt would be disobedience to the god.
To put it another -ways

the first culmination of

Socrates' non-didactic teaching is usually his notorious
anori'1, literally "waylessness," a profitable perplexity or
embarassment, i.nducP&lt;l in the learner for his own sake (e.g.
t-1 Ano 84).

a public

Insofar as
sf'&gt;rvic~,

Socrat~s

rr--prPsents his activity as

however, his interlocutor is embarrassed

not for his own sake but as an.object-lPsson, nor does the
conversation continue to positive learning; in this setting
Socrates is indeed a negative teacher.
Here, then, the philosophic activity is presented as an
entirely negative effort, without an end or a substance-sienificantly the substantive philosophia is never used, but
only the verb philosophein, "to carry on the effort for
wisdom."

But most particularly, at thP. literal center of the

speech (29 b), and again at its end, Socrates asserts his
ultimate negative wisdoms
concerning Hades,

th~

his knowledee of his ignorance

realm of death.

�24

17.
To offset clearly the negative Socrates in the dock,
whose defense he appears to record, Plato writes a second
defense for Socrates in prison.

The conversations of the

Crito and the Phaedo arE' the deliberately posittve cornp1Pments to the oratory of

th~ A~olo~v.

In the l:&gt;eeinning of the Crito

So~r&lt;:1tes

o.wakP.s from a

deep blank sleep, 1 ik!J &lt;:!1:-1 t so lo!1gir.3ly c!escribed at
end of the Apoloey, to a conversation in which hP
condemnation as he never would before th!? court,
duly proceeding from the laws he has
under all his life (53 a).

V!~l.'Y

th~

acc~~t~

I!

l .J

.::.s

r1a:"t~ely

willirie,1y

\.-.

liv~d

In a tone thP very o_;:•I="osite of that

in the Apology he has the laws upbraid him:

the right thing is the same for you

an~

whatever we undertake to do to you, you

"••

for us,
thin~

.r.o

yo•..: •.:hir:k

t!:=t t

:.;0

it is

ri~ht

to do

the same back to us1" (SO e).
This other, positive Socrates is even more stronely
del in ea ted in the Phae&lt;lo, the dial oeue o:i
his second and; he

ho~es,

more successful

dP&lt;t

th

~,,h ich

def~nse

con ta ins

(69 e).

On

this his last day he is not a harsh and offensive rhetorician,
but a charming and attentive listener, as the narrator makes a
point of noting (89 a).

Here he speaks not as a relentless

interrogator but as one who is prepared, if his interlocutor
wishes it, to "talk it through in tales" (diainytb"ologei!!·•! . ,

70 b).

Here he does not present himself as proudly ignorant,

but is presented as the one and only knower (76 b); nor does
he pretend to be without a teaching, but he rather appears
as one who--the recipient of Phaedo's account interrupts to
remark--makes philosophical matters astonishingly clear (102 a).
Here all the great Socratic notions are recapitulateda

his

�25
supposition of the eide, the invisible "looks" or forms1
the myth

of

r~collection;

the true good beyond the merely

human good of refutation in the Apology.

In this conversation

Socrates frequently refers to philosophia, and presents it as
the inquiry into the rec:ilm of death, the "invisible Hades"
(Ai~~s

Aeides) which is also the place of the invisible eide

(80 d), the place of being (76 d).
of death but

~.;1?11-studied

Here he is not ignorant

in it, and the death the city confers

on him is not an ahscon&lt;'ling into sleep-like nothingness but
an "immigration" to the realm of being (40 c, 117 c); a
felicitous alternative to exile.
So, then, there can be no question that before the court
Socrates &lt;:leliberately curtails and withholds himself.
18.
Then the question becomes1

why?

deliberately offend the court, why

~oes

Why does Socrates
he go on the offens-

ive acainst the Athenians, why does he use his defense to
document his offense against the city?
Since Socrates actually lived and actually came before
the Heliaea, there must be some aspects of Plato's Defense
which derive from the actual circumstances.

Once a defendant,

Socrates became a resister, the defender of philosophy from
the city's attack.

He must have thought that this public

occasion was a moment to display spirit, to confirm the lifelong business of words in deed, to be what Achilles, to whom
he compares himself, was in war, 4hero for philosophy - (28 c).
YT1
Again, in part his conduct must have been an accomodation

"

to the conditions of the occasion, ·namely the short time he
has for speaking end the great crowd to whom he must address
himself.

Twice he mentions the lack of time for

quie~

.

�26

persuasion (19 a, 37 b).

This lack of leisure and of

intimacy is not a peripheral

matter--~othing

Socrates thinks

can be expeditiously conveyed by public deliverance; it
always be slowly engendered in

lei.sur~ly

with its accompanying inner dialogue.

n ust
1

direct conversation

Socrates' positive

wisdom stated concisely in public would appear simply bizarre.
The negative and the positive Socrates are obverses of
each other.

Refutation, the breaking up of an accerterl

opinion, goes over into the search for a truth.

But in IJUblic,

whether Socrates has been summoned to court or has accostP.d
a man who is not a friend, the transformation will not take
place--the conversation is curtailed.

The Apolo0v leaves

aside the widest and deepest Qllf':'Stions conr.en1ing the rie,ht
relation between the political community and the care of
souls, but it implies this mucha

when philoso;'hY comes upon

the 8ity it comes as a threat.
19.

Accordingly it is possible to surmise whv Plato

~ut

on

record for times to come so detailed and emphatic a statem0nt
of the resistant Socrates.
A startling moment in the Apology throws light on this
matter.

For the first and last time Plato himself irrupts

into his own work (38 a).

Socrates hears him raisP his voice

to suggest a sober and sensible money penalty, to subvert as
it were, Socrates' own proud and derisory proposals.

The

suggestion is very much like a rebuke, and Socrates accepts
it.

It is as if in this work, in which he does not so much

speak through Socrates but represents himself as spoken to
by him, Plato is recording something he h..\d heard in court
which must cast its shadow over the other dialogues, and so

�27

over the whole philosophical tradition.

He had heard that

Socrates' actiyity .ll publicly indefensibl&lt;-?.

20.
Let me

conjr~cture.

The nialogues proper, the Socratic

conversations, would by and laree p.:iss into oblivion, the
~'ositive

co11tent of Socrates' wisdom, its &lt;leep suppositions

and encompassing myths shrivelled into conformity with his
succ8s~:ors'
ci

p:;'ea r in

rnor~

,~thens

s tr1~!1uoos

sys ter.is.

OnP.

succe1=rn or

such"would soon

•

.

the other hand, Socrates' speech, delivered before

C:-i

the 1ar!3E'St public of his life, would continue to be at
work.

Its heroic intransigence, which had driven the court

to extrem0s c..:,2.inst him, would play a part in a revulsion
endine in his re-est:abl i.shment.

It would be the Socrates

of refutations uho would prevail.

In a softened popular

col0.r_·ine. this . is thc-&gt; Socrates of Cicero's "1-l'el 1-known

1escription1
Socrates was the first who cal lf'?d rhilosophy &lt;1o"m from
the b..eavens, SP.ttle&lt;l her in the citiP-s and even introduced her into private houses and compelled her to ask
questions about life and moral matters and things good
~nd ba~. (T1_1sculan !)isDutations, V, iv, 10)
:2u t the so-cal led "Socr:.:l tic method" •vould also make
1.'3.rsher reappearances, as "rn.rlical doubt," as "enlightenment,"

1

· as "critique," as the'\.e-examination of all values" or as a
~eneral

affirmation of the questioning disposition.

In

each of these modes philosophy would penetrate the preit:ences
to credit of yet another community.

'l 'lithout supposing that

Plato could have foreseen all these developments, it is yet
possible

to imagine that he had intimations, that he was

as apprehensive ahout the facile vindication of Socrates' way
as he was about the learned ossification of his thought.

To

�28

prevent the lattcr--or rather to provide a per.manent possibility of revival--he wrote

nu.~erous

Socratic conversations.

To forestall the former--or rather to put perennial obstacles
in its wa.y--he wrote one Socr.atic speech.
noble oration

~.,roul&lt;l,

This proud and

at least on re-examination, reveal that

Socrates had committed an undeniable offense against thi::city and that Socrates was

it woulrl serve - is a
:

da~eP.rnus;

warning to his future frienr:ls--and as an enticement.
To append a mocern applications

In our polity Socrates'

offense is not a

~apital

crime nor a.re his modern successors

of his stature.

Furthermore in a court of law an American

citizen juror would be guided and restrained by the Constitution and its interpretations and law.s.

The judicial issue is

therefore much less excruciating--what is more urgent is to
form some general opinions about such situations.

And here

the Apology makes a clear comment, which, stated most cautiously, is that the side resisting enlightenment also has something
vital to defend.
There is yet one more thought.

Seer.ates . himself would,

I am persuaded, live out his life among us doing no harm and
receiving none.
isa

The great question then to be thought through

ought such mutual immunity to be a source of high

satisfaction or of deep misgiving 7

�29

Notes
1.

Plato's Euthyphro, Apology of Socrates S!!.Q Crito,

edited with notes by John Burnet (Oxford, 1924).

References

to the .d ialogues are by Stephanu1 page.
2.

The Socratic Enigma,

A Collection

QI Testimonies Through

Twentv-Four Centuries, ed. Herbert Spiegelberg (The Library
of Liberal Arts, 1964)1 PP• 99, 112,
3.

Helmut James von Mbltle 1

Verlag, 1971)1

~43,

262, 203, 278.

Briefe (Berlins Henssel

p.63.

4.

Socratic Enigma, .Ql2• .£..!.!;. pp. 43, 66, 187, 228, 285.

5.

William Roper and Nicholas Harpsfield, Lives of Saint

Thomas~

(Everyman Library, 1963)1 p. 157.

6.

Burnet, .Ql2• cit. p. 103.

7.

~Meno

1.961) 1
8.

of Plato, ed. E. Seymer Thompson (Cambridge,

p. xxiv.

St/&gt;rP-n Kierkegaard,

Constant Reference

J;,Q

~

Concept

of Irony, Vi.th

Socrates (London, 1966)1

Socratic Enigma, .Ql2• cit., p. 291.

p. 221.

Cf.

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                    <text>ON TRANSLATING PLATO
For "Retracing the Platonic Text":
Conference
held on March 20-22, 1997 at Penn State
Eva T. H. Brann
Dean
St. John's College
Annapolis, Maryland
I imagine that Professor Sallis asked me to speak on
translating in the first instance because of some work I had done
in turning German into English. First was the translation of
Jacob Klein's book Greek Mathematical Thought and the Origin of
Algebra, which was originally published by the M.I.T. Press in
1968, and, having become a sort of classic not only in the
history of mathematics but also in the study of modernity, was
picked up for republication by the Dover Press in 1991. I had
also done an annotated version of Heidegger's essay ''What is that
-- Philosophy?'' for the use of our seniors at st. John's College.
It remains unpublished because Professor Sallis was unable to
obtain reasonable terms from the Heidegger estate. Furthermore I
did an essay written by Nietzsche when he was twenty "On the
Relation of the Speech of Alcibades to the Other Speeches of the
Platonic Symposium," which our student journal Energeia published
to serve not only a model but also as an encouragement for our
students who choose similar topics for their annual essay.
I
aiso did a short vignette by Hermann Hesse, called "An Evening at
Home with Doctor Faustus" for the same journal; in this story
Mephistopheles invents a future-phonograph and plays for Doctor
Faustus the music of our century -- pretty nearly the same that
sometimes wafts across our campus. The Doctor concludes that the
world has gone to the devil, as he himself soon will.
In 1995 I was asked by the series adviser, Keith Whitaker to
do a first translation for the nascent Focus Philosophical
Library; Plato was suggested as a possibility. The Focus Press
publishes fresh translations, intended to be very reasonably
priced and to be used by American students. The project was
appealing to me both as a teacher in a school dependent on good
and accessible translations and as a dean in need of intellectual
recreation.
I had what turned out to be an inspired idea, that of
seeking collaborators among my colleagues, figuring that the
pleasure of becoming so really intimate with a dialogue as only a
translator is would be enhanced by the close partnership of
common work, and that three heads could better solve the problems
and detect the mistakes that would surely dog a lone translator.
Peter Kalkavage and Eric Salem agreed to becoming a trio. We
chose the Sophist because we had all three begun to recognize the
dialogue as the most ontologically future-fraught of them all,

�2

and we welcomed the challenge of preserving its originary
freshness.
What follows is a report, under various headings, of the
things we think we learned, and the advice we might venture to
give our fellow translators.

Collaboration
One feature of the Sophist is that wherever you are, there
he is not; he is forever trying to escape into trackless
impassible thickets, ("Impasse," incidentally, is one of our
translations, very nearly literal, of aporia -- waylessness.)
But those who deal in knowing also display an opposite fault in
the dialogues. That is the fault of position-taking. They
occupy positions in defense of which they throw up outworks
(problema is the Greek word for such a defensive outwork) and
employ various apotropaic stratagems. Evidently Socrates and
Plato consider that either to have a universal escape route in
all arguments or to occupy entrenched positions is unworthy of
the philosopher's mission.
And so it is of the translator's task. Those who work
together on transferring Greek meanings into English words have
to be focussed on what the Greeks call the praqma and what Hegel
calls die Sache. They have to eschew both escape and
entrenchment, and they must be objective -- intent on the object
at hand.
Yet while ego is out, there is a strong human element in a
collaboration put in the service of a dialogue.
It demands and
develops friendship.
The three of us all bring slightly
different strengths: One is perhaps more alert to Greek grammar,
another to the philosophical resonances of terms. All three of
us, having undergone the most effective part of our education at
St. John's College, are relatively fearless in the face of
ignorance and fresh in our deliberate amateurism.
The way we work is that each of us presents a translation of
one Stephanus page in turn every third week, which all of us
together then rake over as with a fine-tooth comb, the original
translator explaining but not particularly defending a choice.
Often we let somewhat daring or awkwardly accurate readings
stand, waiting for that reading, close to the final one, in which
we attend particularly to idiom and flow while erasing false
inspirations.
I think we have become persuaded that in putting a rich
Greek text into English there are so many facets to be attended
to, that three heads are indeed better than one. We do in fact

�3

have grand predecessors to look to: You will recall the legend
about the seventy-two scribes, six from each of Israel's twelve
tribes, who produced the Septuagint, the earliest extant Greek
version of the Hebrew Bible, in the third century B.C. They
worked in separate cells and came up with identical translations,
presumably inspired by the text itself. We might say that the
Platonic text acted on us in a more modest ex post facto mode in
a similar way -- one version would suddenly, after some trial and
error, click for all three of us.
Our advice to collaborators: Cotranslating is a form of
intimacy, best done by those who have the same object firmly in
their sights while viewing each other with affectionate respect.

Readership
We thought it essential to keep in mind for whom we meant
this translation. We meant it for the people that we imagine
standing around in this as in so many other dialogues as
spectators and auditors. They are presumably tacitly engaged,
like the silently present young Socrates, Theaetetus's friend,
who shares our Socrates' name, as Theaetetus shares his looks.
Another way to put it is that we thought of our students as they
prepare for a seminar by silent reading.
Some are quite innocent
of the issues, some have, or think they have, insider knowledge,
some read casually and disengagedly, and some are intensely
serious.
That brought up the delicate question of colloquialism. One
device that would keep the conversation casually speech-like was
contraction, and we used it a lot, but not in places that we
thought were meant to be stuffy, highflown, or solemn. We looked
for idiomatic equivalents but avoided slang (though we had a
great time devising some raucous interim translations, such as
"wise guy" or "weisenheimer" for the sophist himself) . While we
were well aware that every idiomatic translation will in time
betray its date, nothing dates more quickly than slang, and even
in its day it fails, like all truckling-under to fashion, to have
real appeal for students.
In the course of thinking about drawing readers into the
dialogue we often had occasion to consider what is probably a
real difference between the ear of a young contemporary Greek and
one of our students. The well-brought up Greek (and not only an
Athenian) , being nourished on Homer and the tragedians whose
language was no one's spoken Greek, could savor artificialities
and archaisms that our students would find simply off-putting. A
couple of generations ago some English-speaking students would
have absorbed enough of Shakespeare and Milton to be appreciative
of such echoes, but we couldn't count on that.
So we put

�4

everything into plain current English, sometimes allowing
ourselves the merest whiff of high poetry or archaism.
Above all, we tried, in our students' behalf, to put
ourselves into the interlocutors' sandals: What is being said,
what is being heard, what is being felt, what is being thought?
We called on our experience as teachers to guess at the dialogic
backdrop of anxious agreement, triumphant dissent, and shamed
realization - that young Theaetetus contributes.
But above all we
clung to our main hypothesis as trusting readers of the
dialogues:
that each speech uttered has a discernible meaning
contributing to the drift of the conversation, and that the
translation should preserve that motion.
our advice here is: In translating fill out imaginatively
not only the conversation within the text but draw in the
external participant, the reading student.

Predecessors
Of course, we took all the help we could get from earlier
translations. We used Robin for his intelligently chosen
readings, Campbell for his linguistic annotations, Cornford for
informational help.
The two translations we had always at our side were the Loeb
Fowler and Benardete. Fowler, though old-fashioned in diction
and uninspired in terminology, was almost unfailing in making
sense of puzzling passages and turns of phrase.
We consulted Benardete whenever we ran into trouble, because
of his meticulous attention to every word and because of his
linguistic ingenuity. His version is a crib for the better sort
of folk; it becomes intelligible if you read it as essentially in
Greek and accidentally in English. Since, however, we were
determined to translate not only from Greek but also into
English, we only rarely borrowed phrases from him though we took
many hints as to meaning.
Heidegger translates numerous passages of the Sophist in the
lecture notes published in 1992 under the title Platen:
Sophistes. These versions are a reminder that in certain
respects the translator into German is to be envied. Some of the
forms that have to do with Being go more directly into German
than into English.
For example, to einai becomes "das Sein,"
while in English the infinitive cannot normally be nominalized;
also to on readily goes into "Seiendes," and ta onta is rendered
as "das Seiende," which functions, like the Greek neuter plural,
as a collective noun. Probably most provocative and least
helpful to translators who intend to be as naively true to the

�5

text and as agendaless as possible, are Heidegger's terms for
ousia, which he renders in an uninterpreted and an interpreted
version, as it were.
In the former, ousia is plain "Sein." In
the interpreted version ousia is rendered as if it were parousia:
"das Anwesende" or "das Vorhandene," i.e., "the present" or "the
at-hand," in accord with his idea that Greek thought suffers from
the aboriginal flaw of thinking of Being as if it were a thing.
We puzzled a good deal over the proper translation of ousia,
being loath on principle, namely the principle that translation
should be as far as feasible into an existent language, to invent
non-current abstract substantives. But we finally decided on
"beinghood. 11 We chose it over "beingness" not only because it
sounded better to us but because it had more concreteness, as in
neighborhood or manhood; we were mindful that ousia means
something like ''real estate" in ordinary Greek. And we decided
to make up a word to begin with because we had an unresolved
sense that ousia, which in the Sophist is usually contrasted with
genesis, had a peculiar weight, and we wanted the reader to be in
a position to attend to that interpretational problem.
I was relieved to see that even German could not deal with
the crucial little adverb ontos, which for our private amusement
only we translated as "beingly" but more soberly, for public
consumption, as "in its very being;" thus the phrase that
concludes the ultimate collection of differentiating terms
reveals ton ontos sophisten: "the Sophist in his very being."
To return to the advantages of translating into German with
two examples.
1. We had long discussions about the translation of stasis,
the specific other of motion. We settled on rest, knowing full
well that rest is wrong insofar as it means lack of, or cessation
from, motion.
"Stand-still" or "stationariness," a condition
coequal with motion, seemed too strained, and we consigned them
to the glossary. German is lucky in being able to form
"Standigkeit" quite naturally, as Heidegger does (p. 579).
2.
In 244 c 4, when the stranger begins his critique of
Parmenides' hypothesis of the One, we were pretty much forced to
use the English word "hypothesis" with all it scientific baggage.
Schleiermacher uses the Germanized version of "presupposition,"
that is "Voraussetzung," but Heidegger eschews both and
brilliantly writes "Ansatz," with the observation that
Parmenides's One is not a supposition to be consequently
confirmed but a beginning, an arche, an "onset" -- which is
exactly what "Ansatz" may mean.
Nonetheless, with all the felicities to be gotten especially
from the German propensity for easy prepositional compounding, I
kept being grateful that it was our lot to be putting Plato into

�6

English, particularly American English.
In our idiom we could
achieve a plainness and a playfulness that must be, when all is
said and done, more pleasing to Socrates as he listens in than a
lot of linguistic incense.
I think our general advice to fellow translators would be
unabashedly to cannibalize and unabashedly to set aside previous
translations.

Apparatus
Since we were left very free by our press to decide on
supplementary materials, we thought long and hard about our
obligation to the text and to the reader.
We come from a school
meaning both a way of thinking and
an institution -- that has the greatest misgivings about standing
between a reader and the book. The extra-textual stuff in a
volume is of course meant to facilitate the approach to the
translated text, but really, how can it? Take an introduction.
If it says the same thing as the work, it will, assuming that the
work is of the highest quality, say it worse.
If it says
something else, it will keep the reader from the work by that
much time. We have a strong faith, based on our common teaching
experience, that good books don't need approaching; they need
facing, immediately and directly, at least at the first reading.
We compromised that faith, partly because by the end of our
labor we were simply so full of thoughts that we couldn't contain
ourselves, partly because we know perfectly well that wellinstructed students skip introductions and come back to them
much later, if at all.
So we decided to keep it short, simple, and straightforward.
We avoided historical backgrounding on the principle that Plato
would have felt about our doing it much as a landscape painter
might if we took his painting and provided it with a broad frame
extending the scenery so as to give the viewer an enlarged
setting. We didn't want to deface the dialogue or distract or
prejudice our student readers in this way; I should say that at
st. John's evidence of familiarity with introductions is a
suspect virtue. But we did set the dialogue briefly in its
sequence -- Theaetetus, Sophist, Statesman and the mysteriously
missing Philosopher. We gave a succinct plot outline of the hunt
for the sophist, geared to a new and, we think, quite spiffy
diagram of the infamous divisions that play so large a role in
the Sophist. We pointed out some aspects of the dialogue that
had become particularly pregnant for us, such as the generic
nature of the Sophist here pursued (as opposed to the named
individual sophists Socrates politely persecutes in dialogues

�7
like the Gorgias and the Protagoras). We had a little section on
Father Parrnenides and the strange and wonderful fact that he, the
Stranger's own teacher, attracts the main attack of the dialogue.
Then we told briefly what we understood about the such deep
matters as the relation of Image to Non-being and of Non-being to
Otherness. And we left it at that.
Since we made use of the printer's full typographical menu,
we had a little note on that. We were very sparing with
footnotes, using them mostly to supply what we thought an ancient
contemporary reader might have known, or where we thought we
detected a joke or an allusion obscure to a current reader.
Our energy went into the glossary, which we put in back, to
be used or not. We arranged the Greek terms and our reasoned
translations in meaning-clusters.
(You will find something
similar in the Hope translation of Aristotle's Physics and
Metaphysics, except that we transliterated all our Greek in the
hope that students might learn to accent and pronounce words like
phr6nesis and poiesis and mimesis correctly.)
We avoided the
alphabetic order so as to prevent the impression that we -- or
the partners of a dialogue -- are ever looking for dictionarylike definitions. We also hoped to provide students with what we
thought of as the proto-terrninology of a corning ontology -- or
perhaps better a me-ontology, an account of Non-being; the
Sophist is a spawning ground of metaphysical terms-to-be.
Our advice to translators is to go easy on the paraphernalia
of translation.
Editing
The translator's final reading of course tries for absolute
correctness. But we have to warn the trustful that having a
perfect disk is no protection. Something will get screwed up,
there will be unexpected glitches and, as we learned to our
sorrow, it will be in the most carefully construed first
sentence.
No matter how good and accommodating the editor -- and we
have good reason to thank Ron Pullins, the editor-publisher of
Focus Press -- there will be howlers.
Our advice:
final proofs.

Trust no one but yourselves and demand to see

�8

Replies
Theaetetus plays to the Stranger by regularly uttering a
budget of stock replies signifying slight hesitation, passive
assent, positive agreement or requests for clarification.
After a while we began to suspect that the rotating litany
of responses might not be entirely mechanical. This apprehension
made it incumbent upon us to keep a list of our considered
renditions of nai, pos, pos d'ou, pos gar ou, ti de, houtos,
anangke, pan, panu ge, pantapasi men oun and a dozen others, so
that in one of our later readings we could make all the replies
consistent.
In that way we would give readers of the translation
a chance to discover patterns we only suspected.
For example,
pantapasi men oun, for which we borrowed Benardete's "That's
altogether so," occurs in the dialogue as a strong assent to a
summary claim and concludes the dialogue as Theaetetus's last
response to the final collection of divisions that catch the true
and ultimate sophist as the expert of the non-genuine.
Theaetetus is clearly assenting not only to the definitive but
also to the global character of this final determination of a
human type and profession.

Particles
We were similarly anxious to render particles fairly
consistently. The dialogic life is in them -- they indicate
inflections of the voice, gestures of the body, and even motions
of the soul.
The dictionary, or even Denniston's Greek Particles, though
they must be consulted to give the limits of usage, cannot do it
all.
The translators must savor the speech in its context and
judge whether it is marked as an inference or a new departure,
whether eagerness is being displayed, smiles are suppressed,
eyebrows raised or hands thrown up. We were mindful of
typographic and punctuational devices not available to a Greek
composer of living speech and used italics, dashes, colons,
semicolons and exclamation points liberally to render the force
of particles or emphases indicated by sentential order.
I might
mention here that capitalization helped us a great deal in
translating a dialogue full of terms for f orrns and kinds
designated in Greek by the definite article and a verbal or
adjectival substantive such as to on (Being), to me on (Nonbeing), tauton (the Sarne), thateron (the Other).
Our advice to translators is to be -- within the limits of
natural English -- consistent, careful and ingenious in rendering
apparently little and apparently automatic elements of the

�9

dialogues; they may be more revealing than one realizes at the
time.

Techno-humor
At the end of Bacon's New Oraanon there is to be found a
prescient catalogue of one hundred and thirty "histories" of
special investigations that are one day to constitute the sphere
of human expertise.
It is a strange and wonderful fact that the
first such comprehensive ordering of extant technical know-how ·
(that I know of) is found in the Sophist -- and that it is a
send-up.
The stranger, who is not an overtly funny person,
engages in what might be called techno-humor at the expense of
experts.
Of course, as readers of the dialogue, we thought a good
deal about the reason why a comprehensive classification of human
know-how or technique -- we translated techne as "expertise" and
sometimes "art," as in "arts and crafts" -- should be the
approach of choice to the delineation of the Sophist. We were,
of course, alert to the startling conjunction of apparently
disjunct themes that governs a number of the great dialogues, as
the Phaedrus, for instance, seems to yoke the unlikely pair of
love and rhetoric.
Moreover, it does not take much reflection to see that the
Sophist, whose nature is presented here as that of a faker and a
know-it-all, should be tracked into the branches of human
activity, and that in that great decision-tree he should reappear
in seven places, and sometimes among the lowly but genuine crafts
and sometimes among the high-sounding but dubious ones.
It also
made sense that the hunt for this elusive creature should be the
occasion for presenting to the world the new dialectic art of
division and collection and all its problems -- chief among them
what might be called the problem of heuristic direction: at what
moment in this dialectic enterprise, at the beginning, end or inbetween, does new insight arise?
But as translators it was not so much our business to have
theories about the inevitable implication of expertise and
shamming or about the problems of classification as to render the
divisions faithfully into English. And there we were in a pretty
good position. As I have said, all three of us come from a
college that has distanced itself from specialization, and we
were alive to the tragicomedy of defining human beings as the
professors of a profession.
(Our English version of sophistes
was, incidentally, "professor of wisdom.")
Not that all of us
aren't ourselves certified members of the world of expertise.
I
myself, for instance, began my working life in a profession that
the Stranger might have ranged, looking to the three great

�10

branches of human expertise called "getting," "separating," and
"making," under getting, specifying it as a hunt beneath the soil
for fragmented old artifacts carried on by means of pick-axes.
We call it archaeology. Recall that the Sophist is first found
in the right hand branch of animal hunting on land, specified as
the sham-teaching hunt of wealthy youths.
We tried to preserve the neologic high-jinks of some of the
divisions.
Thus the sophist is found a second, third, and fourth
time in the getting part of expertise as a psycho-trading virtueseller, and in the manipulating part both as a seller of selfmade learnables and a peddler of other-made learnables:
"psychotrading" renders pychemporike and "learnable-selling" mathematopolikon.
We had not long worked on our new current project for the
Focus Philosophical Library, a translation of the Phaedo, before
we became aware of the varieties of Platonic humor.
In fact one
of us, Peter Kalkavage, who, as it happens, got his doctorate at
Penn State, began retrospectively to refer to the Sophist as a
one-joke dialogue, dominated by the techno-humor of the otherwise
ponderous Stranger that I've just described. The Phaedo, because
in it Socrates not only speaks but even makes speeches, is, we
discovered, infused with a very different, far more subtle humor,
which we are doing our best to preserve.
It is the sort of
hilarity or jocundity in the original Latin sense, the subdued
joyousness and even merriment of the ultimate moment, that
belongs to a man going blithely to his death without having lost
his firm, even hard grip on the earthly condition. We have come
to think of it as the tone of the . lightness of Being.
It keeps
his companions in an ambivalent state of sorrowful exhilaration,
suspended between tears and laughter.
Of course the secondary partners too, are very different in
the two dialogues. Theaetetus is, at least vis-a-vis the
Stranger, a somewhat stuffy boy, while that comradely pair,
Simmias and Cebes, are each in their way pretty lively.
Does bringing out the humor of the dialogues in translations
need a justification? I should not imagine so, but I might
mention once more that all three of us are receiving our real
education in a place to which a way of reading Plato was
introduced by Jacob Klein, who in his interpretations was
especially alert to the mimetic character of the dialogues. As
imitations of Socrates and the conversations he conducted or
attended, they were bound to be playful, as Socrates was playful,
with a playfulness that is the kindly counterpart of his
notorious dissembling, his irony. But not all humor is comedic
in Aristotle's understanding of comedy as the imitation of what
is laughable, that is, low or ugly but relatively harmless (Else,
Aristotle's Poetics, pp. 39 ff, 183 ff).
The techno-humor of the
Sophist comes far closer to comedy than does that of the other

�11

dialogues, with the proviso that the laughableness of the
sophistic craft is not so harmless.
In any case, our advice to colleagues who plan to translate
Platonic dialogues is to be prepared not only to laugh themselves
but also to be the cause of laughter in others.
Faithfulness
It was clear to us from the beginning that looseness,
paraphrase, and interpretative adumbration were intolerable in
the translation of any Platonic writing, but especially in a
dialogue like the Sophist, which is so close to the brink of
technical metaphysics and yet so carefully refrains from letting
philosophy become a techne, an expertise. It does so by going at
what Aristotle will later codify as "problems" of Being in an
oblique and human way. It is oblique in concentrating, as was
said, less on ontology than on me-ontology, the account of Nonbeing as the ground of imitation or pretense, and it is human in
pursuing the Sophist as a human type as much as it does sophistry
as a profession.
In this morning-twilight of philosophy
meticulous accuracy is especially necessary.
So we spent, as I
have said, much time on words, determining for ourselves whether
they were terms of a trade or not -- yet. Aporia and methodos
are examples. Both come to be fixed as terms of philosophy:
"perplexity" and "method." But we aimed to preserve at least in
some places the unfixed original meaning:
"impasse," i.e. lack
of passage, and "way," both at which preserve the playful spatial
analogy that is so prominent in the Stranger's reflections on the
motion of thought.
We aimed at faithfulness, however, not only in words and
terms but also in sentences. The obvious problem is always subliteralness -- producing a contortedly accurate pony. We thought
that it was a part of faithfulness to render the various levels
of elegance, clarity and emphasis of the speeches -- and the
Stranger surely has his obscure and klunky moments, at least as
we heard them.
The faith of translators who mean to be faithful must be
that, meaning-element for meaning-element, it is possible to turn
Greek into English, and that this must imply that usually -- it
never pays to be too rigid -- one Greek word goes into one
English word or typographical symbol, one phrase into one phrase,
one clause into one clause, and one sentence into one sentence -in other words that it is possible to get equivalence without
sublinearity.
It also implies that one can find an English word
order that renders the emphasis of the Greek sentence, and
English connectives that maintain the Greek flow.
One of our
last readings was addressed, as I have mentioned, to the
attempted eradication of all signs of translaterese. Our trust

�12

was that if we stuck faithfully to the Greek, barring simple
mistakes and omissions, we would get English that said exactly
what the Greek said and with something like the original
naturalness and deviations from naturalness.
In other words, we
had the faith that we might overcome the charge expressed in the
Italian pairing traduttore: traditore; we hoped that a translator
need not be a traitor to the text.
our best advice to others is not to give in to current
hermeneutic theories concerning the essential untranslatability
of one language into another, but to suppose, as a starting
hypothesis, that even if not all human speech can say the same
thing, then at least we can think and say practically the same
thing as our ancient intellectual progenitors -- from which it is
evident that the translator's hypothesis is no negligible
commentary on contemporary philosophy.

Requirements
The last item on my list of observations concerns the
crucial question what translators need to know and be good at.
The three of us did not think that we were required to have
a full-fledged interpretation to have a go at a translation.
What we needed instead was a lively sense of intimations, a sense
born of a belief in the unfailing significance of the text.
In
other words, we came to Plato's philosophic plays with the trust
that every word (or nearly every word) was deliberately placed,
but that some terms and turns were special sign-posts to implied
meanings. We tried to be alert to oddities of language and
emphasis as well as to hapax legomena (linguistic singularities
which we treated as occasions for literalness even if it proved
awkward).
On another level, we listened for high points and
crucial junctures, which Plato's most responsible speakers, and
of course Socrates himself, often signal by a throwaway reference
to that one more "little" addition.
None of us are, this is the moment to say, great believers
in esoteric readings. We are much too possessed by a sense of
the pedagogic generosity of the dialogues, a sense that here a
discreetly fierce energy is devoted to carrying interlocutors,
bystanders, and readers beyond themselves, into realms reachable
only by circuitous and indirect means. To put it another way:
In the dialogues we are told as much, but no more, than we need
to make us want to think onward. That is why the dialogues are
fairly easy to read the first time and get harder to understand
as, with each reading, more signals are picked up.
There certainly exist occasionally esoteric writers like
Newton who, "to avoid being baited by little smatterers in

�13

mathematics ... designedly made his Princioia abstruse"
(Portsmouth Collection), and authors who touch guardedly on
theological or political issues in intolerant times (though they
never do seem to escape persecution).
Socrates' dissembling and
Plato's subtlety, however, are not of this self-protective sort
but are pedagogical devices for drawing the learner in -- at
least that is our experience. The dialogues work on the
principle that "a cat may look at a king," or rather, "a boy may
look at Being." And in any case, they display hardly any attempt
to mask the fact that not everything that goes on in these
conversations will be of comfort to respectable parents.
So the first translator's requirement is a belief in the
many-layered accessibility of the text and an alertness to those
signs and signals which the English version should preserve for
readers to puzzle over.
A second requirement we put on ourselves was to attempt
consistency but to shun method. An intelligent consistency is,
we thought, the guardian spirit of open minds. So as far as
possible we· tried, as I said, to choose the right word and to
stick with it even in fairly routine phrases.
Thus phainetai is
almost always "it appears" and dokei "it seems." At the same
time we tried to remain open to significant nuances and strange
turns within each dialogue, though our avoidance of methodical
translating bound to a particular interpretation of Platonic
philosophy applied mainly across the dialogues:
In taking up the ·
Phaedo we saw once again the truth of the teaching that each
dialogue is a fresh world of discourse and is to be faced without
preconceptions regarding "Platonic thought." That observation is
particularly true as between dialogues in which Socrates guides
the conversation and those in which he only listens in or is,
finally, even absent.
As far as preparation is concerned, since none of us can
really read Greek as a living language, we were glad to see that
we could do pretty well on a lot of Greek reading experience to
give us a feel for the intention and on enough grammatical
expertise to tell us when we needed to do careful parsing. We
found that besides Liddell-Scott we needed to have at hand
Roget's Thesaurus to help us to the word we were looking for.
But we think that all in all, the main requirement for
translators of Plato, and our advice to them, is to believe in
the semantic plenitude of the Platonic texts, and to produce an
English version that, like the Greek, says more than the
translators know.

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                    <text>On the Natural Law Of War And Peace
By Angelo M. Codevilla

1.We are here to celebrate the memory of Erik S. Kristensen, a
warrior who had graduated from the Naval Academy and who
then came to St. Johns College - the closest thing in today's
world to Plato's Academy. In his memory, someone comes here
each year to explain why the peace on which the practice of
philosophy depends requires successful statecraft, including
success in war. LCDR Kristensen's life testified to the
interdependence of war, peace, and philosophy. 2500 years
earlier, Socrates had testified to the same truth by speaking with
young men about good and evil after having carried his spear in
the Athenian Phalanx. Like Socrates and Erik Kristensen, we are
lovers of our country, and of truth - truth with the capital T what is true by nature, and lovers of what America's Founders
called "the laws of nature and nature's God." What guidance do
these laws give us about war and peace in our time?
That question is urgent because Americans have enjoyed peace
for only about thirty of the past hundred years. America's armed
forces have won essentially all their battles. Winning battles
naturally leads to winning wars, and hence to earning peace and
security. But already by 1950 George Kennan had noted that the
American people's peace and security had diminished. Today,
we look at the peace and security of the 1950s much as Kennan
looked nostalgically back to 1905. How come? Results so
contrary to nature and intentions do not happen because of etTors

�in policy. They happen only from mistakes regarding first
principles. What are these first principles?
There has been no shortage of controversy among American
statesmen through the past hundred years about the principles,
the laws of nature, concerning peace and war: Woodrow Wilson
against Theodore Roosevelt, Dean Acheson and Harry Truman
against Robert A. Taft and Douglas MacArthur, Henry
Kissinger, Robert McNamara, and Lyndon Johnson against
Barry Goldwater, candidate George W. Bush against President
George W. Bush. Though they disagreed fundamentally, all
believed they were advocating the truly the right way for nations
- especially this nation - to behave. In this they have been
consistent with America's founders, who meant to establish a
great nation on the basis of what is right, simply.
2. Our very civilization is based on understanding that man and
nature exist and behave, according to laws that our minds can
grasp by observation and study. Only recently has it become
customary to distinguish between science and philosophy,
between facts and values. Formerly, the study of physics and
chemistry as well as of ethics and politics was known as "natural
philosophy." The fundamental distinction was between truth and
opinion. The people who built America believed that attention to
the laws of nature and nature's God was the key to thriving.
They believed it because they knew that ignoring or flouting
reality does not turn out well, that sanity begins with not
banging one's head against reality.

2

�Let us now consider what this thing called natural law is, and
what it demands of statesmanship and war.

3.Naturallaw is the complex of the laws by which the world
works. Physics and chemistry remind us that natural law is
inflexible and self-enforcing, that what we humans imagine
about ourselves and the world is irrelevant. You may "identify"
as a bird, eat bird food and wear feathers. But if you jump off a
cliff chirping and flopping those feathers, Mother Nature's laws
regarding mass and motion will punish you. If you want to fly,
you had better learn her laws concerning the pressure and speed
of fluids. By the same token, no amount of commitment will
enable you join two sodium atoms into salt.
Plants are just as subject to inflexible laws. Regardless of
anybody's opinion, apples and oranges and avocados require
different conditions to thrive. That is why judgments about
farming have to be right by nature. Not so long ago, following
scientific consensus that acquired characteristics are inherited
the Soviet government wasted millions of tons of seeds trying to
modifying wheat to grow in Siberia. In America today, scientific
consensus has it that the globe is warming. And yet, citrus
growers are moving their operations southward because the trees
happen not to share that consensus. Mother Nature does not care
what anybody thinks.
Wild animals are, as the saying goes, "hard wired" to survive
and thrive. They move and reproduce to take optimal advantage
of weather and food sources. They operate by day or night as
3

�best fits the species. They can't help doing the right things for
themselves.
4. Human beings, unlike animals, are free to do the wrong things
for themselves. But nature is just as clear about what it takes for
human beings to thrive and survive as it is about what it takes
for any other species to do so. Like horses and wolves, we need
food and community to survive. But, to fulfill ourselves, we
humans have to do the things that make for the survival and
happiness of peculiar creatures that are neither mere animals nor
gods. What might these be?
The Ten Commandments are the most common and concise
compendium of natural law regarding man. But isn't that a set of
peculiarly Jewish ideas that draw their authority from the claim
that Moses got them from God? Think again. Try reversing each
of the Commandments, and ask how humans would fare living
by that reversed list: Have many gods and disrespect them all,
never stop to rest or to consider whence you came or whither
you go, dishonor your father and your mother, kill as you please,
take what you can from whomever you can, fornicate with
whomever you can. Lie and betray, enry and scheme against
those around you. Not even criminal gangs can survive on that
basis. Nor could any individual be happy who lived by such
counsels. At best, he might become a tyrant. But, having no
friends, his choice would be whether to die like Stalin - or like
Ceaucescu. Hence we are forced to conclude that the Ten
Commandments just happen to be a pretty good summation of
what nature requires for human beings to live human lives.

4

�That is true regardless of whether they were jotted at random by
a stone-carving monkey, or discerned by Moses, or given by
nature's Creator.
Moses gives a bunch of other precepts applicable to man in
general. They are subject to the same test: how do they relate to
human nature? Here is one: "Thou shalt not suffer a sorcerer to
live." Is that a Jewish prejudice? Consider. Magic claims that
nature is capricious, but that it can be mastered by occult
practices. Mother Nature decrees that people who live by magic
are stuck in misery. In fact, banning magic is right by nature
because all human improvement depends on reading and
heeding nature's open book of rules. How about Moses'
condemnation of anal intercourse? Is it that another Jewish
prejudice? In fact, since whatever else that practice does, it sure
does not propagate the species, we may well consider Genesis'
story ofSodom's fate as another of Mother Nature's warnings.
The point here is not that the Torah is the apex of natural law
about man. Aristotle, Cicero, and many others have delved into
the subject far more deeply and systematically. Rather, the point
is that our civilization is full of pretty accurate descriptions of
what happens when humans disregard Mother Nature.
5. How does natural law apply to actions? In fact, all actions can
only be understood by their natural consequences. Naturally, all
movement aims at some state of rest. We move, walk, speak or
shut up, for certain purposes each of which is for the sake of
ends that we value even more. A concise illustration of the term
"teleology" is the old saying: "not even a dog wags his tail for
5

�nothing." I fix my tractor so I can till the ground, so that I can
grow my grapes, so that I can sell them and maintain my
household, so that I may fulfill my duties.
6. Human trades or professions are naturally about producing
certain things. What is the natural law about them? Yes, all of
them also bring advantages to the tradesman. Yet by nature, each
is about producing a good peculiar to itself- buildings that
stand, ships that float, plumbing that does not leak, shoes that fit
and last, medicine that heals. What does Mother Nature do when
human activities aim at results other than the ones proper to
them? Mother Nature makes humans suffer the violations'
consequences. Buildings built badly fall down on you. Bad ships
leak or capsize. Bad shoes chafe and fall apart.
That is why human activity cannot be understood in terms of
power-seeking or pleasure-seeking as ends in themselves. Along
with Socrates and Thrasymachus, let us consider the successful
tyrant. He can have anything he wants - including all sorts of
things that are bad for him. The same goes for very rich people.
If they do well, it is not be because they have the power to
please themselves, but because they learn what is really good.
Dictators and rock stars routinely make themselves powerfully
miserable. Powerful men differ from powerless ones only in the
number of people they make miserable.
7. Nature obliges soldiers and statesmen to produce certain
goods, just as it obliges shoemakers and shipwrights. What are
the goods, the natural ends, of the activity known as
statesmanship? The Chinese empire's millennia! claim to rule
6

�has been providing tien an men, heavenly peace. Caesar
Augustus' claim to the imperial power that replaced Rome's
raucous Republic was that he was the Princeps Pacis - the
prince of peace. As the Roman Empire was falling, St.
Augustine defmed statesmanship for the next thousand years. Its
product was to be "the tranquility of order." The temporal ruler
was to be the "defensor pacis." Fourteen hundred years later,
Lincoln summarized his objective as "peace among ourselves
and with all nations." Niccolo' Machiavelli and Thomas Hobbes
are, if anything, more insistent on judging any exercise of
statesmanship on the degree of peace that it produces especially internal peace. Indeed, the incapacity to rest from war
really does seem to be the punishment that Mother Nature
imposes for incompetent statesmanship.
(A caveat is in order here: The above does not apply to Persian
civilization or Indian civilization, whose manuals of
statesmanship- the Shah Nameh and the Arthrasastra,
respectively - do not look beyond struggles for power. It applies
to Islamic civilization only insofar as it might after all resistance
to Islam had ceased. Nor does it apply to certain primitive
tribes.)
8. If peace is so essential to well being, why, so often does it
take war to establish it? Simply because, by nature, each of us
wants his or her way. We human beings share in Eve's lively
appetites and in Adam's irresponsibility. Individually and
collectively, we want to be a law unto ourselves. Statecraft is the
art of reconciling all sides' claims to their own desires, and
perhaps to their own peace. We fight wars so that we may have
7

�peace - our version of peace. That is why Any peace is what one
side earns for itself by defeating the other side's attempt to get
the peace that it wanted. Still, although war is the most intense
of activities, it aims naturally at a state of rest neither more nor
less than any other activity.
This is why approaching war as anything other than the pursuit
of peace is naturally self defeating. Consider how two of
history's greatest warriors failed. Napoleon never thought of an
end to his string of battlefield victories. Hence, as Charles De
Gaulle wrote, Napoleon "broke France's sword by striking it
unceasingly." His failure to aim at peace more than nullified his
valor as a warrior. During the Second Punic War, Hannibal
subordinated strategic logic to operational logic by staying on
the offensive even after having failed to force Rome to
negotiate.
9. Nature leads the warrior to ask: "When will this end?" The
warrior's contact with the enemy presses him to end the
fighting, and to do it as fast as possible. Thus did Aristotle note
that the warrior's natural objective is victory. By the same token,
Aristotle also noted that peace is the natural end of the
statesman's art: your victory is what makes possible your peace.
Victory, of course, comes in different forms - everything from
the enemy's annihilation or enslavement, as was the rule in
ancient warfare, to sovereignty over border provinces, as was
common in European 18th century warfare. But all forms share
a denominator: the vanquished no longer disturbs the winner's
enjoyment of his peace.
8

�10. Victory, forcing the enemy to acquiesce to one's enjoyment
of one's own peace, naturally presupposes a coherent
understanding of that peace. During the past hundred years
however, American statecraft has not produced peace because,
Progressive statesmen, beginning with such as Woodrow
Wilson, Charles Evans Hughes, Herbert Hoover, and Franklin
Roosevelt, have pursued concepts of peace that are literally out
of the realm of possibility. Indeed, the enemies which these
statesmen have designated are purely creatures of the
statesman's own minds, respectively: "autocracy," "war itself,"
"world disorder," "ancient evils, ancient ills." Whom would we
have to kill to defeat these enemies?
To make war is to destroy or bend the persons and causes that
stand in the way of your peace. Victory, comes when none
troubles your enjoyment of your peace any longer. If you have
made war, killed and destroyed, and yet you cannot enjoy peace,
it means that you have killed the wrong people.
11. For century, American blood and treasure has been
committed to kill and destroy certain people as if they embodied
the abstractions in our statesmen' own minds. But who are the
people who whose death would end war itself, bring about world
order, establish liberal democracy, end ancient evils, reconcile
historic enemies? The conjuring of unreal enemies makes it
impossible to ask who might be the persons whose killing or
constraint would deliver peace vis a vis the actual, living ones
who actually shoot at us. This is a principal the reason why
America's military campaigns have been waged without
9

�reasonable plans for achieving a better peace. Moreover, since
Korea 1950, the U.S government has explicitly disavowed
seeking military victories.
Understanding this hundred-year divorce of force from purpose
requires attention to the arguments between Theodore Roosevelt
and Woodrow Wilson.
12. In a nutshell: TR, the apostle of "the big stick," rejoiced in
America's emergence as a great power because he believed that
the U.S government could and should use this power to secure
Americans' enjoyment of domestic peace and tranquility better
than it could in George Washington's time. Like Washington,
whom he called "the best of great men and the greatest of good
men," TR wanted to mind America's business as "our interest
guided by justice shall counsel." TR regarded power as a means
of keeping trouble away from America. The enemy was whoever
troubled America's peace. War was a temporary measure to
secure that peace.
By contrast, Woodrow Wilson had started his career denouncing
the hurdles that America's founders had placed in the way of
forceful human improvement. For him, the enemy at home and
abroad was everything and anything that stood in the way of
human improvement. For him, America itself existed to defeat
such enemies. To improve America, he pushed Prohibition. This
started a war at home. To improve the world, he invented the
league of Nations. For him, Washington's (and the Gospel's)
admonition to mind one's own imperfections looking not for
specks in others' eyes was priggishness. Such was his vision of
10

�the peace that his League of Nations would secure that, when
senators asked him how this commitment to everlasting peace
differed from a commitment to perpetual war, he was unable to
answer. in short, Wilson erased the distinction between war and
peace.
In short, the peace at which TR aimed was America's peace, to
be secured by minding America's business, that is, by speaking
softly to foreigners, and by carrying a big stick to bash
whomever would interfere in America. George Washington,
John Quincy Adams, TR, had taken for granted that America's
business came first always, and that this business requires
jealous attention to squaring ends with means. Words had to be
smaller than the stick. Wilson, however, collapsed the distinction
between America's business and everybody else's business.
Voicing limitless objectives, he gave little if any thought about
how America's armed forces could actually achieve them.
Yet Wilson won the hearts and minds of the subsequent
century's statesmen. Reading Charles Evans Hughes, Herbert
Hoover, FDR, Dean Acheson, John F. Kennedy, Henry
Kissinger, Bush 41 and 43, and Obama we might imagine that,
respectively, the world had united in disarming, in outlawing
war, in eliminating "ancient evils, ancient ills" that it was
policing the world through the U.N.; that nothing could stand in
the way of freedom, that satisfying the USSR had tamed it, that
a New World Order was a-borning, that democracy is
conquering the Middle East, and that Islam is terrorism's
solution. None of this was true. Although most of these
statesmen were not shy about sending Americans to fight
11

�abroad, none explained how doing so could materialize the
marvelous vistas they sketched.

13. From Washington to TR, American statesmen had worked on
the realization that the world is made up of different folks who
want incompatible things. That is why the essence of statecraft's
craft is jealous attention to what our own power can do to secure
our own interests. But because statesmen from Wilson's time to
our own have voiced certainty that all civilized peoples share the
same objectives for peace and progress, they have felt justified
in dispensing with their craft's essence. That is why, far from
producing peace, the past hundred years' statecraft resembles
less the engineering of sound buildings or seaworthy ships than
it does ritual human sacrifices performed to the sound of
assumptions recited as if magical incantations. Each of their
ventures got us fewer victories, less peace, more war.
Each set of statesmen have emphasized one or more aspects of
that departure from statesmanship's nature, and earned the
penalties that Mother Nature imposes on unnatural behavior. Let
us see what truths Mother nature has been trying to teach us.
14. In 1921 Secretary of State Charles Evans Hughes brokered
the "Washington Treaties," which scrapped more naval tonnage
than all of history's wars had ever sunk, and fixed the major
powers' ratios of naval power. Japan also agreed to respect
China's integrity and sovereignty in exchange for America's
promise not to fortify our Pacific bases. Hence America
disempowered itself from securing that objective. America's best
12

�and brightest believed that this secured peace because they were
sure that all peoples shared their consensus that armaments
caused war. Hence, their logic said, limit the means of war and
you will limit the will to war. In fact, the natural chain of logic
leads in the opposite direction: from ends to means. That is why
these Treaties secured not peace but Japan's supremacy in the
western Pacific, China's dismemberment, Pearl Harbor,
Corregidor, etc.
.....

15. Herbert Hoover believed that, the world had outlawed war
by the 1929 Kellogg Briand pact. That was not true. Franklin
Roosevelt spent the first seven years of his presidency lecturing
America and the world about the need to act as if it were true.
His lasting legacy was to fight WWII while trying to persuade
the American people that Stalin understood good and evil in the
same way as Americans do. Naturally, because untruths
necessarily cause confusion, they produced divisions among
Americans. They plague us to this day.
16. FDR, and especially Dean Acheson and Harry Truman,
fostered a consensus that, finally, the United Nations had
brought law and order to international affairs. So precious was
that consensus-in-illusion that they sent some fifty-thousand
Americans to die in Korea in what they called a "police action"
to preserve it. Naturally, that sacrifice resulted in preserving an
enemy that now targets nuclear weapons on America. Douglas
MacArthur had protested: "in war, there is no substitute for
victory." Mother Nature nodded yes. The ruling Consensus
thought McArthur was a dinosaur.

13

�17. Under presidents John Kennedy, Lyndon Johnson, and
Richard Nixon the practice of defeating global evils by
committing U.S military forces against foreign enemies without
intending to defeat them became explicit. JFK redeemed his
promise to "bear any burden" in freedom's defense- presumably
against the Soviet Union - by sending Americans to fight in
Vietnam. Johnson explained that military victory was impossible
there, for anybody, because "the enemy is poverty, ignorance
and disease." He and Nixon rotated some twelve million
Americans in and out of there in the service of these illusions.
Ho Chi Minh and the Soviets had other ideas more in tune with
Mother Nature. So did the North Vietnamese soldier who drove
his tank through the US embassy gate.
18.The great Consensus spoke through Harvard's Kissinger and
Richard Nixon to the effect that nuclear weapons had sobered
the Soviet politburo. All America had to do for the Soviets to
join in Wilson's dream of world order was to make U.S nuclear
forces incapable of targeting the Soviet military or of interfering
with Soviet missiles targeted on America. The U.S. government
would not use U.S strategic forces because using them would do
us no good. The government crafted the forces and Kissinger
crafted the treaties that embodied this vision. In 1972 Kissinger,
presenting the treaties to the Senate, spoke of having banished
nuclear war. Eight years later Jimmy Carter's Defense Secretary,
had to tell America that the Soviets were far advanced in
preparations to fight, survive, and win a nuclear war. Those who
pay attention to natural law, you see, build things to do
themselves some good. Not even a dog wags his tail for nothing.

14

�19. As the Soviet monster was croaking of disaffection, Bush 41
tried to save it by massive transfusions of U.S cash in untied
loans (never repaid). He also told a crowd in Ukraine's capital
that they should be good Soviet citizens. This was the voice of
the U.S establishment Consensus, which valued the dream of
U.S. Soviet cooperation over the real prospect of undoing a real
enemy. Ukrainians shook their heads in disbelief.
The same president and Consensus decided that since Saddam
Hussein's Iraq had violated World Order by absorbing Kuwait,
the U.S government would conduct a police action to reestablish
the borders. At the time, Saddam was no enemy of America. A
half millennium earlier, Niccolo' Machiavelli had cautioned:
"people ought to be caressed or extinguished." Bush 41 just
assumed that "a new world order " would follow his bellum
interruptus. Instead, by harming Saddam without eliminating
him, he helped make him the Middle East's paladin of anti
Americanism. The troops which Bush 41 then stationed on
Saudi soil to deal with this newly menacing Middle East ended
up energizing Muslim Jihad against America.
20. Bush 43 and Barack Obama differed only verbally and
quantitatively in their approach to this Jihad. Essentially, both
ordered the U.S armed forces to do the same things they had
done in Vietnam: hunt down hostile groups and individuals
while the rest of the government infuses their societies with
economic aid and social reform. They did so eschewing
explicitly any plans for ending the conflict, never mind winning
it. With various degrees of emphasis, both bent backward to
counter suggestions that the Muslims who attack America do so
15

�for reasons related to Islam. In fact, both refused to identify any
causes of anti American terrorism. Bush 43's proposal for the
Department of homeland Security states that terrorism will be
with us indefinitely because "modernity itself' is the cause.
Obama's use of the term"violent extremism" moved the problem
further into abstraction. But the blood of hundreds of innocents
and the fears of millions are not abstract.
21. OrdinaryAmericans' desire to live peacefully is natural. So is
resentment of a Consensus that shows no sign of plans for
delivering peace. Though the Consensus has become shy of
voicing support for more "nation building" or "engagement with
moderate local allies," it cannot imagine anything other than
what it has been doing. Therefore the question imposes itself:
what has it been missing? What has Mother Nature been trying
to teach us about how to deal with war so as to obtain peace?
22. The lessons are neither new nor complex. They will startle
only those whose intellectual horizon is the Consensus.
First, foreign relations involve dealing with foreigners - that is,
people whose cultures, priorities, and interests are their own, not
ours - above all whose business is their own. The sine qua non
of peace is to recognize different people's natural, ineffable,
focus on themselves, distinguishing what is our business and
what is others' business is. Others may not like what we do in
pursuit of our own business. They are less likely to forgive
intrusions into theirs.

16

�By nature as well, statesmen are their people's fiduciaries.
Minding the business of one's own nation is a task that stretches
the capacity of the very finest of statesmen. Just as it is
impossible to serve two masters, it is impossible to serve more
than one nation at a time. Nor is the attempt to do so legitimate.
John Quincy Adams rightly reproved suggestions that the U.S
help one side or another in conflicts within or among foreign
peoples by asking "who appointed us judges in their causes?"
By nature, "they" alone get to decide what they want for
themselves.
Second, by that very nature, we alone get to decide how
important anything is to us and what to do about it. Because we
alone are responsible for ourselves, decisions about how to mind
such business as we decide is our own come first, while the
needs, desires, views, of foreigners are naturally incidental. Like
everybody else, we are the only ones on whom we can count to
defend "our lives, our fortunes, and our sacred honor." Hence,
alliances are subject to the same rule of nature as bank loans: the
more you need them the less they avail you. In short, nature
seems to dictate that we must make only such commitments as
we can, and intend, to keep with our own resources no matter
what. Even questioning whether our own interests should come
first is unnatural.
Third, earning the respect necessary for living peacefully as we
please requires fulfilling commitments, and especially dealing
harshly with whomever disrespects us. Respect is the practical
meaning of "honor" in international affairs - Hard-earned and
easily lost. How precious honor is may be seen in a 1791 memo
17

�from Alexander Hamilton to George Washington on how to
respond to Britain's possible movement of troops across U.S
territory to attack Spain in New Orleans. Hamilton outlined the
ways in which Washington could ignore or color Britain's
affront. But he ended by counseling that, were Britain's transit to
have violated America's honor, the disasters of war with Britain
would have to be suffered for the sake of America's honor. In
fact, nations exist only insofar as they are honored.
Fourth, while America's armed forces have earned honor
arguably more than any in history, American statesmen's failure
to draw peace from their victories has drawn down the reservoir
of respect for America among foreigners and, most impot1antly,
among us Americans as well. The Consensus, from such as
Henry Kissinger on down blames the American people for
insufficient support of long range policy and for "isolationism."
But the discrepancy between the declared objectives, the
sacrifices, and the results has been impossible to hide.
Woodrow Wilson's promises could not possibly have been
fulfilled. Nor could those made on behalf of the United Nations.
What is the natural reaction to using forces capable of
overwhelming those facing them and yet forbearing to do so?
Actions such as in Korea, Vietnam, and the Middle East in our
time make sense only to those thoroughly trained to suppress the
revulsion felt by ordinary human beings.
Fifth and finally, our experiences with Mother Nature tell us that
those old simpletons, George Washington, John Quincy Adams,
Abe Lincoln, and Teddy Roosevelt were right, along with
18

�Machiavelli and Don Corleone: Don't go looking for trouble and
make nice with everybody. But if you have to fight, then fight
with all you've got to defeat them as quickly as possible. Partial
commitments, "sending signals," shows of force" convey
stupidity and invite contempt. Yes, all wars are foggy and
require adjustments. But Mother Nature supplies a compass by
which to navigate the fog. Its needle keeps pointing straight to
the reason you fought in the first place: your understanding of
the peace you are seeking. The path to that peace is victory.

19

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                <text>The lecture is the part of a joint lectures series between St. John's College and the U.S. Naval Academy to honor the memory of Lieutenant Commander Erik S. Kristensen. An alumnus of the United States Naval Academy and the St. John's College Graduate Institute, Kristensen, a Navy SEAL, was killed in the line of duty in Afghanistan in 2005. This lecture series aims to create even greater ties between the two schools, as well as to educate the public about civil-military relations and the place of the liberal arts in education of naval and military professions.</text>
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                    <text>In Remembrance of
Jonathan Hand
July 6, 1958 - November 6, 2019

ST JOHN'S

College
SANTA FE • ANNAPOLIS

ST. JOHN'S COLLEGE
FEBRUARY 1, 2020
3:00 P.M., GREAT HALL

�Lara Fabian ''Mistral Gagnant" lyrics

They say that souls wait around before returning to earth
That's what they say
Sometimes I think of this child of mine which is not yet here
And whom I am waitingfor
And I am so afraid for it

WELCOME
Michael Golluber

Ah to sit down on a bench for jive minutes with you
And watch all the people, Such as there are.
Talk to you ofthe good time Which is dead or which'll come back
Squeezing within my hand your little fingers
Then give something to eat to idiotic pigeons
Aim a few kicks at them in pretend
.
To hear your laughter which splits cracks in the walls
Which can cure above all wounds that I've had.
To tell you for a while how I once was: "Mino
The Fabulous Bombecs", Which we used to pinch from the shop.
"Car en Sac" and "Minto caramels"for one franc
And the "Mistrals" that win a prize.
To walk in the rain for five minutes with you
And watch life go past Such as there is.
To tell you tales ofthe earth feasting my eyes on you
Speak to you ofyour mum a little while
Ofjumping in puddles to make her grumbleRuining our shoes and having jun.
And to hear your laughter as one hears the sea
Stopping then starting offon the way back.
To tell ofabove all the "Carambars" of times past
And the "Coco- hoers" and the real "Roudoudous"
Which used to cut our lips and chipped our teeth enamel
And the "Mistrals" that win a prize.
Ah to sit on a bench for five minutes with you
Watching the sun going down
Talk to you ofa good time which is dead and I don't care
To tell you those in the wrong that wasn't us.
That ifI am crazy it's onlyfor your eyes
For they have the advantage of coming in twos
And hearing your laughter flying up as high
As fly up the cries of the birds
To tell you in the end that you need to love life
And love it even if time is a great killer
And takes off with him the laughter of children
And the "Mistrals" that win a prize.
And the "Mistrals" that win a prize.

Emily Axelberg
David Levine
Ave verum corpus

Performed by the SJC Schola Cantorum

(William Byrd)

Frank Pagano
Allison Levy
Benjamin Storey
Jenna Silber Storey
Mistral Gagnant
(Renaud Pierre Manuel Sechan)

Performed by
Christopher Young (piano) and
Natalie Gammill (vocals)

Thato Kgalema
Walter Sterling
Remarks from Jonathan '.s Family

Reception in the Junior Common Room

Cover image: Athena, Greek Goddess of Wisdom and War

�Tutor Michael Golluber
Jonathan - or "Mr. Hand" as my wife Tracey always playfully addressed him, easily embarrassing
him - he was so easy to tease, and he enjoyed being teased more than most , because he knew
we were all flirting with him. So, for example, one could say to him (as I in fact did) "I'm not
entirely sure what kind of look you're going for, Jonathan, but you've neglected to shave a
noticeable portion of the left side of your face."
Jonathan was a great friend and magnificent colleague. Life here at the college for me has not
been the same since he left us, and I suffer from losing him each and every day.
Jonathan, as everyone knows, was a most enjoyable and joyful interlocuter. I learned so much
from him during my many serious, and my many silly conversations with him (there was of
course hardly any - if any at all - of a distinction between silliness and seriousness when f
spoke with Jonathan - he nailed "that tragedy and comedy of life" thing down).
Jonathan had a twinkle or sparkle in his eye {I imagine he would prefer "sparkle" - "twinkle"
doesn't quite lend itself to the manliness he pretended to care about, dressing up as he did
every day as a lumberjack) . It was that sparkle that I saw, when, at a question period after a
lecture, I had just finished asking a question, and he turned around, and with a wink, let me
know that he knew that my question was not in fact a real question, but rather was a polite and
indirect way of pointing out that the lecturer didn't know what the heck they were talking
about. He was much more bold, straightforward and ruthless in communicating such things
than I, and to my astonishment he always got away with it somehow.
It was that same sparkle that I saw, when , sitting across from me in my Camille Paglia study
group (Paglia, by the way, is someone Jonathan was madly in love with, and he wanted to ask
to her to marry him, despite (and maybe because) she identifies as an "Amazonian lesbian") it was that sparkle I saw when I asked a question of our dear students that he could not quite
believe I could get away with asking, a question he knew he could never get away with as king.
And it was the same sparkle when at one of our many lunch conversations, I would say
something that he decided was exactly false. Behind the smile and that sparkle, he was
thinking: "Michael - there is no way you could have gotten it any more wrong than that! " Or at
another lunch, after things got a little heated, he would back down, acknowledging that maybe,
just maybe there was something I got a bit right and that he might give it some further
consideration.
The final setting for such conversation was in the context of my present study group on Simone
de Beauvoir' s "The Second Sex" (Beauvoir, by the way, was someone Jonathan had no desire
whatsoever to marry). Jonathan came to the first couple of these meetings. But with great
selflessness, sincere selflessness, he decided to leave the group because he was sure his
crankiness about the book would lead to some misbehavior on his part. After all, Jonathan
cared most of all for our students and their education. The strange thing, though, was that

�when I walked out of the Private Dining Room and into the dining hall after these meetings, I
was always greeted by Jonathan, sitting alone at a table, waiting for me to come out. There was
no wave of a hand, there was only that intense sparkle, commanding me to come sit down and
join him. You see, he had been keeping up with the Beauvoir readings as our group was reading
them. And he demanded from me, after each and every meeting, a minute by minute account
of who said what about this astonishing claim or that inexplicable argument, and then
demanded an account of why I thought that this student had said that, and then, applying
psychology to ontology, demanded that we decipher together what this "why", of the "that"
which was said by this particular student, about this book - what that could possibly mean for
the present and future of the human as such. And he grew irritated and delighted at the very
same time.
As deeply irritated as Jonathan may have been with us at one time or another, Jonathan deeply
loved us even more. He and his speeches remind one of how Alcibiades described Socrates and
his speeches as a sileinos, in all appearances a hubristic satyr, the inside of which is really
something altogether divine, having the largest number of images of virtue within, applying to
the whole area that is proper to examine for one who is going to be beautiful and good.

�Student Emily Axelberg

The most difficult part of Mr. Hand's passing, for me, has been accepting the fact that I will
never get the chance to adequately thank him for being my teacher, if such a thing is ever really
possible. With this brief speech, I would like to try to begin to express my gratitude.
I would like, first, to thank Mr. Hand for his seriousness. This one might surprise some of you
who knew him well, because Mr. Hand made a lot of jokes. He seemed never to miss an
oppo1tunity for biting sarcasm, and often didn't appear to pay much mind to whether or not those
around him would deem his humor appropriate to the context. However, I'd like to reference
briefly a commencement address that another excellent teacher of mine, Lise van Boxel, gave
that touched on this point. Sh~ astutely observed in that speech that, "seriousness does not have
to be grave." I think this is one of the most important lessons that I learned from Mr. Hand. He
openly rejoiced in the work that we do here, in the books, and in the company of his colleagues
and students. This rejoicing often took the form of a particularly effusive and lively approach to
teaching and conversation. Mr. Hand's ability to do the work here with impressive diligence and
rigor while unapologetically having the most fun possible is the standard by which I continue to
evaluate my own work. He taught me that the most serious response to the great books is an
ecstatic kind of joy, a lightness. In a document entitled "Mr. Hand's paper advice to freshmen ,"
which he sent to our freshman language class, he wrote, "these authors are suns: we, at best,
mere moons, straining to reflect some of that original brilliance." Mr. Hand's particular sort of
seriousness reflected the original brilliance of our authors to me and revealed the undeniable
vitality of their dusty old books when I was just starting out at the college. He was my first
shining example of what it means to search for humanity in the books we read, and to celebrate
when we find it. His last point of advice in that same document simply reads, " have fun. Really."
I believe this advice, though it might not seem like much, is one of the deepest and most
imp01tant lessons I have learned at St. John's.
I would also like to thank Mr. Hand for his continued commitment to my education. Mr. Hand
demonstrated a persistent dedication to my growth as a student and as a human being, even at
times when I was not so dedicated. A good example of this, which I will relate here mostly
because it's funny, is his contribution to my don rag about my performance in language class
during the second semester of my freshman year. When it was his turn to speak, he very curtly
declared something like: "I think Ms. Axelberg has gotten cocky and lazy." He, of course,
followed this remark by saying that my writing was basically satisfactory and there were no
major problems with my class participation, etc, but his first statement really stuck with me
because it was the truest thing that any one of my tutors said in that don rag. Even though my
work in class had been just fine, he knew that I was capable of doing better and called me to
account for it so directly that I couldn't disregard him . I remember that Ms. van Boxel even
asked him if she should write the first part down in the don rag notes, to which he responded, "I
don't see why not." This story is just one of many examples throughout my time at the college of

�Mr. Hand noticing me slipping, academically or personally, and encouraging me to do better
with the kind of totally unveiled criticism that it seems only he could get away with. The reason
he got away with it, though, is because even when he was at his harshest, I never doubted that he
was in my corner and wanted me to succeed. I know that the only reason he was so tough on me
is because my education mattered to him just as much, if not, at times, more than it mattered to
me. Without his constant support, I don't know how I would have persisted through some of my
roughest patches over the past four years. I don't think I really have to tell any of you how much
it means to have a great teacher believe in you and your work. Obviously, it means a great deal.
I will briefly mention my gratitude to Mr. Hand for his lesson on friendship. He once told me
that he reads to make friends, and the time I spent reading with him over the past four years
proved that to be abundantly true. I enjoyed reading with Mr. Hand not only because I had a lot
to learn from him about how to read the great books, but also because it provided an opportunity
for me to build the kind of trust and mutual respect with him that I had long been searching for in
a mentor. Because of this willingness of his to become a friend to me, I will cherish our time
together not only for how it contributed to my academic growth, but how it came to shape me
more broadly as a human being in my ability to be a better friend .
My last conversation with Mr. Hand was supposed to be on Book II of Rousseau's Emile, but we
ended up returning to a discussion that began for us in my freshman language class when we
were translating the Meno. We often revisited this conversation, which usually began with one of
us asking, "why do we even read these books anyway? What is it we're doing here? What do we
really hope to learn or gain?" Both of us struggled to provide an answer sometimes . It seemed to
me that Mr. Hand, like me, wasn't always completely sold on the promise of ultimate happiness
some people claim you will attain once you manage to figure out all the secrets hidden in the
pages of our most revered texts. Still, though, this work was the work of his life, and I know now
that it is mine, too. Faced with this version of Meno's paradox the last time we spoke to one
another, Mr. Hand and I once again sided with Socrates, agreeing that, " in supposing one ought
to seek what one does not know we would be better men, more able to be brave and less idle than
if we supposed that which we do not know we are neither capable of discovering nor ought to
seek -- on behalf of that I would surely battle, so far as I am able, both in word and deed ."
With Mr. Hand as my example, I feel confident I will continue to side with Socrates and attempt
always, through my seeking, to be better, braver, and less idle. Thank you.

�Tutor Frank Pagano

A few words on Jonathan

I am Frank Pagano, a tutor at the college and like so many others a friend of Jonathan's. I do not think I
am capable of speaking adequately about the personal characteristics that made Jonathan uniq ue like
his sunrise smile that glowed with good will, joy and mischief.
Instead I shall try to speak of the nobility of his mind. My theme, therefore, is Jonathan's daring intellect
and courageous soul, but I must start from afar, for Jonathan was at heart a St. John's tutor. The college
promotes and is defined by the conversation between the students and the great books. The tutors are
peripheral since it is not their education to which the college is devoted. According to the St. John's
Statement of the Program, tutors do not teach directly, they do not profess. The vocation of a tutor is to
ask good questions. Recently this humble calling has become harder to follow because good questions
presume that there are true questions. In our time the value of the truth itself is problematic.
Frequently we ask questions to avoid the truth. Jonathan was one of the few who dared constantly to
ask true questions. Let us try for our sakes to understand the truth of his questions.
Jonathan wrote primarily about Hegel, the man of many answers. Jonathan told me that he regarded
Rousseau as greater than Hegel. Each of the statements in Rousseau's Second Discourse is a hundred
questions. Jonathan did not share publicly his questioning of Rousseau. Instead he devoted himself to
demonstrating for us the inestimable worth of the truth. Thus his turn to Hegel. In some ways Hegel is
the culmination of modernity, but for Jonathan Hegel is not strictly speaking a complete
modern, at least from the vantage of the contemporary moment. Jonathan begins his lecture,
"Reconciling Subjectivity and Substance: Hegel's Critique of Pure Personhood," with the claim:
"Dissatisfaction with or at least ambivalence about modernity is part of modernity1.'' The reconciliation
that Hegel attempted is in one way a departure from the spirit of modernity.
Hegel thinks that he has achieved, according to Jonathan, an integration of the state, society and family
that prevents our person from being empty and our being from descending into nihilism and producing
a human nothingness. If Hegel's philosophical enterprise was successful, then there seems to be nothing
peculiar to our time for us to ask him. What then is the question? Jonathan's lecture is an act of startling
intellectual daring for it reveals how the true question lives. The true question, the question that does
not already know the answer, seeks out the right interlocutor. In our education, we must learn to be the
right interlocutor for the true question. But we do not know what for us the true question is. Because a
true question is a hybrid mixing ignorance and knowledge, our questioner must know and hope and
fear. The question must hold out hope for the truth and fear of the error of self-congratulation.
Accordingly in Jonathan's lecture Hegel is not the interlocutor, he is the questioner. Hegel puts the
question to modernity, including our contemporary pieties. Hegel integrates the human world, family,
society, and state. In contrast the way we like to talk is that modernity is revolutionary. Following

1

Hand, Jonathan. Reconciling Subjectivity and Substance: Hegel's Critique of Pure Personhood, Draft of March 10,

2019.

�Jonathan's Hegel we see this revolution is really disintegration. The contemporary revolutionary
movements in the family, society and state tear apart the Hegelian integration. This has always been the
spirit of modernity. In terms more convivial to my cruder mind, since its founding modernity has been in
decline.
What then does Hegel ask our contemporaries? He asks, What is the worth of your person without the
truth? This in its fullness is a terrifying question. Jonathan suggests that Hegel asks this questi on because
he has seen us once before. Hobbes claims that each of us awards ourselves infinite value and our
neighbors no value in themselves. We are the persistent deceivers of ourselves. Jonathan's Hegel
implicitly reveals that value, that social valuation, is an incomplete understanding of ou r fellow human
beings. It is merely the coin of the social marketplace. "I have my values and you yours" is the social
echo of an empty soul.
Jonathan was not a pure Hegelian. He recognized Hegel as the proper interrogator of our times, not the
least because he developed many of our approaches to our condition. Jonathan revealed how to
suspend the tyrannical spirit of modernity. Without fear he showed how to bring modernity to question
its own spirit. True questioning of ourselves, of the dominant spirit of our time, shining a light in our
cave, requires the strength of soul and the courage of a giant.

�Tutor Allison Levy
Jonathan
Jonathan was a true friend . To the College, to his students, to me and others. He and I got to be friends
back before I was a tutor, when I used to join David for lunch in the cafeteria and observe the fights he
and Jonathan had there over the mean ing of pretty much every seminar reading. It wasn't that
Jonathan didn't enjoy those fights -- I think he liked them, and I know David loved them - but at some
point Jonathan conceived the hope that the wife might prove a less misguided and argumentative
Hegel-hater than the husband, so one day he asked me to lunch alone. From this grew our tradition of
four- or five-hour margarita lunches at Harry's Roadhouse . From me he got less fighting about
philosophy, more drunken gossip, obscene jokes, and petty complaints, which he always treated with
great compassion. From him I got what everyone who's been fortunate enough to call Jonathan a friend
did: a profound, even visceral concern for my suffering and my good fortune, a fierce loyalty that often
defeated the dispassionate judgments of his prodigious intellect, a sensitive and deeply thoughtful
conversation partner, and a lively, irreverently funny drinking buddy who delighted in the ridiculous,
with which life and the College kept him generously supplied. He had a sharp wit and a particular gift for
impressions; if I had his talent and didn't mind getting fired, I'd share some.
But one of the many wonderful memories Jonathan has given me sticks with me and seems fitting to
mention. Last year, I happened to have all five of my senior essay orals scheduled over only two weeks,
which is a bit of a crunch and which occasioned much grumbling from me. Without mentioning it to me,
Jonathan noted the date and time of my last oral; when I came out of it, there he was, with a bottle of
champagne to congratulate me. We drank it in the coffee shop, where he complained to everyone who
walked by about the wrong I had suffered in being subjected to so grueling a schedule; he made sure
everyone knew of my heroic virtue in enduring such a trial, and called angrily for the punishment of all
responsible . little did he know, my feat was much less impressive than he imagined. It was Jonathan's
practice to devote to each senior oral an entire weekend of preparation, which issued in multiple typed,
single-spaced pages of careful commentary for every single essay; it didn' t seem to occur to him that
most of us give of ourselves less generously than he did, which was certainly the truth in my case.
Anyway, after we polished off the bottle I left; Jonathan struck up a two-hour conversation with a
student, about books and the meaning of friendship, a conversation which so impressed the student
that he told me about it many months later.
This was all standard Jonathan, I think. His generosity and intense care for his friends, for his obligations
to the College, for students in general, were central to who he was. As has been said, he was gravely
concerned about the possibility of deep human attachment in the modern world - in his own words,
taken from a speech he gave in honor of his beloved mother on her 801h birthday, "modernity is a world
of self-interest, of commerce, of fluid, contractual relationships, of social ties that are made and unmade
daily." His favorite image of modern human beings, as slices of "kraft singles" cheese -- that is, of
human beings as mass produced, identical " person units," individually sealed off and protected from
one another by plastic wrap -- was invoked often. Happily, Jonathan himself provided a very different
example of what human connection could be. His intensity of feeling and devotion to what he thought
right could make him quick to anger -- but unlike so many bloodless academics, he cared about things
worth caring about, and had the nerve to stick up for what was important even when it didn't win him
any friends. This combination of intense liveliness and awareness of the most pressing human concerns,

�together with an intellect as powerful as his, is extremely rare. Jonathan was a great boon to the
College and great delight and comfort to his friends. I miss him very much, and count myself extremely
grateful to have known him.

�Benjamin Storey

Jonathan Bradford Hand, 1958-2019
I met Jonathan some twentyyears ago. Both of us were graduate students at the C.Omrnittee on
Social Thought at the University of Chicago. It was the spring of 1999; I was finishing my first year,
and was still more than a little green-curious and eager, but inexperienced and poorly read. I was a
kid who showed up from my state school education in the south to find myself surrounded by
people from Yale and other such places, who were infinitely better initiated into the ways of the
academic world than I.
Jonathan was older and wiser; he had read widely and traveled much. But he was also utterly devoid
of academic pretension. He never dropped names; he never jingled his Phi Beta Kappa key. He had
an infinite amount to share with me, which he did with great generosity. But he was also unfailingly
curious, always asking about what I was reading and thinking about, with his eyes always peeled for
new things that might engage his indefatigable attention.
We were both there to study philosophy, and philosophy, for Jonathan, was three things: political,
personal, and comedic. Political: Jonathan had no taste for metaphysical abstractions-he was
interested in the question of how to live, and how the spirit of the laws we live under shape our
souls. Personal: Jonathan thought that the thinkers and ideas that interested us were reflections of
our character, that you could tell a lot about a person from that person's taste in books and ideas.
And finally, comedic. &amp; everyone who knew Jonathan knows, he was a great teacher, and he was
honored with a teaching award while we were in Chicago. Interviewed about that award, he
remarked that a good teacher was pan priest, pan lawyer, and pan comedian. He could do all three,

�but his comic talents were extraordinary. He excelled in imitations of the sages, living and dead,
who surrounded us in Hyde Park His Allan Bloom was forever spraying cigarette ashes about and
saying, "the-ahh, the-ahh, problem of, ahh, lxdng," his Martha Nussbaum was forever droning on in
an absurd falsetto about autonomy and wearing leather pants in solidarity with somebody or other.
He gave marvelous nicknames. For example, the chairman of the Committee on Social Thought,
Robert Pippin, was and is a brilliant scholar who commanded the respect of all of us, Jonathan very
much included. But Jonathan didn't respect him too much to give him a nickname. Pippin was
then writing about Hegel, whose progressive theory of history culminates in the liberal, bourgeois
modem life that we all find ourselves living, with all its material trappings, from the white picket
fence to the microwave oven. Jonathan cut through all the technical, Hegelian vocabulary in which
Pippin was so fluent so as to give him a splendid moniker: "The High Priest of the Minivan."
Jonathan's wit always brought life and thought together. In his way of thinking and talking, I found
the kind of playful, honest, learned but unpretentious philosophy I had come to Chicago to study.
Jonathan was my unofficial but deeply influential teacher, and he shaped my own way of thinking
and talking as much as anyone on the actual faculty of the university.
The classroom in which I got my lessons from Jonathan was a Hyde Park greasy spoon called
Salonica. There, we would meet almost every Sunday for long, leisurely brunches. Jonathan would
peruse the menu, for form's sake, and then proceed to order the same thing every time: skirt steak
and eggs, the steak medium rare, the eggs over easy-plus whole wheat toast, for health's sake. He
would do so in flirtatious engagements with his favorite waitress, a crusty Chicago dame who gave as
good as she got and who plainly enjoyed their repartee.
We would spend about three hours there, drinking large quantities of thin, American coffee and
talking about everything: Plato, Shakespeare, Tocqueville, our teachers, our friends, the young

�women in our circle. It was at that table, in Jonathan's company, that I really learned to think my
life through. For it was at that table that I learned how life and thought come together.
Afterwards, in the summer, we would repair to Promontory Point Park, where would swim off our
brunch in Lake Michigan. It was Jonathan who taught me that swimming in Lake Michigan was in
fact possible, in spite of the frigid temperatures and the occasional e-coli warnings. For he was an
adventurous spirit as much as a learned one. And we never caught either e-coli or frostbite.
Before long, I started dating one of the young women in our circle, Jenna Silber. Jenna and
Jonathan were friends, as well, and the three of us spent many hours in one another's company.
Both of us formed our adult selves in conversation with him, andJenna and I became a couple in
the context of those conversations. When we married in 2003, Jonathan gave a mischievous,
beautiful toast at our rehearsal dinner that people would remark to me about for many years
thereafter.
Eventually, we both left Hyde Park for our teaching careers, mine at Furman University in
Greenville, South Carolina; Jonathan here. You all know Jonathan's work here better than I do, but
I always thought that St. John's was made for Jonathan, and Jonathan for St. John's. For the mind
of a St. John's tutor must be both powerful and ready for anything-two qualities Jonathan had in
spades.
My own teaching at Furman was deeply marked by his influence. I agree with Jonathan that a
teacher is part priest, part lawyer, part comedian. I'm more priestly than Jonathan was, but I make
efforts at wit, as well. And when I listen to myself talk, I sometimes realize that I'm repeating
phrases I learned from him. More than that, my own who way of thinking about philosophy, as
something intimate and personal, something that we can see in all of our everyday interactions, from
the breakfast table to the convenience store, comes from him. One could see this influence in our

�shared love of the gauche Swiss-French philosopher Rousseau, who brought life and thought
together in a sprawling, unholy, but brilliant mess equal parts intellect, honesty, and absurdity.
Jonathan visited my family many times in Greenville, sometimes at Christmas or Thanksgiving,
sometimes just to hang out. Once, we all went for a hike in the mountains near there. On the way
home, we stopped for lunch at a squirrely-looking South Carolina roadside joint called the F-Man.
The proprietor, a guywith a handlebar mustache, a ten-gallon hat, and a brass belt buckle the size
and shape of Texas, took one look at us and decided he'd have some fun. When he found out we
were college professors, he began quizzing us on all manner of trivia he had picked up in his
correspondence school education, which wasn't~ bad. After he'd stumped me, the political science
professor, by asking about the running mates of failed presidential candidates of the 1890s, he
turned toward science, and Jonathan took over. Mr. F-Man had met his match. Before long, he was
sitting slack-jawed at our table, as Jonathan patiently explained the theory of relativity to him, using
the salt and pepper shakers to illustrate.
When we told my kids of Jonathan's death, and were talking about his brilliance and honesty with
them, my middle daughter, Rosalind, reminded us of his bravery. For she remembered the stories
he told when visited us after spending a sabbatical sailing across the Atlantic, through a near
hurricane in a boat that was no match for such weather. Most professors, after all, spend their
sabbaticals in libraries. Not Jonathan.
In thinking about what it means to have and to lose a friend such as Jonathan, a remark of one of

his favorite authors, Alexis de Tocqueville sprang to my mind. In his memoirs, Tocqueville writes
that " Whenever there is nothing in a man's thoughts to or feelings that strikes me," " I, so to speak,
do not see him. I have always supposed that mediocrities as well as men of parts had a nose, mouth
and eyes, but I have never been able to fix in my memory the forms that those features take in each

�particular case. I must constantly ask for the names of such men; yet it is not that I despise them,
but I have little truck with them, feeling that they are like so many cliches. I respect them, for they
make the world, but they bore me profoundly." Who has ever been less of a cliche than Jonathan
Hand? And who has ever been bored by him?
Jonathan suffered and he could be difficult; everyone who knew him well knew that. But I knew

him in the roles in which he was at his best: as my teacher and my friend. A few years ago, the two
of us met up in Roscoe, New York for a weekend. The place was an old haunt of Jonathan's, and
boasted of the two things that, in Jonathan's eyes, guaranteed a good weekend: a very good diner
and an excellent swimming lake. It was delightful, and Jonathan plainly delighted in introducing me
to it. He had discovered many beautiful things in life, and he was always eager to share them. The
man I am, the person mywife and children and students know, was formed by and through him.
He was a singular and decisive presence in my life, whose like I have no hope of meeting again. I do
not know if Jonathan believed in blessings, but he was a blessing, to me and to many others. To his
sisters, and his parents in Ithaca, thank you for sharing this extraordinary man with me and with my
family for so many years.

�Reflection for Memorial Service for Jonathan Hand
February l5t, 2020
J. Walter Sterling, Dean
St. John' s College, Santa Fe

Welcome and Opening
Welcome, thank you for joining us. Thanks especially to Michael Golluber, but also to other
faculty, staff, students, for planning and working on this event, and thanks to all of our speakers
today. I want to recognize Jonathan' s sisters, Sonya, Pattie, and Brooke, and his dear friends Ben
and Jenna Storey, and their children, Eleanor, Rosalind, and Charles, all of whom traveled so far
to be here. You 've heard some music playing now, by the Beatles, music which Jonathan
enjoyed and associated with lifelong memories . We'll hear more music in his honor ... We do
well simply to recognize the sadness and loss that many of us are carrying, but we are here today
to honor the memory of our friend, colleague, and teacher, and to celebrate together the gift of
his life, and in doing so we are strengthened as a community and brought closer together; and we
renew our sense of purpose. In that spirit, I invite our first speaker, Michael Golluber, to begin
when he is ready.
Reflection
Words, phrases, memories, images, quotes .. . jokes, so many jokes ... have flooded my
imagination, daily, since Jonathan 's passing. But it remains so difficult for me to wrap words
around it all. We wish, I wish, to honor and celebrate his life, to express the profound gratitude I
feel for the indelible, decisive mark he left on me, for the outrageously delightful and sometimes
maddening, often delightful because maddening, times we spent together. But my feelings of
sadness, confusion, and, yes, anger at his passing, and the powerful sense that a Jonathan-shaped
hole in my world will travel with me for a long time, forever, are all still with me. I have to
acknowledge that. It wasn't easy living with him as a friend, and it is much harder still to let him
go. His sister Pattie said recently he was larger than life. So true, so beautifully, absurdly,
magnificently true.
Jonathan contained fascinating multitudes within him and even people who knew him well could
be forgiven for not really seeing or believing all of it: his academic accomplishments, most
vi sible for us, perhaps, but also: - his incredible, unscripted, and sometimes remarkably
dangerous travels all over the world; his teaching sailing over many summers; his crewing a
sailboat on a physically exhausting North Atlantic passage on his sabbatical; summers spent
traveling in the Greek isles, or Turkey, or Italy; long daily swims in the Mediterranean; taking
his bike on the train to Albuquerque and cycling all around; his Jove of smart pop culture, going
to see stand-up comedy or Weird Al Yankovic (as he once reported, to my surprise); his serious
study, if I might put it that way, of Mad Men, or Downton Abbey, or South Park. His love of
jokes and impersonations. (One former student once sent him a mix tape, titled "I see London, I
see France .. ." with the rest of that off-color playground taunt left unstated, the tape had British
Invasion rock, the Stones, the Beatles, on one side, and some of his favorite French pop music on
the other - he loved that; he loved how that student got him , his playfulness, his sense of humor
and inuendo, his delight in that pop music, his love of Europe.) - and: his deep connection to

C_

�his family, especially his devotion to his parents, his rootedness in his eternal home in Ithaca. All of that lurking behind his jaunty grin, with a cocked hat on his head.

(

As dean and as a colleague, I will say now what I would say to some people while he was with
us, risking hyperbole: He was the best reader, the best teacher, we had here. He had enormous
intellectual gifts (surprisingly voracious for, obsessive with, mathematics and physics, and with
politics, and with the philosophy and literature that were his foundation) and he combined his
gifts with an intensity, a relentlessness, an incandescence, that was powerful and even more rare
- at times, too powerful to be contained in the word "teacher." One philosopher famously
wrote, "I am dynamite!" and sometimes, often even, Jonathan could feel like such dynamite. He
learned from some of his teachers - Harvey Mansfield, Allan Bloom ... -that it was possible
for these books, for philosophy, and for teachers, to make all the difference, if and only if
teachers, and students, could go right to the nerves of the books and the arguments, where
everything was at stake - to cut through jargon, to risk impoliteness and offense, to (as I long
said of Jonathan, to Jonathan) "strip and wrestle naked," to use a Platonic image for the most
serious business of conversation and dialectic. He got into the game for all of that- not to play
it safe, not to have a career, not to be esteemed or win accolades, but to be ready, like a great
poker player, to push out all his chips when it mattered most, to drop everything and follow the
argument wherever it led. Book after book, conversation after conversation, he was able to take
me, take students, take friends, to the center of things, to the difficult places where our hearts'
and souls' demands were all at stake and in play. But what a risk, and sometimes what a cost! I
know, I know, that sometimes, when he sensed it could matter, he put more hours, many more
hours, sleepless nights, of reading and thinking into, say, preparing for one senior oral where he
thought the stakes were high, more than I believe (from my experience) any of my other
colleagues do, certainly more than I ever had or would - more than once, I saw a senior on the
business end of that preparation, in copious notes Jonathan wrote but especially in an oral
bordering on interrogation, and that wasn't always ... easy to watch. Would they learn from that?
Would they be grateful for it? Would they realize that it came from respect - from seeing them
as worth that effort, that tension? I hope so, but it was a risk, it was teaching without a net, and
whatever the outcome, he poured his lifeblood into that kind of effort.
In reading hundreds of old emails from him in recent weeks, I came across one where a student
who had left the college had written a cringeworthy casual, familiar, and self-deluded, request to
Jonathan for a letter of recommendation, after failing Jonathan's class. Serious miscalculation.
Jonathan was the only tutor I know who would have responded as he did, and he copied me in
(as dean): he wrote a long letter, a brutally honest letter let's say ... and added, is that the letter
you want sent? St John's is forgiving, the world less, so, he said, closing with, " buckle up." He
put hours into crafting that, trying to do good for that student, to jolt that student into waking up;
in fact, hi s sincere plea was that the student really should return to the college. I, like many of us
I think, would probably have written a two-sentence note politely declining.
One of the things that he and I agreed strongly about is that beyond the job as a job, beyond
colleges as institutions, beyond all our rules and practices, beyond syllabuses and curricula,
beyond the books, beyond teaching as a vocation even, at the heart of it all was and is an
uncontrollable, unmanageable, quest to get to the bottom of everything, to get to what matters, to
fight for what matters ... you can' t domesticate that, and for someone like Jonathan who was

�always ready to push his chips out, there would always be risks and costs. Prices he'd pay,
bruises others would take. If all of us were like Jonathan, we wouldn't have a college, but if none
of us are like him, the peak of what we are about ceases to be visible. Without someone like
Jonathan, some of us would never hear the one thing needful, we'd never realize both how deep
and how immediate the books can be in speaking to us. To borrow from a revered author he
respected, Jonathan reminds us of "the sacrifices we must make in order that our minds may be
free." Like Falstaff, like Socrates, life is simpler, maybe easier, without him ... but real education
will always involve such dynamite. Certainly, some of us carry bruises, he carried bruises, from
his not playing it safer - but I know so many students and friends who were given treasures and
riches through his teaching, through that incandescence, and for us it was worth all the costs.
He was my late friend, my last friend, with whom the conversation could, would, go on forever.
Not everyone understands these friendships that are forged through hours and hours of arguing
about philosophy, about the good, the true, and the beautiful, with all that entails, but here at St.
John's I don't think it sounds too strange. I venture to say that for those of us for whom that is
the highest, or one of the highest, forms of friendship, we recognize that you only get a few, a
very few, friends with whom you can share almost everything, understand each other, drive each
other to the edge of what you understand, bring to articulation the questions that are just beyond
that understanding. And if you can do that with shared loves of music, poetry, film, travel, food
and drink, well, all the better .. . what a miracle ... - and, it seems to me, those friendships tend
to come during, and perhaps fade after, a certain season of life.

(

l

I met Jonathan our first week as tutors at the college, in August 2003, sitting at the Coyote Cafe.
I can say now, I never expected at that point in my life to have another friend, to join maybe the
one or two from the previous decades, with whom I could share all of that. I thought that season
of life was over. That friend you see on your way somewhere else ... and end up still at the coffee
shop, the bar, the park bench, driving in the country, hours and hours later, having forgotten
whatever else you meant to do that day. That day, Jonathan and I sat down together over a
margarita and talked - and talked. Our first conversation went on for hours (I still remember
exact phrases and formulations we used), we disclosed our views on religion, our deepest
commitments, our loves and lost loves, the books and authors we had in common, and ... for
many years, all the intervening years, that conversation - though interrupted by days, weeks,
months, and, much later, even years - never ended. I thought the season for such friendship, for
such ecstatic and wonderfully desperate conversation, had ended - but Jonathan at his core was
a kind of eternal springtime of the possibility of such friendship. It was what he lived for agonizingly irreconcilable as it might be with what counts as daily life for many of us. Part of
Jonathan's vocation was to be (as Plato wrote of the Greeks) "forever young" in this way. I think
any of Jonathan's close friends, and his many interlocutors and colleagues with shared interests,
know him as the one who would keep that dialogue going - forever, all night, as in Plato' s
Symposium, as long as we could go to what matters. - It was hard to keep up, and it was hard to
sustain. My memories of Jonathan include so many nights where he would nurse a last drink, or
jealously defend a last bite on a plate from waiters and busboys, or he might end up reclined on
your couch ... and he would seem content if the conversation never ended. You felt, I felt, like a
mortal, who needed sleep and rest, hanging on by a thread, with an Olympian who was prepared
to stay at the feast forever. At the end of every semester, we used to plan one escapist day in
Albuquerque. For years he loved to make that drive in my Miata convertible, top down, music

�playing, driving and talking, walking and talking, eating and drinking and talking ... peripatetics,
dreamers, adventurers of the mind. In search of. .. serendipity. Serendipity: he was with me at the
dinner in 2005, where I chanced to meet Meghan, in the great good fortune of my life, and he
was the first person I talked to the next morning, "see, that is the kind of woman I should be
with ... "
Jonathan was a great acolyte of serendipity: Among his favorite films, one we discussed many
times, for many hours, was Richard Linklater's Before Sunrise, together with the rest of that
amazingly conceived trilogy, tracking the fate of a romance sparked on a train, with one night of
wandering the streets of Vienna, during which two kindred souls passing in the night test their
destiny together. Jonathan consciously and well understood that he lived his life as if the magic
of that movie might strike ... anywhere, any day, as romance, as friendship, as intellectual insight
or epiphany. We all have those hopes in us, but he lived it relentlessly, ever renewed; it animated
his European wanderings, it animated his desire never to end the conversation, it animated his
interest in what surprising next thing might come from a student's first reading of Plato, from the
exigencies of a seminar, from nature, from art. I said of him, to him, that "he loved not wisely,
but too well," like Othello, and I said that from a place of deep sympathy and shared,
unreasonable hopes; I have thought of that phrase often since his passing. That edge of
glistening, romantic hope married to such a rigorous intellect was ... dynamite. As his friend, it
was hard to keep the faith, hard not to disappoint, like Prince Hal with Fal staff, hard not to be the
first one to blink, to give up on the quest and return to ... life, to the demands of the day. But
Jonathan was always ... there ... waiting, ready ... there on the far side of all of everyday life,
ready to renew the quest, to forgive all, if we could just go again straight to the heart of things.
He was larger than life, he was Falstaff (which I intend and he took as the highest praise) - his
ideas and words, his wit, his perpetual youth, his incandescence, will stay with many of us who
were blessed to get close to him, to travel with him, in all senses. With a gratefu l heart, I today
mourn the passing, but celebrate with abundant gratitude the life, of a great teacher, the rarest of
friends, and a bright, restless soul who illuminated the world for me and many others, one with
whom I shared so many adventures, adventures that are the stuff of life.
-

J. Walter Sterling

�Williatn Byrd
(c.1539-1623)

Ave verum corpus

(

Published by

:-«. Aoede Consort :-«.
Troy, New York
Copyright© 2012 Dan Foster, Aoede Inc.
Edition may be freely distributed,
duplicated, performed or recorded.
Please give credit.

________________________________________.

( \_, .._ www.AoedeConsort.org

Aoede@AoedeConsort.org

�Ave verum Corpus

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0 [Iesu] dulcis! 0 [Iesu] pie! 0 Iesu fili Marire.
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                    <text>Cemetery Thoughts
Peter Kalk:avage
28 November 2011
"Gesang ist Dasein."

Rilke, Sonnets to Orpheus (3)

I remember my first encounter with Valery's Le cimetiere marin. Like all first-time
readers, I was baffled by the poem's dense imagery and its curious blend of mysticism
and intellect. The language was obscure, as were the transitions from line to line, and
from stanza to stanza. But the intensely metaphysical-mystical aspect of the poem
strongly attracted me, along with its stunning formal perfection, play of sounds and
seductive rhythms. Over the years I have grown closer to the poem and have learned a
great deal from it about what a great poem is.
The epigram from Pindar's Pythian Ode II, addressed to Hieron of Syracuse, may be
regarded as Valery's note to self: "Do not, dear soul, eagerly pursue deathless life, but
exhaust the resource that is within your means [emprakton]." The French poet here joins
the Greek poet in urging his "dear soul" -the soul he loves and which he seeks to keep
clear of danger-to resist the temptation of longing for immortality. He will inure his
soul against eros, as it appears in Plato's Symposium and Phaedrus. The poem's overt
anti-Christian teaching must be combined with this critique of Plato and the philosopher's
"supersensible world." The poem, in its own way, is in league with Hegel's ideabrilliantly displayed in "Force and the Understanding" -that there is only one world. The
world of appearance, Erscheinung, is the only world that is. For Valery, this identity is
not dialectical in Hegel's sense: there is no identity between time and conceptual

�unfolding. In the end, the thought of the poem is much closer to that of Heidegger and his

Sein-zum-Tod.
The Roman numeral headings are part of the poem and serve to mark time
monumentally. They also emphatically demarcate the stages of the poet's consciousness,
as the poet meditates, enraptured, on the play of images that are before him: the glittering,
beguiling surface of the sea and the human artefact, the cemetery, which reminds the poet
of his mortality and of the attempt to transcend mortality through various sorts of dreams
and illusions, both pagan and Christian. The Roman numerals are imposingly classical.
They recall the grandeur of an empire that is now only an abiding memory.
A 614 rhythm pervades the whole. It is present in the IO-syllable line (4+6), and in the
24 stanzas (the poem is six-by-four), which seem to be in 6 groups of 4. The 6/4 rhythm
recalls the French dance known as courante- "running" or "coursing." The number 24
represents the elements of the Greek language, the books of Homer, the hours of a day,
and no doubt much more.
The Roman numerals go with another prominent aspect of the poem: the abundance of
Latinate words like edifice, altitude, terrestre, to name a few. We must be careful not to
breeze past these deliberate Latinisms, which are embedded in modern French (and
English). They are part of the word-image world and echo of antiquity the poet means to
conjure. Their sound, their look on the page, and their historical resonance affirm the
poet's austere anti-romantic stance. They also suggest, to our modern ears, a scientific
detachment from the human-all-too-human-the objective stance of a soul that braces
itself for the irrefutable facticity of Dasein or what is inescapably there.

2

�I

"This tranquil roof, where doves (or pigeons) walk." The first line immerses us in
perplexing symbols. It is not "the" or "a" tranquil roof but this one, ce-the roof that is
there, now. The poet beholds, and in reading the poem we are one with his beholding.
Reality is dream here: the sea-surface is not a roof, but it looks like one; the little boats on
the water are not birds, but they look like birds. The world is the world of representation,
the world of potent revelatory symbols. To read the poem, we must give ourselvesyield-to this receptive dreamy mood that will reveal, at times, harsh unyielding truths.
The dream-state is also a state of acute awareness, the state in which things usually
hidden from us, or which we hide from ourselves, come to light.
The sea-surface moves but not in a linear fashion. It vibrates, pulsates. We view this
quivering surface, this wave-motion, as framed by the solid objects in our foregroundby the pines (which are ever green, a symbol of eternal life) and by the tombs (the image
of inevitable death). The quivering is not merely visual, in other words, but also eidetic.
The sea quivers between the poles of life and death. As we shall see, it contains these
poles in its dialectical nature, its unity of opposites.
It is high noon or, as the poet calls it, Midi le juste. It is the time of day when the sun

achieves the peak of its arc and divides this arc into two equal parts-equitably,justly. At
high noon there is no escape from the burning light-the truth-that descends on sea and
cemetery alike. One thinks of Joseph Conrad's statement that his goal as a writer of
fiction was "to render the highest possible justice to the visible universe." Conrad
obviously did not mean that he was interested in theodicy, in justifying the world. He
meant rather that his vocation was not to flinch; it was to capture in writing the world as

3

�it is and as it appears, in defiance of all wishful thinking. The composer-god is not a
being but a state or condition, the condition of Midi le juste. The Sun, if we may call it
that, com-poses or puts together a cosmic scene by means of fire: fire is the element here
of divine demiurgy, the fire of creation. But the scene is composed in another way too: it
is the serene godlike composure and peace of a settled way of things-a way that abides.
The scene inspires this very state in the thinker-poet who beholds, whose toit already
hints at the intimate bond between outer world and inner world (tai)-between the
composed-ness of the scene and the godlike composure of the theoros, the one who looks
on thoughtfully. The sea undergoes composition out of fire. To call it "the sea, the sea" is
true to the appearances. The repetition, the rhythm and music of the line, is the
appearance in the poem itself of the undulating sea-surface-and also the poet's moving
in sync with it. A wave indeed has a linear component: it travels. But its periodicity is a
kind of rest: the laws of nature that govern oscillation are the "look of eternity" that
shines through the turbulent world and stabilizes it. One perceives this lawfulness in the
eternal return of waves: the visible music of Same in Other.
All this the poet sees and in seeing thinks. "O," he says-and the exclamation, the
affect of wonder and passionate openness to the whole, resounds through the poem. It
recalls Valery's statement that all lyric poetry "is the development of an exclamation."
Indeed, the poem is full of exclamation points, the first of which occurs right after the
line "La, mer, la mer, toujours recommencee!'' There is thought,pensee, and there is re-

com-pense afterwards. The I thinks and is gratified, at peace with having thought, with
intellectually having seen. The recompense is sweet payback for the act of thinking.

Penso, in Latin, is to weigh, also to counterbalance in an act of justice. (Think of

4

�"compensate.") It is also to weigh in one's mind, to ponder or consider. Here pensee is
godlike, as the poet, in response to the gift-image of the divine poetry of world-making,
identifies with the gods, who contemplate and are calm. The poet, in beholding the
expanse of glittering undulating action (the flash of the whole's beguiling surface), is
compensated for his thought by a godlike peace: he beholds, in a privileged dream of the
mind, the composure and calm of Olympian theoria. The last line of the stanza-Q'un
long regard sur le calme des dieux!-beautifully captures, in its lulling lingering sound,

the state of prolonged godlike peace.
But later (and inevitably), thought will become the thought of the mortal human that
suffers the fate of mortal self-consciousness. The poet will become pensive and
melancholy. His pensee will become grave, ponderous, and oppressive, as he descends
from the glittering surface of eternal shining-forth (Spinoza's natura naturans) to the
humiliation of imperfection, limit, and death.

II
The poem as a whole reads like the revelation of (anti-Christian) mysteries: the secrets of
change. The poem starts high: with images of godlike peace. And yet the fascinating
tremble of the glittering whole must contain death: for a spark to appear, a spark must
die. Scintillation is a perpetual life-out-of-death. This is the "pure work" of stanza II. The
flashes look like thousands upon thousands of diamonds. But they cannot be diamondhard. To use Spinoza's terms, they are passing modes in the great sea of substanceNatura as the god who constantly appears in boundless effulgence. Already in II, the poet

is aware that surface means surface of what is not the surface, the surface of a concealed

5

�depth. This is the abyss: the sea as both infinite expanse and infinite depth. It is not "the"
sun but "a" sun that reposes. Following Heraclitus-"the sun is new each day"-the poet
is true to how the world appears. It is as though the sun died every day and was every day
created anew: its etemality is eternal rebirth. The sun seems to rise up out of the abyss
and sink back down into it. Also, to call the sun un soleil saves the appearance of motion
that has been suspended. The poet is experiencing the Sun not as the body that appears to
move, or the object of scientific theory (sun as revolving body or body around which we
revolve), but as this burning light-source that is there right now in the scene, as if in a
painting, and that seems in the privileged moment of high noon to hover and cease to
move. In the poet's experience, which the poem invites us to share, the Sun is a
revelatory wonder-inspiring symbol.
Why are the ouvrages pure? Perhaps because they are the sheer flashing forth from.
their first principle: they are not altered in any way, not mixed and corrupted by
consoling myths of origination. Nature is, in a sense, the true and only God-Nature not
as effect (natura naturata) but as "eternal cause," as infinite productivity and being-atwork (natura naturans).
Time scintillates rather than marches on. This is because the poet is seeing an image
of the whole of all things sum.med up. In his godlike (and ironic) lookout point on the
hilly cemetery, he is above it all, at least for now. Le Temps scintille et le Songe est
Savoir: "Time scintillates and the Dream. is to know." Two senses are at work here in the
second half of this provocative concluding line. In the first, the dream. is to know because
the hum.an soul, in its eros, longs to know the absolute, to see what the gods see. The
philosophic intellect gazes at the phenomenal world and is tempted to go beyond it, to the

6

�noumenal res ultimae or "things-in-themselves." This is the ultimate Dream of Man, the
butterfly that Man chases without ever catching. But in another, more positive sense, the
poet's dream-state, which appears wondrously as a divine gift (a sort of pagan grace), the
truth that is appearance is revealed-not to discursive reasoning or philosophy but to
poetic intuition and receptivity to the play of images. Time may be said to scintillate only
from this divine perspective that regards things sub specie aeternitatis (Spinoza again).
Otherwise, from the ordinary finite perspective of thinghood, time marches on.
This fmal line, Le Temps scintille et le Songe est savoir, has special weight, as if it
were the culmination of the previous lines in the stanza. The capitals highlight Temps and
Songe, give the words universal stature, and also cause them to be intimately paired.

Time is time that is summed up, seen from the eternal (or apparently eternal) vantage
point; and songe is not any dream but rather this privileged Dream that is a state of poetic
cognition.

III

This is a truly beautiful stanza, breathtaking in fact in its sound, rhythm, and imagery.
Yvor Winters singles it out for special praise, as though to say: "Now that's poetry." Note
the hypnotic effect of the repetition of parallel grammatical structures-the wave-like
flow of appositions. And not a complete sentence to be found! No main verb.
The treasure is "stable." That is, it is solidly, dependably there-a structure. It is
lasting-the source and fund that is never exhausted and never to be budged. It is a
certain kind of structure-a temple or structure for the gods. Simple-yes, unadorned
with artifacts of human sentiment and consolation and therefore truthful. The fire-

7

�composed sea-surface, the dream-image of the whole, is a fitting temple for the goddess
of wisdom-a temple of Minerva. It is not a mass of water but a mass of calm: a massive
condition or state. We can see the glittering sea-roof; it is visible. But what is visible is,

again, not water, not a thing, but reserve. Reserve is a source and place of storage but
also a condition. To be reserved is to be discrete, to have one's inner state composed and
held in check. There are depths within, but they are discretely covered, kept secret, by the
glittering surface. The simple Greek temple stands in sharp contrast with the cemetery's
symbols of Christian consolation-with non-pure, non-simple adornment.
The water, Eau, is also an eye, Oeil-the lens-shaped body of water that the poet
beholds. It is supercilious because it evinces the gesture or affect of a raised eyebrow or
supercilium. This imagined expression of ironic disdain goes with the images of purity,
simplicity, reserve and Olympian aloofness. The poet addresses this Eye or shiny haughty
surface as something that guards within it sleep under a veil of flame. The shiny surface
connotes the daylight world of consciousness. But beneath (ah, beneath!) there is "so
much sleep" (the sheer amount is wondrous), so much potency that is down there below
the conscious world-the world of unconscious, unsounded depth.
The poet continues this sequence of mystical-seeming appositions, as he goes from
treasure to temple to mass to reserve to water to eye to--silence! "O my silence," that is,
"O that which is within me that is deeper than my most brilliantly conceived words! That
which 'sleeps,' buried beneath my words and my intentions! This is my pure potencywhat has not yet risen, and may never rise, to the level of consciousness and language."
Edifice in the soul: the word edifice is one of those deliberate Latinisms with which the
poem abounds. It is a fussy learned word, which means originally the making (facio) of a

8

�temple (aedes). The sea is a kind of undulating never-failing structure made of flashes
and foam. Note that the poet has refrained from thinking of the sea as watery or wet: for
now, sight alone matters. The poet sees himself, the edifice that is himself, in the edifice
that is the sea, with its shining rooftop and its dark Underneath. The poet has built
himself up over the course of years. He has absorbed, and even enhanced, what we call

culture. He embodies the House of Culture (Bildung) that has been built up over the
course of centuries. Much of the poem is, indeed, about the poet's record of an
experience in which inner and outer mirror each other--each other's structures, each
other's truths, each other's play of divine Up Here and mortal Down There.
The mais, "but," is important. The poet has been reminded of his inarticulate, perhaps
inarticulable, depths-the "silence" that is the unfathomable mysterious source and
foundation of his brilliant light-filled words, his glittering, rhythmically undulating

poiemata or "makings." The poet must be imagined as peering down into himself, as if
from a height: he is experiencing his depth from a height. The mais brings him back up to
his surface: "Yes, I am an abyss, like this seascape in front of me. And yet this Dark, this
Silence, is crowned with a glittering surface-like my poems, which somehow emerge
from the Down There that is also my Not Yet." Both together-abyss and surface, the
Dark Down There and the Bright Up Here-form the edifice that is a source of the poet's
abiding wonder. Tait here is experienced as Toi.

IV

The word "temple" derives from tempus, time. "Temple of Time" is an etymological
spelling out, a lesson for mortals about the unity of the divine and the deathbound. The

9

�temple to Minerva was the glittering sea-surface. But now a metamorphosis occurs, as the
image shifts-the poet's meditation shifts-from sea to cemetery. The cemetery is truly a
temple of time, that is, the sanctified solidly present home of mortality. The monuments
endure and are made of stone, but each proclaims to those of unclouded mind: "It is a
stone-like lasting truth that we all die because change rules the whole."
The cemetery is summed up in the feeling-filled exhalation we call a sigh (soupir). It
is the affect of mortal self-consciousness as it contemplates the last release of breath and
the final destination. To think of death is to go down into our abyss. We each carry a
personal grave within ourselves in our dark, pre-representational self-consciousness. To
reflect on ourselves, on our interior, is to go down into ourselves, to retreat from the
daylight world of representation and the consoling aspect of solid thinghood. The poet
mounts to this "pure point." Physically, he had to climb a hill to be where he is now,
sitting in a raised cemetery that overlooks the sea. But his soul also mounts to the truth
that surrounds and pervades him. The poet settles into this truth of death and grows
accustomed to the cemetery-mode, as though it were a rarefied ether that required more
than human lungs. He is surrounded, he says, by "my sea-outlook." The poet is one with
the objective truth that reveals itself. He is keenly aware of himself as this individual here
at this time in this place and is justly proud of his ascent to the divine above-it-all
perspective that he now enjoys. He refers to his "supreme offering to the gods." No doubt
this refers to his godlike creativity-his writing of poems, like this one. The scintillation
has generative force: it suffuses the whole place, the whole altitude or lofty state to which
the poet has accustomed himself, with a "sovereign disdain." Although in a cemetery,
where once living beings descend into the earth, the poet experiences the place as one of

10

�godlike recognition, where, as we have seen, dream is knowledge.

v
The poet shifts from the cemetery-temple to the profound and intimate bond between
pleasure and death. Pleasure, delight, is produced in the act of consumption. The eating of
fruit is, of course, a chemical transformation in which something Other than me becomes
the Same as me in the act of eating-assimilation. But the poet is interested in another
feature of this common act. We eat because we desire. But what do we desire? Not only
sustenance but also pleasure and gratification. Fruit is juicy, sweet and satisfying-a
fitting symbol of life itself. It delights, like the sound of the delicious line: Comme le fruit

se fond en jouissance (the favorite line of students in a Valery preceptorial I once led).
But the delight is born only when the fruit is destroyed, consumed. We think here of
Hegel's notion of desire (Begierde)-negativity, the drive to negate what is Other. The
cemetery is the place of preserved absence: the once-living beings have been consumed
by their fire of life. Their form has been turned into their absence, as the poet will soon
remind us-a fruitful absence that feeds the surrounding grass, plants and trees. This is
the implied connection between stanzas IV and V. We are the always-consumed fruit of
the Whole. We are being urged to think that somehow we are to the cosmos what fruit is
to our faculty of taste, that the cosmos gathers delight from our vanishing form.
In the curious chain of ever-changing images, the poet moves from fruit to smoke-

another form of absence (and of exhalation). He drinks in, breathes in, his "future
smoke," future fumee. The sound captures the fizzle of out-going fire. This future smoke
is life after it has gone up in flames as a natural result of the life-process. Again, this

11

�seems to recall Heidegger's Sein-zum-Tod. The smoke image is combined with the sound
of the waves as they hit the shore: it is the cosmos singing its endless song of change,
beautifully caught in the musically shushing sound of the French changement. The sky or
heaven, the great Ouranos, sings to the poet's consumed soul. The transformation of form
into absence, life into death and cosmic renewal, is the music of the whole. It is not the
soul music of the Timaeus, with its eternal form-like ratios.

VI

We dwell with the sky, which the poet addresses as though it were a god. The sky
combines beauty and truth in its song of change. "Look at me, who changes!" This is
both confession and boast, as the poet puts himself into the light of truth. The pride to
which he refers recalls the earlier suggestion of the poet as a being committed to and in
the grip of intellectual activity. As maker and thinker, the poet is godlike, but there is also
a "strange or unaccustomed laziness," that is, non-activity, non-actuality. Non-actuality,
yes, but "full of power or possibility." In the wake of (apres) all the poet's proud
productivity and sleep-like potency, the poet "abandons himself' to the sunlit place of the
dead. He gives himself up resolutely to everything that the light is and illuminates. The
reference to the poet's "shadow," which is also of course his Shade, is stunning. He sees
his shadow because the sun strikes his body, which, being opaque, turns light to dark,
prevents the light from going straight through him. Shadow becomes symbol once it is
cast on the gravestones: it is the poet's future "smoke" and "shade"-his future union
with the dead. The quivering, frail movement of this shadow tames the poet by schooling
his fierce pride of life, his productive potency and his will to stay integral and individual.

12

�Frail movement masters human will and human pride, however strong.

VII
The poet's soul is exposed to the torches of the solstice, that is, to the high point of the
sun's annual arc. This conspires with high noon, the high point of the sun's diurnal arc, to
intensify the force and violence of the sun as focus or burning point. The poet both
endures and supports (se soutient) the "admirable justice of the light with pitiless
weapons." The light is not a god who loves man. It is Apollo, the god without pity whose
arrows pierce as they illuminate. As my mother used to say when she told me something
she knew I didn't want to hear, "The truth hurts." Yes, sometimes it does. And some
endure the hurt of the pitiless Light, while others cover it up with consoling myths about
the best of possible worlds and a timeless Beyond.
The poet stands on the side of deadly Apollo: he seconds the piercing rays that destroy
illusion and preserve "justice" by showing things to be exactly as they are. The poet is
acknowledging his place within the Whole. Indeed, he has a new pride: a mirror's pride!
"I give you back pure [notice the justice-word "render"] to your original place [that is,
your origin]." Why pure? Because the poet does not flinch and does not mythologize or
corrupt. He takes it, as it were, like a man. But he also acknowledges that in thus taking
it, he fulfills what would otherwise be left unfulfilled: the Whole' s awareness of itself
(the self-consciousness of Apollo). "Regard yourself!" he exclaims. That is, "Behold
yourself face to face." The poet is a shadow being. We already know that. But his
shadow-nature is necessary to the Whole, integral to the structure or edifice of the Whole.
This idea is new to the poem's unfolding. If the Apollo-source is to be one with itself, if it

13

�is to reflect itself and be fully circular and all-embracing, it needs an opaque surface. The
poet is that surface. His opacity, his shadow nature, which includes everything that makes
him non-divine and mortal, fulfills a cosmic function. The world, as we later hear, is the
Great Diamond, which, like all diamonds, has its fault line. Imperfection is not the result
of man's Fall. On the contrary, imperfection-ontological evil-is woven into the very
fabric of the Whole. Creation is the fall. This idea is made explicit in Valery's Serpent
poem, where the biblical Serpent (imagined as a sophisticated French seducer, dandy and
metaphysician) champions gnosticism and sings the praises of Non-being.
I cannot leave the stanza without remarking on the perfect sound of its final line, in
which the poet has captured in words the garbled, opaque character of his inner being:

d'ombre une morne moitie.

vm
Light, so prominent in the preceding stanzas, now vanishes, as the poet descends into his
dark interior, a descent induced by the meditation on the sea. He sounds his depths, which
resound in the lightless world of pre-representational self-consciousness. Sound leads the
way, as the poet accumulates Hegel-sounding terms of self-reference: "O for me alone, to
myself, in myself." He travels backward, as it were, from the bright sea-surface of his
poetic words and the world of representation to the pre-posited dark Inner that is the
wellspring and living heart of the poem. He puts himself in the very moment of poetic
unfolding: pre-creation. He is between the void of non-being and the "pure event" of
poetic discovery (that next word, that next line, that next image). The poem will be his
grandeur, but it is not there yet: it is still a house-a-building. The poet has placed himself

14

�into the very temporality and Dasein of the poem itself, which has a source and a living
heart. He waits. He cannot will the next word, the next line, the next image into being. As
Nietzsche tells us, a thought comes when it wants to.
The poet's Inner is a vast container or cistern-bitter like the sea, somber like the
cemetery. Bitter because it is the nothing that is the self, somber because it is a depth one
goes down into (like a grave). The future of the poem is also the future of the "poem" that
is the rest of the poet's mortal life. What will come out of the hollow that is my self?
Who knows! The inner cistern is in any case a sort of echo chamber in the soul. With
what does it resonate? With the poet's pure unpredictable potentiality-an "always future
hollow," that is, a depth that is truly pro-fond or has its bottom (fond) always ahead of
itself (pro). Heraclitus again comes to mind: "You would in your going never traverse the
boundaries of the soul, so deep is its logos."

IX

The sea is a "false captive of the foliage." From the poet's visual perspective, the sea is
framed, contained, by various tree branches. But it is not really contained: it transcends
all frames and contains all things. The golfe or abyss "eats away" the thin fence-work: it
is a golfe mangeur. No doubt this is because of the diffraction of the reflected light. But it
also refers to the whole as that which ultimately devours all boundaries, which are, in the
end, thin and weak. Again, not really a being but an all-embracing condition (of change),
the sea as image of the whole contains even what is long past.
On intimate terms with the sea, the poet interrogates it dreamily: Do you know? That
is: Do you have within you? The poet closes his eyes, perhaps not all the way. As we

15

�know, this act increases the effect of dreaminess, blurring, diffraction. The secrets are
things hidden from the poet's eyes: he cannot see beneath the dazzling sea-surface. Also,
he is thinking of the mystery that is his total self: his body, his brow, the thought behind
the brow. This thought, the poet's fascination with the Whole, draws him to this "bony
place." It is, as it were, the inevitable encounter of spirit and skull. The glimmer of the
sea mirrors the glimmer of his thought: the sparkle "thinks there" of his absent ones. The

mes here does not refer to the poef s personal dead but rather to all the absent things that
are in the poet's mind and have become intimately "his." He is personally identifying
with their absence, which he experiences as an eternal vanishing.

x
The poet reflects further on the connection between sea and cemetery. The cemetery is
enclosed, sanctified (ultimately not by a Church but by the truth-revealing Sun), and full
oflight-energy. The Latinate "terrestrial" gives an objective, scientific dignity to the
place that is "offered up" as a sort of earthy death-gift to the light. The poet likes being
where he now is, in the place lorded over, dominated, by cypresses (trees that are shaped
like flames). The place is "composed of gold," that is, put together and settled by the rays
of Apollo. The hard gravestones "tremble" because of the light that falls on them, graces
them. They too are a symbol of change. And the sea? It is "faithful." As the next stanza
makes clear, the sea is the faithful watchdog that guards the mysteries of change. La mer
sleeps "over" and "above" the gravestones like a good mere. Here we must put ourselves
into the poet's visual perspective, from which the sea, as observed from the raised bit of
earth, appears to be above the tombs. That is how it would look in a painting.

16

�XI
The "splendid bitch," that is, the dormant sea (symbol of abiding change), keeps off the
idolaters. Here, again, we must be careful to note the Latinate splendide, or else the word
becomes superficial: splendid means "shining, glorious." The idolaters are Christians,
and possibly other believers in personal immortality, who would corrupt and darken the
scene and its revelations with wishful thinking and the denial of world and change. The
poet is the "good shepherd," who, in this inverted world, makes sure people do not follow
Christ and his promise of a timeless Kingdom.
With an amazing near-comic irony, the sunlit gravestones become "mysterious
sheep"-mysterious because they guard the mystery of change, the having-been of those
once present who are now absent (as individuals). Tue tombs are ''tranquil," that is, sealike: composed and dignified. The seeming of the tombs, their being as symbols, keeps
away the thought of providence ("prudent" doves), heaven ("empty dreams"), and angels
("curious" because always poking their noses into our lives to see what's going on,
perhaps in order to record it).

XII
"Having come here." A simple beginning to a fascinating stanza, the theme of which
seems to echo Heraclitus: "a dry soul is wisest and best." Tue future is lazy because the
dead aren't going anywhere and have nothing to do: they have no agenda. They are now
perpetually lying down on the job. The insect, the cicada, is precisely formed (net), even
skeletal in its design. It scratches the dryness and makes the sound it makes: it joins the

17

�symphony of the shore's song of change. All is dryness. This is the new idea, the Dry,
which comes after the stanza about the corrupting influence of "wet" sentimental notions
and symbols. The sun is bountiful, a source of life and warmth. But it also dries out and
cooks what it illuminates and warms (recall Baudelaire's carcass poem).
Thanks to the sun, once-juicy beings become desiccated, stripped down, skeletal,
reduced and analyzed into their elements. Here again, the physical mirrors the intellectual
and the unflinching. "Analysis kills." Yes, and in so doing it reveals elemental truth.
Moisture is "received into the air" and becomes "I know not what severe essence." It is
sublimated. "Severe" because strictly reduced, as well as harsh with respect to our
sensibilities, which like to hold on to the individuality and wholeness of self and thing.
Life is "vast" in the Latin sense of the term: not so much expansive as wasted. In another
inverted world of symbols, life, because it is the place of constant desiccation and moistbecoming-dry, is drunk on everything that passes away in this process. It is an orgy of
evaporation, a constant influx of moisture that once was. We recall the fruit and its
disappearing form in the earlier stanza. Life is drunk on absence or non-being, on a
disappearing act that never quits. "Bitterness is sweet, and the mind clear." To the poet's
mind, which supports and seconds the fact and mystery of change-of life as the process
oflife-becoming-death---desiccation is an essential condition oflife's sweetness; and the
mind that can grasp and accept this is "clear," that is, unclouded by sentiment.

XIII

We are at the midpoint of the poem's arc and life, as the poem itself reminds us (Midi lahaut). The dead are hidden well-that is, well taken care of qua dead people-in the

18

�earth. This continues the composite image of watchdog, shepherd and sheep. Now, in
addition to the Dry, we get the Warm. The earth keeps the dead nice and toasty. It keeps
the mystery of change dry (uncorrupted and unsentimental).
Again there is the reminder of the cosmic condition-high noon, when the sun hovers
in a moment of seeming eternity, the Now of terrible revelation and poetic "absolute
knowing." Again the Whole is personified as intellect. We think of the myth in the

Timaeus, where the cosmic sphere resembles a gigantic always revolving, always
thinking head. The cosmic sphere (for that is what the sky looks like) thinks itself as it
sparkles and creates (like the ultimate Poet that it is) and fits itself, is at home with itself.
The Whole is a tete complete, a filled-out or complete head, and a "perfect diadem." The
line scans the same both forwards and backwards, in imitation of the Whole's perfection.
"I am the secret change in you," says the poet. The large theme here is the one that
pervades the poem: the poet sees in the scene an image and symbol of himself as poet and
thinker. Why secret? Because of the poet's mortal opacity, his participation in murk and
muddle. The poet completes the perfect head and diadem by virtue of his imperfection,
his otherness with respect to divine effulgence.

XIV
Change is a feature of the whole: there is nothing hidden about it. But the sort of change
that the poet qua human uniquely embodies is his inner changeableness and emotionality:
his fear, repentance, doubt and hesitancy. These are all negative and retreating emotions,
feelings that cause us to feel our limits. "You [the poet addresses the Whole with the
familiar] have only me to contain" all these things. The idea here is that these

19

�imperfections had to exist if there was to be any creation at all (creation is a fall from the
"purity of non-being" [the Serpent poem]). The imperfections had to go somewhere, and
human selfhood was that place. Humanity is the dumping ground for necessary cosmic
imperfection made self-aware. And yet, it is for that same reason the elevation of our
imperfection to the status of a cosmic requirement. This idea seems to derive ultimately
from Plato's Timaeus, where human corruption completes and perfects the cosmic
Animal.
The poet experiences himself as the "fault" of the cosmic diamond, the Whole that
shines forth. Then there occurs one of several ellipses in the poem ( ... ), as the poet shifts,
through the word "but," to the change that is going on underground. There is a whole
race of people down there-not a people determined by age, sex, race, nationality,
personality, etc., but rather a ''vague" people. That is, their outlines are blurred. But also
they are a vagrant people: they wander in the sense that their being is in constant
biochemical transformation. They wander in a "night" "all laden with marble." If they
could look up, their perceived "sky" would be the dark underside of the gravestones, and
there would be no stars or moon! The vague people are constantly ''traveling," migrating,
into the roots of the trees. They have taken their part, taken sides, with the fact of change.
They live change, or are utterly committed to the change-advocates (as opposed to those
who sentimentally resist change). They have taken this side "slowly," that is, in a gradual
process of chemical breakdown and transference of nutrients. Perhaps lentement also
refers to our all-too-human unwillingness to take the side of change, which involves the
dissolution of the individuality to which we desperately cling. But slowly-that is, by and
by-we come to be participants and advocates of change, if not in word then in deed.

20

�xv
Being dead is a congealing. This is another inverted world of symbols. The dead are
reduced and dissolved, yes. But they have also been compacted and concretized into "a
thick absence." This is one of the poem's most amazing images. The thickness is the
material substance of nutriment formed by decomposition. The earthy or red clay has
"drunk" the white kind (bone and whatever marrow it contains). Death is life's way of
recycling life. The decomposing dead and the nutrients they contain are a gift passed on
to the flowers.
But then the poet turns to questions that will lead quickly back to the harsh truth of
change and the evanescence of feeling. "Where are the familiar phrases of the dead, the
personal way of being, singular [or colorful] souls?" Well, they have gone back to their
origin in the Whole and its song of change. This fact is stated with brutal irony: "The
worm wends its way (or files) where tears used to form." The worm of mortality replaces
and triumphs over all mortal care.

XVI
The poet's reflection on the passage of all human things into death continues. He lists the
scenes of youth and its flirtations: "the shrill cries of tickled girls [in flirtation]/ the eyes,
the teeth, the moistened eyelashes/the attractive breast that plays with the fire [of sexual
arousal], the blood [passion] that shines on lips that offer themselves/ the final gifts [that
men want to touch] and the fingers that defend them." All this--not just the beings,
bodies, and parts of bodies, but the whole vibrant scene of lusty youth-goes under the

21

�earth and enters the cosmic j eu or game, the play of coming to be and passing away.

XVII
The poet now turns to himself with the formal or respectfully distant (and ironic) vous.
"And you, great soul-who do you think you are? Do you think yourself, a dignified and
non-silly being, immune to the game of the preceding stanza? Do you have lingering
dreams of immortality, a dream that will no longer have the colors of a mere seeming or
lie, colors that wave and light make here on eyes of flesh? Do you think you will one day,
after death, 'see' the Thing-in-Itself and the deathless Ideas of things in their hyperuranian heaven? Do you think, great soul that you are, that you are less mortal than the
tickled girls? Will you sing, write poems, when you are vaporous?" In this last question,
the poet slyly deletes the vous from the quand clause: his future will indeed be a deletion.
Then the poet sides with change: "Go! All flees!" He embraces his mortal fate,
answers his question. His presence, he says, is porous. That is, his presence and beingthere is not solid but full of holes: it is riddled with non-being. He then adds, cryptically,
"holy impatience dies too!" Impatience is the refusal to wait it out, also the refusal to
suffer the change that all things must suffer. "Holy" impatience probably refers to the
Christian holdout who says no to change and refuses to enter into the game, and who is
impatient for immortality. That refusal, in the end, becomes part of the game. It too dies.

XVIII
The rejection of the belief in personal immortality now reaches its peak. Immortality is
"skinny," "black" and "gilded." She is a consoler "frightfully laurelled." The description

22

�is perhaps prompted by a figure the poet has seen among the monuments. This consoling
mother figure makes of death "a maternal breast." She represents "the beautiful lie" and
the "pious ruse." We all recognize death and yet we all (or most of us) reject it: the empty
skull and the eternal grin (death's last laugh)! The stanza is explicit and needs little
commentary. Making Lady Death into a mother figure recalls these lines from Wallace
Stevens' Sunday Morning: "Death is the mother of beauty, mystical/Within whose
burning bosoms we devise/Our earthly mothers waiting, sleeplessly."

XIX
This stanza goes much deeper than the preceding one, which is bluntly dismissive in its
tone and language. The peres profonds are our ancestors, who were also our teachers and
guides. They are deep down now but once may have been profound in the other sense of
the term. In any case, they are now "uninhabited heads," heads with nobody home. Their
profundity is now only their being buried deep in the earth. Indeed, the poet says
addressing them directly: "You are the earth, and you confound our steps." Once, our
profound fathers guided our steps. But now their gravestones just make walking harder,
just as their death is a stumbling block for us, as we make our way through life. Note
again that the poet suggests a personal deletion by suppressing the implied subject vous.
The profound fathers are eaten by physical worms as they lie "under the table" of the
graveyard. But the true worm, which eats away at every still living self-consciousness, is
busily at work above the table. We who live on the surface of the earth are on the table of
life as food for this gnawing worm. We are devoured more deeply, more truly than the
profound fathers. This true worm-the ver that is verum-is "irrefutable." That is, he is

23

�an undeniable part of human experience: the abiding essence of man as selfconsciousness and desire. This worm in the self-.which is the self qua self-referringlives on life (that is, on the living). He never takes a day off: il ne me quitte pas.

xx
The poet continues to meditate on the Inner Worm. What is its right name? Love of self
(amour-propre)-or maybe hate of self? The hate reminds us of the verb remordre: to
experience remorse is to bite oneself back, to punish oneself. The poet observes that the
"secret tooth" of this worm is so close to everything he is and does that it talces on all
names. The statement reminds us of La Rochefoucauld's long maxim on amour-propre,
which pervades our being, takes on many names and lives even in his (apparent) death
and denial. The worm of selfhood is everywhere: its name really doesn't matter. "It sees,
it wants, it dreams, it touches. It likes my flesh." This Worm is so intimately bound up
with me that it even follows me to bed and invades my dream life. There is no getting
away from it, no rest. "I live to belong to this living thing" that constantly feeds on me,
and is me.

XXI
I always like getting to the Zeno stanza, which Valery (with his accustomed cheek)
claims to have thrown into the poem to please the philosopher types. The repetition of
Zeno's name captures the zing of Zeno's argumentative arrows, the brilliance of his
paradoxes. Zeno is from Elea and a student of Parmenides, the philosopher who denied
the reality of motion. Zeno is cruel because he arouses thought only to stop it in its tracks

24

�and kill it. His paradoxes are, simultaneously, birth and death. He stirs us into thought
and then blocks our way. (As Aristotle says somewhere in his Physics, Zeno's paradoxes
are bad for our intellectual digestion: they "block" us.) This too is related to the warning
against every form of immortal longing, not just the Christian form. Philosophy leads to
antinomies and nothing more. It is, in the end, a tragic love affair and instance of Hegel's
Unhappy Consciousness, perhaps best summed up in the critical philosophy of Kant. In
any case, the arrow in this stanza is both the arrow in the famous paradox and the arrow
that is the paradox, the logistical zinger. The arrow quivers, flies-and yet does not fly!
Zeno is the enemy of change. He sings a beguiling song that tries to counter the song of
change in stanza V. The intellectual ring of the famous paradox gives birth to me, wakes
me up intellectually, and the arrow that is the argument kills me, aborts my effort to think
about the world of change and to make progress.
From the Eleatic enemy of change the poet now returns to the sun. He exclaims:
"Ah!" This "Ah!" is not a continuation of the wonder the poet felt earlier. The role of the
sun within the poet's ever-shifting meditation has changed. The poet has caught it in the
act of changing, seen its potential for distraction-and Zeno has brought this to light. The
"Ah!" expresses a truth just discovered about a familiar but until now hidden object. The
sun does everything we have seen in the poem: it is fiery demiurge and cosmic composer.
But it is also a great tempter-the tempter (see the Serpent poem). The sun suspended at
high noon seems to stand still in a moment of absolute knowing and intellectual stasis.
But its shining there, its holding out the prospect of changeless Being (Eleaticism), is in
fact a great shadow in the mind. It moves like the shadow of a tortoise for the soul. It is
glory-seeking Achilles frozen, crippled, in a moment of non-action and thereby falsified.

25

�Philosophic thought has robbed Achilles of his fire-like glory, which he can achieve only
if he is allowed to stride forward-to his death. In sum, Homer is more truthful than
Zeno, or Plato. He does not reduce motion, especially tragic motion, to a changeless Idea.

XXII
The poet rebels. Zeno has made him rebel. Momentarily charmed by the prospect of
changeless Being as it gleams in the sun-god as eternal symbol, the poet utters a decisive
(that is, a cutting) "Non, non!" He commands himself to get up, to get on with life, to
move into "the next era." This is striking language for an individual. It is as though the
poet feels in himself the need for a whole age of humanity to move into its future, to
break free of ideas that constrain its bond with temporal unfolding and possibilities that
have yet to emerge. "Break," he tells his body, "this pensive [or ponderous] form."
Rodin's gnarled Thinker comes to mind. "Breathe in," he tells his breast, "the birth of the
wind." The poet, held in a seemingly timeless meditation on life, death, and self,
experiences a rebirth, a resurgence of the primordial will to live. The stanza suggests, or
perhaps asserts, that thought and life are irreconcilable opposites, that thought (pens er) is
inevitably melancholic and static (ponderous or weighty). Thought is a spell in need of
eventually being broken. It is the ultimate Siren song that charms and distracts
intellectual non-Christians like our poet.
A freshness of the wind restores the poet's soul, which has been stolen away by the
Muse of eventually morbid contemplation. "O salty potency!" the poet exclaims, as he
exhorts himself (and us) to run into the wave, that is, to stop gazing meditatively at the
water and actually get wet and lively!

26

�XXIIT

Just as the previous stanza began with "no," this one begins with "yes"-as if to say,
"Yes, you beguiling one, I too am under your spell, which is undeniable." "Yes! Great
sea gifted with deliriums." We have gone from the sun to an exhortation to run into the
water, and then back to the beguiling sea-surface, which now, in light of the previous
stanza, has become a mythic monster, the Hydra. The "great sea" causes delirium, a
profound confusion of mind-a bad sort of drunkenness and obsession (hence the Pindar
quote). The surface is like the smooth undulating skin of a panther and a Greek
horseman's cloak, or chlamys, riddled with thousands upon thousands of"idols of the
sun," that is, idols of immortality. The image recalls Bacon's four Idols but here no doubt
refers to the various theories of philosophers. It recalls Schopenhauer's observation that
"we find philosophy to be a monster with many heads, each of which speaks a different
language" (The World as Will and Representation I, 17). (Once Valery admitted that
thinking, for him, was a kind of idol or false god, but the best idol he knew.) The by now
familiar use of inversion reappears: the numberless glittering lights on the sea-surface are
really black holes, pits in the fabric of becoming, into which aspiring minds fall (compare
Melville's obiter dictum about how many minds have fallen into "Plato's sweet head" in

MobyDick).
The poet perceives the sea at this point of his meditation as "absolute hydra," that is,
the Water-Monster of Absolute Knowing, or rather the desire for this knowing (which, as
Kant asserted, reason can never possess but can never stop seeking). The Hydra is drunk
on its blue flesh: it constantly eats itself, is turned on itself in an act of eternal self-

27

�reflection and self-consumption (again Rodin's gnarly thinker). The poet addresses the
Water-Monster with the familiar: ''you who bite back [Quite remords] your glimmering
tail in a tumult like silence." It is the image of infinite desire that feeds on desire and
never transcends itself. It is the "place" where the silence of eternity is indistinguishable
from mere noise. In gazing at the tranquil roof, one might think that the sea is summed up
in the calm of the gods and in the knowing silence of repose. But that is not the whole
truth. This silence, from the perspective that has now emerged, is a violent tumult that is

like silence.

XXIV
Stanza XXIII is the only stanza that does not end with a strong mark of punctuation. It
ends with a comma, whose "dynamic quality" pushes on into the final stanza of the
poem, as the poet turns away from the Water-Monster of infinite desire to the wind of
rebirth and renewed life. The wind rises, says the poet: "one must try to live!" He does
not say that one must live but that one must try to. Life is an effort, an act of will or
resolve. One must try to live in the face of all that has been revealed and experienced in
the poem. High noon is a privileged moment, as is the human act of solitary
contemplation. But it is still only a moment of life, not the whole. And so, at the end of
this deep and complex experience, the poet reenters the realm of life and human feeling.
He experiences the return of time as a process of moving forward.
The wind, which is prominent here, is the very life-breath of the Whole that saves the
poet from melancholic meditation. The wind (penuma and spirit) opens and closes the
notebook in which the poet has been writing: it infuses the pages with a kind of life,

28

�corporeal life. The wave now is experienced not as moving on eternally but as finding its
welcome climax on the rocks: it issues forth in a spray, as we may imagine, of delight (an
echo of the earlier fruit). The poet addresses his pages full of brilliant words-words,
which, like the sea-surface, have a rhythm of their own. "Fly away, pages all dazzling!"
he says, as if the book had become a great bird now ready to take on new life and face the
public. He exhorts the waves to break on the shore, and the waters to break the tranquil
roof that for so long held and fascinated him He wants the surface to be tranquil no more.
And he imagines the little boats as now pecking at and penetrating the sea-surface, no
longer merely walking on it. The dream of knowing that the sea has evoked must in the
end be dispelled through a combination of effort and yielding. A poem, once written,
must at some point be given up ...

Summary
The poem is an artfully composed record of a human experience. It both expresses that
experience and makes a statement about it. The poem invites us to be part of the poet's
inspired dream-state. It encloses a sort of intellectual hypnosis in which truths otherwise
not sufficiently felt and known come to light in a privileged moment of revelationpoetic cognition. The poet is at first, and for a while, under the spell of high noon. He
meditates on the mirroring of Self and World, Poetic Composition and Cosmopoiesis, and
the likeness between Poet and God as Demiurge. Pondering the brilliant surface of things
leads to pondering what is beneath: the surface reveals that there is a depth, and the poet,
resolved to endure the Truth-Ray of pitiless Apollo, goes down into that depth-and
down into himself. He encounters the pure potency that is the mysterious source of his

29

�godlike brilliance. Tiris is the resonant Non-Being he carries within himselfand which
presages his inevitable Non-Being in death. This meditation and self-encounter brings out
and emphasizes the ponderous nature of penser or thought. The poet is not pure intellect,
and he is not yet dead. He must therefore break the spell of thought and resolve to come
back to life. He must regain the human perspective and recover the exuberance and nonthought that is life.
He must also stop writing the poem. He must let go of this dazzling bird so that it may
fly out of his hands, out of his control, and into the world. At some point, pure potencyfor a poet or maker-must die as potency. It must give way to the poem that has a life of
its own: it must yield to actuality. A poem, as a finished product, is oddly at odds with
change or process, even though it can, as in the present case, brilliantly capture in its
musical way movement as a series of psychical states.
What, then, is a poem in the cosmic song of change? What does its perfection and
finish tell us about our striving to be more than process, more than change? Is a poem, in
the end, inescapably the manifestation of our longing to be-immortal?

30

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